Security

By Haroon Aremu Abiodun

April is traditionally a month of pranks and laughter. But in Nigeria, the joke was on no one except, perhaps, on a nation whose security architecture is under siege from terrorists, bandits, and kidnappers.

Far from fearing our security operatives, criminal elements across the country displayed shocking audacity, reminding us that the battle for Nigeria’s soul remains bloody and unresolved.

In a horrific display of lawlessness, notorious bandit leader Bello Turji celebrated Eid in Sokoto by executing kidnapped victims, recording and broadcasting the gruesome act without fear of consequences. Across parts of Katsina, Kaduna, and Zamfara, bandits not only continued their reign of terror but have begun levying taxes and operating parallel governments in areas still supposedly under state control.

Compounding public anxiety, National Security Adviser Nuhu Ribadu made headlines when he advised families of kidnapped victims to “stop paying ransom.” While theoretically sound, the reality is far more brutal. Without swift and credible government intervention, desperate families have no option but to finance their tragedies. Until state forces can decisively rescue captives, this vicious cycle will continue.

In just one month, attacks escalated across Plateau, Kwara, and Benue States, leaving communities in mourning. Boko Haram and ISWAP insurgents resurfaced with deadly ambushes, signalling their continued relevance in Nigeria’s security equation.

April’s bloodshed has revealed operational lapses and a deep strategic and moral crisis. The Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA) must urgently intensify efforts, especially by working discreetly with rescued victims to extract intelligence, boost surveillance systems, and dismantle criminal networks worldwide.

While commendable successes by security operatives, such as rescuing hostages and recovering illegal arms, were recorded, they were dwarfed by the scale of atrocities witnessed within just 30 days.

The Department of State Services (DSS), often criticised and even facing calls for disbandment, must seize this moment to redeem itself. Encouragingly, recent commendations from the Plateau State Government and Governor Uba Sani of Kaduna for the DSS’s contributions to curbing insecurity suggest a glimmer of institutional reliability. Their successful arrests of gunrunners and dismantling of kidnapping syndicates are steps in the right direction.

Notably, the DSS also intercepted a British Army Major in Delta State attempting to smuggle 50 AK-47 rifles and ammunition—a major bust, and a signal that the service can perform under pressure. Their ability to withstand calls for the suspect’s release further strengthens public confidence.

Going forward, DSS and ONSA must strengthen collaboration through real-time joint operations, intelligence sharing, and visible outcomes. The Nigerian Intelligence Agency (NIA) also must integrate its overseas capabilities with ONSA’s domestic strategies. Today’s criminals are sophisticated—our response must be smarter.

Beyond the battlefield, Nigeria’s fight against corruption also demands attention. The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) must intensify efforts with ongoing arrests of internet fraudsters and by pursuing justice in high-profile cases involving figures like Betta Edu and Sadiya Umar Farouq.

Regarding Aisha Achimugu’s case, the EFCC must adhere to due process and uphold its promise to act with diligence and integrity. Recent arrests, including that of Bauchi State Accountant General Sirajo Muhammad Jaja, show the commission is active, but visibility and transparency are critical.

Despite receiving accolades, such as the Government Spokesperson Award and the Courage in Justice and Transparency Award from the Nigerian Human Rights Community, EFCC must do more to recover funds stolen through schemes like CBEX. Collaborating with Interpol to dismantle international fraud networks and prevent future scams using forged EFCC certificates will reinforce the commission’s credibility locally and abroad.

Transparency is the only antidote to growing public cynicism about the Commission’s integrity.

The Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC), though laudably organising programs like its stakeholders’ meeting on accountability in local government, must now transition from talk to action. Corruption within Ministries, Departments, and Agencies (MDAs) remains rampant. A recent ICPC report showed that over 60% of corruption cases involved diverting healthcare funds—a scandal demanding decisive intervention.

April has ended, but the wounds it inflicted are still fresh. If we’ve learned anything, it is that the fear of the Nigerian state must be restored—not with hollow rhetoric, but through coordinated, courageous, and relentless action.

The enemies of Nigeria no longer fear our uniforms, our institutions, or the name “government.”

The time to act was yesterday. Today is already a dangerous gamble. Tomorrow may be too late.

Haroon Aremu Abiodun is a PRNigeria Fellow and author. He can be reached via exponentumera@gmail.com.

By Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu 

To many Nigerians, the security allocations in national budgets often appear inflated. Year after year, billions are allocated to the military, defence procurement, intelligence operations, and internal security initiatives.

Yet, the level of insecurity across the country continues to raise eyebrows. The common question remains: “Where is all this money going?” It is a valid concern.

However, beyond the budget lines and official pronouncements lies a more complex reality—one that is often overlooked by the average citizen. The actual cost of warfare and intelligence operations is not just steep—it is staggering.

Take air operations as an example. Military insiders have long noted that flying an Alpha Jet for a single mission can gulp up to a million naira in aviation fuel alone.

This figure excludes routine maintenance, spare parts, logistics, or crew allowances. Multiply these flights across days and theatres of operation, and it becomes easier to understand why security efforts are financially demanding.

On the ground, the story is similar. Armoured vehicles, patrol vans, and tanks require constant fuelling, often idling for hours during missions. Soldiers deployed to remote areas require food, clothing, and equipment.

Medical support must be on standby, and when fatalities occur, families of the fallen deserve compensation. These are not occasional expenses—they are daily operational necessities.

Yet, beyond the financial weight of military engagement lies an even more fragile dimension: intelligence gathering. In parts of the country, particularly the North East, North Central, and North West, attacks by insurgents and bandits continue with frightening regularity.

People often ask: Why aren’t these attacks being preempted? Where is the intelligence? These questions are justified. Comparisons are frequently drawn to agencies like the FBI or Israel’s Mossad, known for preemptive actions.

But intelligence is no miracle tool. It relies on actionable information—gathered, processed, and relayed with accuracy. In many of Nigeria’s conflict zones, such information is scarce.

Locals often fear reprisals and refuse to share what they know. Rural and forested areas remain difficult to monitor due to the absence of surveillance infrastructure.

Moreover, intelligence work is not the sole burden of the military. It requires seamless coordination among the police, DSS, NSCDC, and even vigilante groups. Where this collaboration falters, intelligence fails.

That is not to absolve our agencies of their failings. Reports of negligence, delayed responses, and poor communication abound. However, these shortcomings, while real, are not insurmountable.

Nigeria urgently needs to rethink its approach to intelligence. There must be fresh investment in surveillance tools, inter-agency communication systems, and the training of personnel in modern techniques.

Citizens, too, must become active partners by volunteering timely and truthful information. This war cannot be won solely by the military. It requires collaboration, from the government to the grassroots.

Technology, including drone surveillance and satellite imagery, must be embraced. But more than anything else, there must be political will to treat intelligence not as a side note, but as the beating heart of our national security strategy.

Balanced expectations are also important. While it is tempting to measure Nigeria’s intelligence systems against those of global powers, such comparisons can be misleading.

Nations like the US and Israel have built theirs over decades with enormous financial commitment. Nigeria, by contrast, is still building its base. Still, quiet victories exist—many of them deliberately kept from the public domain for strategic reasons.

Terror plots have been foiled, camps dismantled, and lives saved through intelligence-led operations. These successes rarely make headlines. What are the failures, the losses, and the anguish they leave behind?

That is why we must keep asking questions—but with an understanding of the context. Accountability, yes. But also support, reform, and renewed trust. National security is not a spectator sport. It is a shared duty.

And if Nigeria is to triumph over its many threats, it must first accept that intelligence, not just guns, is its most potent weapon.

Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu writes from the Centre for Crisis Communication (CCC) in Abuja.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad 

Before the emergence of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration, Nigeria’s security architecture was grappling with deeply entrenched challenges, particularly in the Northwest and Southeast regions. The situation had deteriorated to alarming levels, with criminal elements and secessionist movements establishing a disturbing level of control in certain areas.

In the Northwest, banditry had evolved from sporadic attacks to the full-scale occupation of territories. Vast stretches of land, especially in states like Kaduna, Zamfara, and Niger, fell under the influence of heavily armed groups. The Abuja-Kaduna highway, which was once a vital economic and commuter route, became a perilous stretch, notorious for frequent kidnappings and ambushes. 

The Northwestern security threats extended further, with the Kaduna–Birnin Gwari–Lagos road effectively shut down due to sustained bandit activity. Even commercial life suffered significantly; the Birnin Gwari cattle market, a major hub for livestock trade, was forced to cease operations under the pressure of violence and extortion.

Meanwhile, in the Southeast, the situation was compounded by the secessionist agitation led by the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB). Through fear and coercion, IPOB succeeded in enforcing a weekly sit-at-home directive across several states in the region, paralysing economic activities every Monday. Businesses were shuttered, schools closed, and the freedom of movement was severely curtailed, undermining both governance and development efforts.

This was the grim reality that the Tinubu administration inherited. However, at the heart of the renewed fight against insecurity stands a strategic recalibration: what many now refer to as the “Nuhu Ribadu Formula.” As National Security Adviser, Ribadu brought a fresh, intelligence-driven approach to tackling Nigeria’s security woes. With an emphasis on coordination among security agencies, restoration of public confidence, and targeted offensives against criminal enclaves, his methods have begun yielding tangible results.

While challenges persist, especially in remote and hard-to-reach areas, the difference in tone and trajectory is becoming increasingly evident. The Ribadu-led security strategy has not only focused on reclaiming territory but also on addressing the root causes of unrest, be it poverty, weak governance, or community grievances. It is this multidimensional and proactive approach that may well define Nigeria’s path to lasting peace and stability.

Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, the National Security Adviser, has been pivotal in reshaping Nigeria’s national security framework through a clear and strategic vision built on three foundational pillars.

The first is the carrot-and-stick approach, which balances kinetic (military force) and non-kinetic (dialogue, reconciliation, and development) strategies. This dual-pronged approach acknowledges that not all security threats can be addressed solely through force. By combining targeted military operations with community engagement and deradicalisation efforts, the approach aims to neutralise threats while addressing the root causes of violence.

The second strategy is a shift from rhetoric to action, a deliberate move away from endless briefings and political grandstanding towards concrete, measurable outcomes. Under Ribadu’s watch, security interventions are now judged not by promises, but by performance. The focus is on restoring peace, reclaiming lost territories, and enabling displaced persons to return to their communities.

Third is the promotion of synergy and intelligence sharing among security agencies. Previously plagued by inter-agency rivalry and fragmented operations, Nigeria’s security forces are now operating with improved coordination. Through unified command structures and shared intelligence platforms, responses have become faster, more precise, and increasingly proactive.

These strategies have already begun to yield visible results. The recent resurgence of attacks in Plateau and Benue States, as well as isolated Boko Haram assaults on soft targets in Borno and Adamawa, were swiftly countered using the same framework. Rapid deployment of forces, community-based intelligence, and coordinated operations prevented escalation and restored calm.

Still, the road to full recovery is a gradual one. While the machinery of state security has been retooled, the average citizen may not immediately perceive these gains. Part of the challenge lies in the persistence of outdated or unverified reports in some sections of the media, which can paint a distorted picture of the current realities. Nevertheless, those on the ground, especially in previously hard-hit areas, are beginning to sense a shift.

The “Nuhu Ribadu Formula” is proving to be more than just a tactical adjustment; it is an evolving doctrine that prioritises effectiveness, accountability, and collaboration. With sustained implementation and public support, it could well become the blueprint for enduring peace in Nigeria.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja, zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Prof. Abdussamad Umar Jibia

Some years ago, a group of students from Kaduna state came to my office, lamenting how Muslim elders imposed a Christian candidate on them and rigged him into power. They even told how an Emir and some elders called Islamic scholars and warned them against remonstration in their preachings. “How can we bear this disgrace?” my students were frustrated.

I said, “You can solve the problem and make governance difficult for the imposed Governor”. The young people paid attention, expecting an “academic” solution to their problem. “The Governor cannot rule Kaduna state alone. Since the majority are against him, why not look for and beat up anyone who accepts his political appointment?” I offered.

My students looked at one another and said, “Sir, there will be chaos and mass arrest”. Poor them, they want to bring change, are not happy with what is happening, and are afraid of arrest. “The alternative is to support the unpopular Governor and struggle for your share of the haram”, I finalised the discussion.

In the case of my Kaduna state students, the problem was election rigging, even though there was relative peace in their state, at least up to that time. In the case of Katsina people, it has been killing, kidnapping, rape, stealing, etc. How have the people reacted to the politicians they elected to solve the problem of insecurity? 

Several people have asked why they no longer see my comments on insecurity, and I always reply that I am busy with other things. I am busy, but not too busy to write a few paragraphs to express my opinion. However, it reached a point where I began to ask, as far as insecurity is concerned, who is the culprit? Whom should I write to blame? The Government? The military? The masses?

Going by the advice I gave Kaduna youth, one would expect that no elected politician would have the guts to go to any community ravaged by insecurity in Katsina or nearby states. Unfortunately, that is not the case. I saw people who lost some of their closest relatives to banditry staunchly supporting a politician, whose actions mean that their losses do not matter. Bandits displaced a community, but I saw their youth on social media actively supporting politicians who were giving public money to bandits in the name of the peace agreement.

If you are actively fighting for those victims through writing or interviews, and you offend any politician, you should be ready to get a good beating from some of the banditry victims if that is what would please the politician.

So, whom should I blame? Do the people take no blame? What of the military? Should I write to blame the masses as weak as they are? Should I write to condemn the military as strongly as they are? Should I not be afraid of arrest like my Kaduna students? If I offend the military, and you must surely offend them if you will tell the truth about insecurity, who would bail me out when I am arrested and tagged a troublemaker or any name they decide to give me?

The cheapest people to blame are the politicians. Everybody is against them. Public money is in their hands, and they are spending it on weddings and musicians, just like we witnessed in Katsina. But are all the people criticising them sincere? Would they not do the same if they were in their position? Some of these things were the reason Nigerians voted PDP out ten years ago, and the “saints” they elected are doing the same.

If you are expecting me to continue directing my blame to politicians, you will be disappointed. While they have their fair share of the blame for insecurity, we also have our share as victims. 

The masses should take my advice to the Kaduna youth if they can. They can only beat the politicians or join them. For the politicians, I have no words. Only the masses can deal with them if they take the first side of my advice. For me, I shall keep mum about the military because I am a coward.

For other Nigerians, continue to enjoy yourselves before insecurity reaches your side. I pray it will not.

Prof Abdussamad Umar Jibia wrote via aujibia@gmail.com.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has issued a strong charge to the Nigerian military, urging them to intensify efforts in ending terrorism and banditry while promising improved welfare for troops.  

Speaking to soldiers of the 17 Brigade in Katsina on Friday, Tinubu described the security crisis as a pivotal moment in Nigeria’s history. He called for unwavering resolve in defending the nation’s sovereignty and restoring peace.  

“This is a defining moment,” Tinubu declared. “Nigerians are counting on you to reclaim every inch of our territory. Let the enemies of Nigeria know—their time is up.”  

The President assured troops of better housing, healthcare, timely allowances, and family support. He praised their bravery in combating banditry in Katsina and beyond, stating, “You are the shields of Nigeria, standing between our people and terror.”  

Tinubu’s visit included inaugurating a 24km dual-carriage road and an agricultural mechanisation centre. His message was clear: Nigeria will not surrender to terrorists, and the military will receive full backing to end insecurity.  

“To those who seek to destabilise us,” he warned, “Nigeria will not bow.”

By Dr. Muhammad Sulaiman Abdullahi

There are some few, effortless and simple things, which I have already assured myself that, if they are not confronted and solved squarely and completely in Nigeria, we should all continue to consider Nigeria as a joke. In other words, if the Nigerian rulers and the ruled are unable to solve these simple managerial crises, we should all forget about anything development and continue to wallow in our self deception mode. On these issues, I have assurance but I remain to be corrected. They are only four (4) simple things, among others;

1) Fixed date for the payment of salary: this doesn’t mean that, salaries should be paid on 24th, 25th… it should be paid on whichever day chose!n by the government. However, one thing must be considered, that’s FIXING a specific date for that purpose. Salary is something that must be paid, then, why this deceptive and unorganized approach? Right now that I am talking to you, many workers haven’t received their pay for April, and May is already on.

For Nigeria to even start thinking of development, workers must be truly and carefully considered. Their rights must be paid on time, because, as they say, it is not a privilege. If the government likes, let it pay it on 30th of each month, or even make every month to contain 31 days and pay it on the 31st. Let’s have a fixed date please. If not, let’s take the police for instance. A police may not know when to get his salary for risking his entire life to protect people; however, he is sure, he can be bribed by the poor through corrupt ways. How can you deny him something that he is certain about with an uncertain? This penetrates deeper into every sector.

2) Respecting time: one of the cantankerous evil that people abuse all the time. It comes to the extent that responsible people would call for a meeting and say 4pm, but deep down in their mind they know the meeting would start by 5pm. If you ask them why, they would say people would not come on time. I use to be confused on this. So in Nigeria we respect late comers more than how we respect punctual people! We give them extra time and we don’t mind those who come on time. They, their punctuality and the respect they give to time should all go to hell. Unless we change this attitude, we will never do it right.

If you want to fight with (responsible) Nigerians insist on punctuality. Many of us, including leaders fail in this respect.

When we are in Nigeria, we hardly do official things on their respective timing. But when we go elsewhere we keep to time. Therefore, it is obvious that the problem is from us and we can easily adjust if we know there is repercussions.

3) Scheduling the epileptic power supply: distribution must be scheduled and properly planned. We are not even talking about standard supply, we are talking standardizing the supply of the short one we get. The little we have must not be given at random. People are entitled to know when they should expect the little light. Let it be 10:20am-11:20am on Wednesdays? Saturdays and Sundays nights? Two hours every day? When? All these must be planned and relayed to the payers if we are not jokers! This electric power people switch on and off at their will and we pay for the rubbish.

4) The National Carrier: this is bigger than us due to corruption. We should have a National career at least for our internal development. There are so many countries around the world especially in Africa which Nigeria and Nigerians underrate and undervalue, however, they have their Sudan, Ethiopian, Mali, Malawi, airlines, but the so-called giant of looting rely on ants for its air transport survival. This is a mischief of the highest order.

5) The over dependence and over reliance on dollar. Mark what I say, overdependence! Nigeria can use dollar. This is one of the obvious weaknesses which many people have agreed to live with, especially the Nigerians. However, the overdependence is alarming! Almost every individual in Nigeria, big or small, knows about dollar. Nigeria should learn to uplift its currency and leave dollar alone. Even ordinary people now know how to hoard dollar at the expense of the economic development of the nation. The bigger you are the more detached you are from using Nigerian currency. Kobo, 1 Naira coin have all gone into extinction physically but they are still there in our calculations. Now Tinubu’s government has made 5, 10 and 20 naira notes valueless and meaningless. They look so ugly to be touched by a clean hand.

There are so many other simple things which you can help to count. In other countries they are not even remembered because they are subconsciously arranged for over hundred years. But in Nigeria, we are still battling with something which can be corrected in two months. In Nigeria we face price hikes, lack of infrastructures, no medicines, no qualitative education, no good roads and no nothing….. You can continue counting our lacks, they are so many. However, the above mentioned five things are very simple, they can be corrected with a simple verbal order, without putting much money and effort. May Nigeria be great soon!

Muhammad Kano
May day 2017

NB: This was written in 2017, with little correction now but nothing much has changed.

By Hadiza Abdulkadir

The National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) has intercepted over two million pills of tramadol and arrested multiple suspects in a sweeping operation across Kano, Jigawa, and the Seme border.

In Jigawa, NDLEA operatives acting on intelligence intercepted a Toyota Sienna vehicle along Kano-Ringim road, Gumel town, in the early hours of Wednesday, April 23.

Two suspects, Abba Ibrahim, 28, and Shuaibu Umar, 29, were arrested with 200,000 pills of tramadol and 217,500 capsules of pregabalin. A follow-up operation led to the arrest of the main supplier, Jamilu Muhammad, 41, in Kano. 

An additional 1,584,000 tramadol pills were found hidden in a Nissan bus and his residence, bringing the total haul to 2,001,500 pills.

Meanwhile, at the Seme border in Lagos, three Ghanaian women — Haziza Zubairu, 42; Samirat Mustapha, 43; and Jamila Salifu, 26 — were apprehended on Sunday, April 20, while attempting to smuggle 4.8 kilograms of “Ghana Loud,” a potent cannabis strain, into Nigeria.

In other operations, NDLEA officers uncovered 46 wraps of cocaine concealed in body cream heading to Saudi Arabia, seized drugs destined for Canada, and arrested a 60-year-old woman with 5.6 kilograms of skunk in Kano.

Brig. Gen. Mohamed Buba Marwa (Rtd), Chairman/CEO of NDLEA, praised the successful interdictions and the ongoing nationwide advocacy efforts under the War Against Drug Abuse (WADA) initiative.

By Hadiza Abdulkadir

In a moment of pride for the Nigeria Police Force and the nation at large, Inspector-General of Police (IGP) Olukayode Egbetokun on Tuesday received Sergeant Peter Theophilus Tanko at the Force Headquarters, Abuja, in recognition of his outstanding academic achievement in China.

Sergeant Tanko, who is attached to the INTERPOL Section of the Force Criminal Investigations Department (FCID), recently completed a five-year law degree in the People’s Republic of China, emerging as the best graduating student at Jiangsu Police Institute. His journey began with a year-long Chinese language course at Nanjing Normal University.

As a result of his academic excellence, Tanko was selected to deliver the valedictory speech for all international students at the convocation ceremony held in June 2023.

The IGP commended Tanko’s dedication and discipline, describing his success as a testament to the potential within the Force. He reiterated his administration’s commitment to supporting officers in the pursuit of education and professional development.

Egbetokun also urged police personnel across the country to emulate Sergeant Tanko’s example by embracing self-development, adding that intellectual growth is key to the Force’s overall success.

Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu

With a single stroke, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has upended Nigeria’s constitutional order, suspending Rivers State Governor Siminalayi Fubara, his deputy, and the state legislature under the guise of a state of emergency.

This unprecedented and legally questionable move raises urgent questions: Has Nigeria’s democracy just been hijacked? If a sitting president can summarily remove elected state officials without due process, what stops Abuja from toppling any governor who falls out of favor?

The political crisis in Rivers has been simmering for months, with intense factional battles within the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) leading to threats of impeachment against the governor. But was the situation truly dire enough to warrant a presidential intervention of this magnitude?

Under Section 305 of the 1999 Constitution, a state of emergency can only be declared in cases of war, imminent danger of invasion, total breakdown of public order, or natural disasters. Even then, such a declaration requires National Assembly approval.

More importantly, the Constitution does not grant the President the power to suspend a sitting governor, deputy governor, or members of the state legislature.

By single-handedly ousting a duly elected state government and replacing it with a military figure, Tinubu has overstepped his constitutional bounds, effectively staging what many legal experts are calling a “constitutional coup.”

If this move is allowed to stand, it raises a troubling question: which state is next? Today, it is Rivers; tomorrow, it could be any other state where the President or ruling party faces political opposition. The implications are chilling—no governor, regardless of electoral mandate, would be safe from federal interference.

Would this have happened in Lagos or Kano? Would a northern state be subjected to such federal strong-arming? The answer is clear. Rivers, an oil-rich and politically volatile state, is an attractive target.

But what happens when this dangerous game of executive overreach extends beyond Rivers? If Tinubu can remove Fubara this easily, then Nigeria’s entire federal structure is under threat.

Beyond the political chaos, a more pressing question emerges: Is this really about governance, or is it about controlling Rivers’ oil wealth? History has shown the federal government’s keen interest in oil-producing states—from the militarization of the Niger Delta under past administrations to the strategic placement of federal loyalists in key oil-rich states.

The pattern is all too familiar. Could this move be less about political stability and more about tightening Abuja’s grip on Rivers’ vast economic resources?

With the Constitution clearly violated, all eyes now turn to the judiciary. Will the Supreme Court rise to the occasion and declare this move unconstitutional? Or will the courts bow to political pressure, allowing a dangerous precedent to take root?

The judiciary must recognize that this is not just about Rivers—it is about safeguarding Nigeria’s fragile democracy from the creeping shadows of authoritarianism. If this unconstitutional takeover is not reversed, no state governor in Nigeria will ever govern with full confidence in their electoral mandate again.

Since the return to civil rule in 1999, Governor Siminalayi Fubara is now the third sitting governor to be suspended by a Nigerian President under a democratic setting. In 2004, former President Olusegun Obasanjo suspended Plateau State Governor Joshua Dariye and the State Assembly over ethno-religious violence in Jos and other parts of the state, appointing Maj. Gen. Chris Alli (rtd.) to take charge.

Two years later, Obasanjo removed Ekiti State Governor Ayo Fayose and his deputy over political crises and impeachment controversies, installing Brig. Gen. Tunji Olurin (rtd.) as the new head of the state.

In 2013, President Goodluck Jonathan declared a state of emergency in Borno, Yobe, and Adamawa States in response to Boko Haram’s escalating insurgency. However, unlike his predecessors, Jonathan did not suspend the sitting governors; instead, he allowed state governments to continue operating alongside increased federal military intervention.

Now, in 2025, Tinubu has declared a state of emergency in Rivers State, citing political crisis and governance breakdown. But his move goes even further—suspending Governor Fubara, his deputy, and all members of the House of Assembly for six months.

While past interventions were carried out under Section 305 of the 1999 Constitution, the legality and necessity of removing elected officials have always been controversial. The Constitution outlines a clear procedure for declaring a state of emergency: the President must issue a proclamation, publish it in the official Gazette, and submit it to the National Assembly for approval.

Yet, in Rivers, Tinubu has acted unilaterally, preempting legislative approval and exceeding constitutional limits by removing elected officials.

As these events unfold, one thing is certain—2027 is shaping up to be a defining moment for Nigeria’s democracy. Will the courts uphold the rule of law, or will this be remembered as the moment Nigeria’s democracy took a dangerous turn?

The Nigerian people, civil society, and democratic institutions must resist this unconstitutional move by all legitimate means. If left unchecked, this will mark the moment when the line between democracy and dictatorship in Nigeria blurred beyond recognition.

Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu- an NYSC serving corps member, writes from Center for Crisis Communication (CCC) in Abuja.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

Nigeria’s National Security Adviser (NSA), Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, recently claimed that the country has recorded over 90% improvement in security under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration. He made this assertion in Jos, Plateau State, during a press briefing following a strategic meeting with the Commander of Operation Safe Haven, Major General Folusho Oyinlola. The meeting was convened after a deadly gunmen attack on the Bokkos community, which tragically claimed the lives of hundreds of residents.

Given the context of recent violence, Ribadu’s statement sparked mixed reactions from across the political spectrum. Critics argue that the NSA’s comments are aimed at shaping public perception as politicking for the 2027 general elections approaches. They view the remarks as part of a broader political narrative to build confidence in the administration. On the other hand, supporters commend Ribadu for leading an effective national security strategy, asserting that the improvements are tangible and worth acknowledging.

However, beyond partisan sentiments and political interests, it is essential to examine Ribadu’s claim from an objective standpoint grounded in verifiable data and realistic context. Security issues are too critical to be reduced to rhetoric, hey must be measured by real outcomes that affect the lives of everyday Nigerians.

Regardless of our political leanings, there have been undeniable improvements in some of Nigeria’s most dangerous zones. For example, the Birnin Gwari–Lagos highway in Kaduna State, which was shut for nearly a decade due to the menace of armed bandits, has now reopened to motorists, especially heavy-duty vehicles that previously avoided the route. The once-abandoned Birnin Gwari cattle market, inactive for over ten years, is now gradually returning to life with commercial activity.

Similarly, the Abuja–Kaduna highway, previously infamous for rampant kidnappings and ambushes, is now operational 24 hrs under constant military and police surveillance. Other major highways, such as the Kaduna–Kano expressway and the Jos–Akwanga–Lafia–Abuja corridor, now also witness 24-hour vehicular movement, marking a sharp contrast to the fear and hesitation that characterized travel in these areas just a few years ago.

Still, it’s important to remember that security is both delicate and dynamic. A full year of relative peace can be overshadowed by a single horrific incident. Groups like Boko Haram, ISWAP, and various bandit factions, such as the Lakurawa and Ansaru cells, still carry out attacks on soft targets in rural and semi-urban areas. While the overall frequency and scale of these attacks may be decreasing, their sporadic nature continues to pose serious challenges.

Between 2022 and 2024, several Nigerian security and intelligence agencies have reported significant gains. The Defence Intelligence Agency (DIA) indicated a 65% reduction in overall crime and criminality nationwide since May 2023. This figure is based on cumulative data from military operations, police reports, and inter-agency assessments.

The Department of State Services (DSS), particularly in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), recorded a significant decline in high-profile crimes, including kidnappings, armed robberies, and terrorist threats, through 2023 and into early 2024.

The Nigeria Police Force also published extensive data on its security efforts: between 2023 and early 2024, police operations led to the arrest of 30,313 suspects linked to serious crimes such as kidnapping, armed robbery, cultism, and banditry. In the same period, 1,984 illegal firearms were recovered, along with 23,250 rounds of ammunition. Additionally, 1,581 kidnapped victims were successfully rescued across various states.

The proliferation of small arms and light weapons has long fueled Nigeria’s insecurity. However, between 2022 and 2024, the National Centre for the Control of Small Arms and Light Weapons (NCCSALW) recorded historic achievements. In February 2023, the Centre announced that it had recovered more than 10,000 small arms and light weapons from non-state actors during nationwide disarmament operations. By February 2024, the total number of retrieved weapons had increased to 20,000 firearms and over 60,000 units of ammunition.

Furthermore, in September 2024, the NCCSALW undertook the destruction of 30,132 recovered weapons, ranging from decommissioned and unserviceable arms to illicitly owned firearms.

The Nigerian Armed Forces, particularly the Army, have achieved notable success over the past three years. Between 2022 and 2025, military operations resulted in the neutralization of more than 8,034 terrorists across various theatres of operation, including the North-East, North-West, and North-Central regions. In February 2024 alone, 105 terrorists were eliminated during targeted counterterrorism operations. and 140 capture

A total of 6,376 kidnapped victims were rescued from insurgent enclaves and bandit hideouts in 2024 alone, thanks to joint operations involving the Army, Air Force, and local vigilante groups. These successes have contributed significantly to restoring public confidence in the state’s ability to respond to threats.

Additionally, by December 2024, the Nigerian military had dismantled numerous terrorist camps and degraded the operational capabilities of insurgent groups in several flashpoints. More than 20 high-profile bandit leaders and commanders were eliminated in precision operations, including:

 1. Ali Kachalla (Ƙawaje)

 2. Kachallah Dogo Kwaddi

 3. Lawali Dodo

 4. Ɓoderi

 5. Sani Wala-birki

 6. Kachallah Hana-Zuwa

 7. Damina

 8. Kachalla Sani Dangote

 9. Kachalla Adamu

 10. Halilu Sububu

 11. Baleri

 12. Modi Modi

 13. Kachalla Mai Shayi

 14. Kachalla Tsoho Lulu

 15. Ibrahim Nagure

 16. Kachalla Makore

 17. Bulak

 18. Tukur Sharme

 19. Hassan Ɗantawaye

 20.Ɗan-Isuhu

These names had long terrorised communities, operated illegal taxation systems, and masterminded large-scale abductions. Their deaths signal a turning point in Nigeria’s war against insecurity—at least in the short to medium term.

Critics, supporters, and objective observers alike hold valid perspectives on Ribadu’s claim. Security cannot be judged solely by statistics or isolated incidents—it must be assessed holistically, with a view to sustainability. While it would be inaccurate to declare total victory over insecurity, the data and field reports suggest that Nigeria is making measurable, strategic progress.

As Nigeria continues to grapple with complex internal threats, public expectations remain high. Citizens want not just temporary relief but long-term stability. Ribadu’s statement may be politically timed, but the figures back up his assertion, at least in terms of trend and direction. Whether or not one agrees with the 90% figure, one thing is clear: the tide appears to be gradually turning in favour of the state.

The challenge now is to sustain these gains, institutionalise reforms, and ensure that security is perceived and lived by every Nigerian in every part of the country.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.