Security

By Salisu Uba Kofar Wambai

The safety and dignity of Hausa people in Nigeria are increasingly under threat. The recent spate of brutal killings targeting innocent Hausa travellers across various regions of the country is both alarming and unacceptable. 

Disturbingly, the North Central and Southern parts of Nigeria, in particular, are turning into graveyards for members of the Hausa community, despite the hospitality and freedom non-indigenes continue to enjoy in Hausa land—where people from across the country have settled peacefully, enjoying all rights guaranteed under the Nigerian Constitution, including freedom of movement and residence.

The recent killing of two Hausa tanker drivers in the South-East came as a shock. They were attacked and butchered while trying to repair their broken-down vehicle. Similarly, the horrific massacre of Hausa hunters in an incident that sent shockwaves across Nigeria and beyond speaks volumes about the rising hostility against the Hausa community.

Equally tragic was the killing of Hausa travellers in Plateau State who were on their way to honour a wedding invitation. Their brutal slaughter reflects the growing dehumanisation of Hausa people, treated like cockroaches in a country they call home. In Benue State, two sons of renowned Islamic scholar, Malam Ibrahim Khalil, were also gruesomely murdered, as though their lives meant nothing.

These atrocities raise serious questions: Are we to fold our arms while our people are slaughtered day after day? Where are our political leaders? Where are the Hausa individuals within the security and intelligence networks? Is silence the best they can offer? Or is the Hausa community being pushed to a point where it might be forced to retaliate?

This alarming trend must not be ignored. The examples highlighted are only a fraction of the broader pattern of persecution being endured by Hausa people across the country. Despite being one of the most accommodating and detribalized ethnic groups in Nigeria, the Hausa are being pushed to the wall—and if this continues, the unity of the Nigerian federation could be at serious risk.

Urgent action is required. These barbaric attacks must stop, and those responsible must be brought to justice. The time to act is now.

By: Kabir Fagge

As Nigeria’s fintech boom, e-commerce surge and digital-government projects push ever more data online, the threat surface is expanding faster than many boardrooms realise. In January 2025 alone, Nigeria jumped two places on Check Point Software’s global list of most cyber-attacked countries, moving from 13th to 11th in just four weeks.

The previous month saw the National Bureau of Statistics knocked offline by an account takeover, forcing the agency to warn citizens against fraudulent data releases. Analysts say the uptick is part of a wider continental pattern: an INTERPOL-led sweep across Africa in March netted 300 suspects (130 of them in Nigeria) accused of everything from investment-app scams to crypto-laundering rings.

Against this backdrop, the unsung heroes of Nigeria’s blue-team defences. Security Operations Centre (SOC) analysts and threat-intelligence (TI) specialists have never been more vital. “Think of the SOC as a 24-hour digital emergency ward,” says Ofuafo Orumeteme, a Texas-based Nigerian cybersecurity professional completing an M.Sc. in Cybersecurity at Stephen F. Austin State University and formerly a technical-support lead in the Nigerian banking sector. “Every log line, every traffic spike is a vital sign we triage in real time. Without that vigilance, a ransomware infection can burn through a network before leadership even knows something is wrong.”

A modern SOC is typically staffed in shifts of Tier-1, Tier-2 and incident-response engineers who hunt for anomalies across security information and event management (SIEM) dashboards such as Splunk or IBM QRadar. When an alert fires, say, an unusually large data exfiltration at 2 a.m., Tier-1 analysts validate it, block the malicious IP or quarantine the affected endpoint, and escalate the case for deeper forensics.

“Speed is everything,” Orumeteme notes. “The median ‘dwell time’ of attackers worldwide dropped to 10 days last year, but in West Africa, it’s often measured in hours because many criminals are after quick-hit business email compromise payouts. A well-drilled SOC can cut that dwell time to minutes.” Deloitte’s 2025 Nigeria Cybersecurity Outlook agrees, warning that ransomware groups are now “weaponising automation” to compress their attack cycles.

While SOC operators fight fires, threat-intelligence teams work further upstream. They scrap dark-web marketplaces, analyse malware samples and map adversary tactics, techniques and procedures (TTPs) to the MITRE ATT&CK framework. Their goal is to transform fragments of chatter or novel code into actionable “indicators of compromise” (IOCs) that can be fed back into SIEM detection rules.
“In practice, TI is our radar,” Orumeteme explains. “If we learn that a credential-harvesting toolkit now embeds specific PowerShell obfuscation, we will write a YARA rule the same day. That way, the SOC spots it on packet capture before the attacker pivots to domain controllers.”

The Central Bank of Nigeria’s updated risk-based cybersecurity framework for deposit-money and payment-service banks now makes a formal TI programme mandatory. It urges institutions to “proactively identify, detect and mitigate” emerging threats. NITDA’s Strategic Roadmap likewise lists “developmental regulation” and indigenous capacity-building as cornerstones of its 2021-24 plan. These policies are beginning to shape budgets.

Nigerian banks spent an estimated ₦ 35 billion on cyber controls last year, industry executives say, with SOC outsourcing and TI subscriptions topping the list. Yet investment alone is not enough, warns Orumeteme. “You can buy a SIEM overnight, but you can’t buy muscle memory. Organisations need tabletop exercises, cross-training between network and security teams, and clear playbooks that specify who calls whom at 3 a.m. when the alarms go red.”

Nigeria’s cybersecurity workforce deficit is still wide. It is roughly around 76,000 professionals short of demand, according to ISC² regional estimates. That shortage is felt acutely in blue-team roles that require both technical depth and nerves of steel. University programmes are expanding, but Orumeteme argues that industry must accelerate on-the-job apprenticeships:
“Give junior analysts sandbox labs, let them dissect real malware and write correlation searches. Pair them with TI researchers who can teach open-source-intelligence tradecraft. It’s the fastest way to grow tier-2 talent.”

Data-leakage incidents in Nigeria have doubled year-on-year, with BusinessDay warning of “a crisis in the making” as attackers exploit cloud misconfigurations and unpatched VPNs. The average cost of a breach in the country now hovers around ₦ 300 million. Insurers say that money could fund expansion, R&D or thousands of new jobs.

“When executives ask for ROI, remind them that a single business-email compromise drained ₦ 1.2 billion from a West-African conglomerate last quarter,” Orumeteme says. “A mature SOC caught early recon on day one, blocked it, and saved shareholder value.”

Nigeria is aggressively cracking down on cyber-fraud. Over 1,000 arrests and 152 successful prosecutions in the past year show that progress is possible. But enforcement must be matched by enterprise-level vigilance. SOC analysts and threat-intelligence operatives sit at that nexus, turning raw telemetry and scattered clues into the actionable knowledge that keeps businesses and citizens safe.

As Orumeteme puts it, “Cybersecurity isn’t just an IT line item anymore. It’s national economic policy. And the SOC floor at 2 a.m. is where that policy succeeds or fails.”

Kabir Fagge Ali writes from Abuja, Nigeria and can be contacted via faggekabir29@gmail.com

By Muhammad Umar Shehu 

I read with deep shock and sorrow about the gruesome murder of innocent travellers from Basawa in Zaria LGA of Kaduna State. It is heartbreaking and disturbing. 

What is happening to our society? When did we become so heartless that taking a human life no longer moves us? When did we start watching these tragedies unfold without reacting, without speaking, without demanding justice? This is not normal. We are clearly losing our sense of humanity and conscience.

The killing of these travellers is wicked, and it must be condemned in the strongest terms. No matter the excuse, mob action is mob action. Whether it happens in Plateau, Uromi, Kaduna, or anywhere else, it is lawlessness. It is cruel. And it has no place in any society that wants to grow, that wants peace, that wants justice. The moment we begin to justify the unjustifiable, we open the door to more bloodshed and deeper division.

The Federal Government, Plateau and Kaduna State Governments, security agencies, traditional rulers, religious leaders, and all other concerned stakeholders must rise to the occasion. This crime must not go unpunished. It is not enough to issue statements. Action must follow. Those behind this evil must be arrested, investigated properly, and brought to justice. That is the only way this act can serve as a warning to others. We cannot continue to act as if all is well when innocent lives are being wasted with no consequences.

It is painful to admit, but we have become a society where people record killings with their phones instead of stepping in to stop the madness. Where is our sense of community? Where is our compassion? The silence and indifference from many quarters are just as dangerous as the violence itself. We must speak up, we must act, and we must demand better from those who claim to lead and protect us.

The media, civil society, and the public must not let this incident be buried under the weight of the next trending story. These lives mattered, and these families deserve answers. We must keep the pressure on until justice is served. A society that fails to protect the innocent will one day be a danger to everyone, including those who look away.

May the Almighty Allah forgive the victims, grant them eternal peace, and give their families the strength to bear this painful loss. And may we, as a people, wake up before it is too late.

Muhammad Umar Shehu is a writer and social commentator from Gombe and can be reached via umarmuhammadshehu2@gmail.com.

By Maryam Ahmad

President Bola Tinubu has outlined significant gains in national security, youth empowerment, and innovation as his administration clocks two years in office, asserting that the groundwork is being laid for a more secure and prosperous Nigeria.

In a comprehensive national address, President Tinubu said his administration had improved collaboration among security agencies and made substantial gains in previously volatile regions. “In some areas of the northwest, hitherto under the control of bandits, our gallant armed forces have restored order,” he said.

The President emphasised the role of young Nigerians in national development, citing innovative programmes at the National Agency for Science and Engineering Infrastructure (NASENI), such as electric vehicle assembly, drone engineering training for women, and local manufacturing of rapid diagnostic kits.

“These initiatives are creating jobs, restoring dignity to work, and opening up a future of possibilities for our youth,” Tinubu stated.

Under the Renewed Hope Agenda, the federal government has also embarked on large-scale infrastructure projects, including major highway reconstructions, rural electrification through solar initiatives, and enhanced support for farmers to boost food security.

In a nod to cultural diplomacy, the President announced plans for the Motherland Festival—a global event that will showcase Nigeria’s cultural heritage, creativity, and tourism potential.

Tinubu also acknowledged the contributions of the Nigerian diaspora and introduced new policies, including a diaspora bond and non-resident BVN, to encourage greater engagement.

“Our direction is clear, and so is our resolve,” the President said in closing. “The real impact of our governance objectives is beginning to take hold. The future is bright.”

By Haroon Aremu Abiodun

April is traditionally a month of pranks and laughter. But in Nigeria, the joke was on no one except, perhaps, on a nation whose security architecture is under siege from terrorists, bandits, and kidnappers.

Far from fearing our security operatives, criminal elements across the country displayed shocking audacity, reminding us that the battle for Nigeria’s soul remains bloody and unresolved.

In a horrific display of lawlessness, notorious bandit leader Bello Turji celebrated Eid in Sokoto by executing kidnapped victims, recording and broadcasting the gruesome act without fear of consequences. Across parts of Katsina, Kaduna, and Zamfara, bandits not only continued their reign of terror but have begun levying taxes and operating parallel governments in areas still supposedly under state control.

Compounding public anxiety, National Security Adviser Nuhu Ribadu made headlines when he advised families of kidnapped victims to “stop paying ransom.” While theoretically sound, the reality is far more brutal. Without swift and credible government intervention, desperate families have no option but to finance their tragedies. Until state forces can decisively rescue captives, this vicious cycle will continue.

In just one month, attacks escalated across Plateau, Kwara, and Benue States, leaving communities in mourning. Boko Haram and ISWAP insurgents resurfaced with deadly ambushes, signalling their continued relevance in Nigeria’s security equation.

April’s bloodshed has revealed operational lapses and a deep strategic and moral crisis. The Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA) must urgently intensify efforts, especially by working discreetly with rescued victims to extract intelligence, boost surveillance systems, and dismantle criminal networks worldwide.

While commendable successes by security operatives, such as rescuing hostages and recovering illegal arms, were recorded, they were dwarfed by the scale of atrocities witnessed within just 30 days.

The Department of State Services (DSS), often criticised and even facing calls for disbandment, must seize this moment to redeem itself. Encouragingly, recent commendations from the Plateau State Government and Governor Uba Sani of Kaduna for the DSS’s contributions to curbing insecurity suggest a glimmer of institutional reliability. Their successful arrests of gunrunners and dismantling of kidnapping syndicates are steps in the right direction.

Notably, the DSS also intercepted a British Army Major in Delta State attempting to smuggle 50 AK-47 rifles and ammunition—a major bust, and a signal that the service can perform under pressure. Their ability to withstand calls for the suspect’s release further strengthens public confidence.

Going forward, DSS and ONSA must strengthen collaboration through real-time joint operations, intelligence sharing, and visible outcomes. The Nigerian Intelligence Agency (NIA) also must integrate its overseas capabilities with ONSA’s domestic strategies. Today’s criminals are sophisticated—our response must be smarter.

Beyond the battlefield, Nigeria’s fight against corruption also demands attention. The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) must intensify efforts with ongoing arrests of internet fraudsters and by pursuing justice in high-profile cases involving figures like Betta Edu and Sadiya Umar Farouq.

Regarding Aisha Achimugu’s case, the EFCC must adhere to due process and uphold its promise to act with diligence and integrity. Recent arrests, including that of Bauchi State Accountant General Sirajo Muhammad Jaja, show the commission is active, but visibility and transparency are critical.

Despite receiving accolades, such as the Government Spokesperson Award and the Courage in Justice and Transparency Award from the Nigerian Human Rights Community, EFCC must do more to recover funds stolen through schemes like CBEX. Collaborating with Interpol to dismantle international fraud networks and prevent future scams using forged EFCC certificates will reinforce the commission’s credibility locally and abroad.

Transparency is the only antidote to growing public cynicism about the Commission’s integrity.

The Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC), though laudably organising programs like its stakeholders’ meeting on accountability in local government, must now transition from talk to action. Corruption within Ministries, Departments, and Agencies (MDAs) remains rampant. A recent ICPC report showed that over 60% of corruption cases involved diverting healthcare funds—a scandal demanding decisive intervention.

April has ended, but the wounds it inflicted are still fresh. If we’ve learned anything, it is that the fear of the Nigerian state must be restored—not with hollow rhetoric, but through coordinated, courageous, and relentless action.

The enemies of Nigeria no longer fear our uniforms, our institutions, or the name “government.”

The time to act was yesterday. Today is already a dangerous gamble. Tomorrow may be too late.

Haroon Aremu Abiodun is a PRNigeria Fellow and author. He can be reached via exponentumera@gmail.com.

By Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu 

To many Nigerians, the security allocations in national budgets often appear inflated. Year after year, billions are allocated to the military, defence procurement, intelligence operations, and internal security initiatives.

Yet, the level of insecurity across the country continues to raise eyebrows. The common question remains: “Where is all this money going?” It is a valid concern.

However, beyond the budget lines and official pronouncements lies a more complex reality—one that is often overlooked by the average citizen. The actual cost of warfare and intelligence operations is not just steep—it is staggering.

Take air operations as an example. Military insiders have long noted that flying an Alpha Jet for a single mission can gulp up to a million naira in aviation fuel alone.

This figure excludes routine maintenance, spare parts, logistics, or crew allowances. Multiply these flights across days and theatres of operation, and it becomes easier to understand why security efforts are financially demanding.

On the ground, the story is similar. Armoured vehicles, patrol vans, and tanks require constant fuelling, often idling for hours during missions. Soldiers deployed to remote areas require food, clothing, and equipment.

Medical support must be on standby, and when fatalities occur, families of the fallen deserve compensation. These are not occasional expenses—they are daily operational necessities.

Yet, beyond the financial weight of military engagement lies an even more fragile dimension: intelligence gathering. In parts of the country, particularly the North East, North Central, and North West, attacks by insurgents and bandits continue with frightening regularity.

People often ask: Why aren’t these attacks being preempted? Where is the intelligence? These questions are justified. Comparisons are frequently drawn to agencies like the FBI or Israel’s Mossad, known for preemptive actions.

But intelligence is no miracle tool. It relies on actionable information—gathered, processed, and relayed with accuracy. In many of Nigeria’s conflict zones, such information is scarce.

Locals often fear reprisals and refuse to share what they know. Rural and forested areas remain difficult to monitor due to the absence of surveillance infrastructure.

Moreover, intelligence work is not the sole burden of the military. It requires seamless coordination among the police, DSS, NSCDC, and even vigilante groups. Where this collaboration falters, intelligence fails.

That is not to absolve our agencies of their failings. Reports of negligence, delayed responses, and poor communication abound. However, these shortcomings, while real, are not insurmountable.

Nigeria urgently needs to rethink its approach to intelligence. There must be fresh investment in surveillance tools, inter-agency communication systems, and the training of personnel in modern techniques.

Citizens, too, must become active partners by volunteering timely and truthful information. This war cannot be won solely by the military. It requires collaboration, from the government to the grassroots.

Technology, including drone surveillance and satellite imagery, must be embraced. But more than anything else, there must be political will to treat intelligence not as a side note, but as the beating heart of our national security strategy.

Balanced expectations are also important. While it is tempting to measure Nigeria’s intelligence systems against those of global powers, such comparisons can be misleading.

Nations like the US and Israel have built theirs over decades with enormous financial commitment. Nigeria, by contrast, is still building its base. Still, quiet victories exist—many of them deliberately kept from the public domain for strategic reasons.

Terror plots have been foiled, camps dismantled, and lives saved through intelligence-led operations. These successes rarely make headlines. What are the failures, the losses, and the anguish they leave behind?

That is why we must keep asking questions—but with an understanding of the context. Accountability, yes. But also support, reform, and renewed trust. National security is not a spectator sport. It is a shared duty.

And if Nigeria is to triumph over its many threats, it must first accept that intelligence, not just guns, is its most potent weapon.

Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu writes from the Centre for Crisis Communication (CCC) in Abuja.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad 

Before the emergence of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration, Nigeria’s security architecture was grappling with deeply entrenched challenges, particularly in the Northwest and Southeast regions. The situation had deteriorated to alarming levels, with criminal elements and secessionist movements establishing a disturbing level of control in certain areas.

In the Northwest, banditry had evolved from sporadic attacks to the full-scale occupation of territories. Vast stretches of land, especially in states like Kaduna, Zamfara, and Niger, fell under the influence of heavily armed groups. The Abuja-Kaduna highway, which was once a vital economic and commuter route, became a perilous stretch, notorious for frequent kidnappings and ambushes. 

The Northwestern security threats extended further, with the Kaduna–Birnin Gwari–Lagos road effectively shut down due to sustained bandit activity. Even commercial life suffered significantly; the Birnin Gwari cattle market, a major hub for livestock trade, was forced to cease operations under the pressure of violence and extortion.

Meanwhile, in the Southeast, the situation was compounded by the secessionist agitation led by the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB). Through fear and coercion, IPOB succeeded in enforcing a weekly sit-at-home directive across several states in the region, paralysing economic activities every Monday. Businesses were shuttered, schools closed, and the freedom of movement was severely curtailed, undermining both governance and development efforts.

This was the grim reality that the Tinubu administration inherited. However, at the heart of the renewed fight against insecurity stands a strategic recalibration: what many now refer to as the “Nuhu Ribadu Formula.” As National Security Adviser, Ribadu brought a fresh, intelligence-driven approach to tackling Nigeria’s security woes. With an emphasis on coordination among security agencies, restoration of public confidence, and targeted offensives against criminal enclaves, his methods have begun yielding tangible results.

While challenges persist, especially in remote and hard-to-reach areas, the difference in tone and trajectory is becoming increasingly evident. The Ribadu-led security strategy has not only focused on reclaiming territory but also on addressing the root causes of unrest, be it poverty, weak governance, or community grievances. It is this multidimensional and proactive approach that may well define Nigeria’s path to lasting peace and stability.

Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, the National Security Adviser, has been pivotal in reshaping Nigeria’s national security framework through a clear and strategic vision built on three foundational pillars.

The first is the carrot-and-stick approach, which balances kinetic (military force) and non-kinetic (dialogue, reconciliation, and development) strategies. This dual-pronged approach acknowledges that not all security threats can be addressed solely through force. By combining targeted military operations with community engagement and deradicalisation efforts, the approach aims to neutralise threats while addressing the root causes of violence.

The second strategy is a shift from rhetoric to action, a deliberate move away from endless briefings and political grandstanding towards concrete, measurable outcomes. Under Ribadu’s watch, security interventions are now judged not by promises, but by performance. The focus is on restoring peace, reclaiming lost territories, and enabling displaced persons to return to their communities.

Third is the promotion of synergy and intelligence sharing among security agencies. Previously plagued by inter-agency rivalry and fragmented operations, Nigeria’s security forces are now operating with improved coordination. Through unified command structures and shared intelligence platforms, responses have become faster, more precise, and increasingly proactive.

These strategies have already begun to yield visible results. The recent resurgence of attacks in Plateau and Benue States, as well as isolated Boko Haram assaults on soft targets in Borno and Adamawa, were swiftly countered using the same framework. Rapid deployment of forces, community-based intelligence, and coordinated operations prevented escalation and restored calm.

Still, the road to full recovery is a gradual one. While the machinery of state security has been retooled, the average citizen may not immediately perceive these gains. Part of the challenge lies in the persistence of outdated or unverified reports in some sections of the media, which can paint a distorted picture of the current realities. Nevertheless, those on the ground, especially in previously hard-hit areas, are beginning to sense a shift.

The “Nuhu Ribadu Formula” is proving to be more than just a tactical adjustment; it is an evolving doctrine that prioritises effectiveness, accountability, and collaboration. With sustained implementation and public support, it could well become the blueprint for enduring peace in Nigeria.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja, zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Prof. Abdussamad Umar Jibia

Some years ago, a group of students from Kaduna state came to my office, lamenting how Muslim elders imposed a Christian candidate on them and rigged him into power. They even told how an Emir and some elders called Islamic scholars and warned them against remonstration in their preachings. “How can we bear this disgrace?” my students were frustrated.

I said, “You can solve the problem and make governance difficult for the imposed Governor”. The young people paid attention, expecting an “academic” solution to their problem. “The Governor cannot rule Kaduna state alone. Since the majority are against him, why not look for and beat up anyone who accepts his political appointment?” I offered.

My students looked at one another and said, “Sir, there will be chaos and mass arrest”. Poor them, they want to bring change, are not happy with what is happening, and are afraid of arrest. “The alternative is to support the unpopular Governor and struggle for your share of the haram”, I finalised the discussion.

In the case of my Kaduna state students, the problem was election rigging, even though there was relative peace in their state, at least up to that time. In the case of Katsina people, it has been killing, kidnapping, rape, stealing, etc. How have the people reacted to the politicians they elected to solve the problem of insecurity? 

Several people have asked why they no longer see my comments on insecurity, and I always reply that I am busy with other things. I am busy, but not too busy to write a few paragraphs to express my opinion. However, it reached a point where I began to ask, as far as insecurity is concerned, who is the culprit? Whom should I write to blame? The Government? The military? The masses?

Going by the advice I gave Kaduna youth, one would expect that no elected politician would have the guts to go to any community ravaged by insecurity in Katsina or nearby states. Unfortunately, that is not the case. I saw people who lost some of their closest relatives to banditry staunchly supporting a politician, whose actions mean that their losses do not matter. Bandits displaced a community, but I saw their youth on social media actively supporting politicians who were giving public money to bandits in the name of the peace agreement.

If you are actively fighting for those victims through writing or interviews, and you offend any politician, you should be ready to get a good beating from some of the banditry victims if that is what would please the politician.

So, whom should I blame? Do the people take no blame? What of the military? Should I write to blame the masses as weak as they are? Should I write to condemn the military as strongly as they are? Should I not be afraid of arrest like my Kaduna students? If I offend the military, and you must surely offend them if you will tell the truth about insecurity, who would bail me out when I am arrested and tagged a troublemaker or any name they decide to give me?

The cheapest people to blame are the politicians. Everybody is against them. Public money is in their hands, and they are spending it on weddings and musicians, just like we witnessed in Katsina. But are all the people criticising them sincere? Would they not do the same if they were in their position? Some of these things were the reason Nigerians voted PDP out ten years ago, and the “saints” they elected are doing the same.

If you are expecting me to continue directing my blame to politicians, you will be disappointed. While they have their fair share of the blame for insecurity, we also have our share as victims. 

The masses should take my advice to the Kaduna youth if they can. They can only beat the politicians or join them. For the politicians, I have no words. Only the masses can deal with them if they take the first side of my advice. For me, I shall keep mum about the military because I am a coward.

For other Nigerians, continue to enjoy yourselves before insecurity reaches your side. I pray it will not.

Prof Abdussamad Umar Jibia wrote via aujibia@gmail.com.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has issued a strong charge to the Nigerian military, urging them to intensify efforts in ending terrorism and banditry while promising improved welfare for troops.  

Speaking to soldiers of the 17 Brigade in Katsina on Friday, Tinubu described the security crisis as a pivotal moment in Nigeria’s history. He called for unwavering resolve in defending the nation’s sovereignty and restoring peace.  

“This is a defining moment,” Tinubu declared. “Nigerians are counting on you to reclaim every inch of our territory. Let the enemies of Nigeria know—their time is up.”  

The President assured troops of better housing, healthcare, timely allowances, and family support. He praised their bravery in combating banditry in Katsina and beyond, stating, “You are the shields of Nigeria, standing between our people and terror.”  

Tinubu’s visit included inaugurating a 24km dual-carriage road and an agricultural mechanisation centre. His message was clear: Nigeria will not surrender to terrorists, and the military will receive full backing to end insecurity.  

“To those who seek to destabilise us,” he warned, “Nigeria will not bow.”

By Dr. Muhammad Sulaiman Abdullahi

There are some few, effortless and simple things, which I have already assured myself that, if they are not confronted and solved squarely and completely in Nigeria, we should all continue to consider Nigeria as a joke. In other words, if the Nigerian rulers and the ruled are unable to solve these simple managerial crises, we should all forget about anything development and continue to wallow in our self deception mode. On these issues, I have assurance but I remain to be corrected. They are only four (4) simple things, among others;

1) Fixed date for the payment of salary: this doesn’t mean that, salaries should be paid on 24th, 25th… it should be paid on whichever day chose!n by the government. However, one thing must be considered, that’s FIXING a specific date for that purpose. Salary is something that must be paid, then, why this deceptive and unorganized approach? Right now that I am talking to you, many workers haven’t received their pay for April, and May is already on.

For Nigeria to even start thinking of development, workers must be truly and carefully considered. Their rights must be paid on time, because, as they say, it is not a privilege. If the government likes, let it pay it on 30th of each month, or even make every month to contain 31 days and pay it on the 31st. Let’s have a fixed date please. If not, let’s take the police for instance. A police may not know when to get his salary for risking his entire life to protect people; however, he is sure, he can be bribed by the poor through corrupt ways. How can you deny him something that he is certain about with an uncertain? This penetrates deeper into every sector.

2) Respecting time: one of the cantankerous evil that people abuse all the time. It comes to the extent that responsible people would call for a meeting and say 4pm, but deep down in their mind they know the meeting would start by 5pm. If you ask them why, they would say people would not come on time. I use to be confused on this. So in Nigeria we respect late comers more than how we respect punctual people! We give them extra time and we don’t mind those who come on time. They, their punctuality and the respect they give to time should all go to hell. Unless we change this attitude, we will never do it right.

If you want to fight with (responsible) Nigerians insist on punctuality. Many of us, including leaders fail in this respect.

When we are in Nigeria, we hardly do official things on their respective timing. But when we go elsewhere we keep to time. Therefore, it is obvious that the problem is from us and we can easily adjust if we know there is repercussions.

3) Scheduling the epileptic power supply: distribution must be scheduled and properly planned. We are not even talking about standard supply, we are talking standardizing the supply of the short one we get. The little we have must not be given at random. People are entitled to know when they should expect the little light. Let it be 10:20am-11:20am on Wednesdays? Saturdays and Sundays nights? Two hours every day? When? All these must be planned and relayed to the payers if we are not jokers! This electric power people switch on and off at their will and we pay for the rubbish.

4) The National Carrier: this is bigger than us due to corruption. We should have a National career at least for our internal development. There are so many countries around the world especially in Africa which Nigeria and Nigerians underrate and undervalue, however, they have their Sudan, Ethiopian, Mali, Malawi, airlines, but the so-called giant of looting rely on ants for its air transport survival. This is a mischief of the highest order.

5) The over dependence and over reliance on dollar. Mark what I say, overdependence! Nigeria can use dollar. This is one of the obvious weaknesses which many people have agreed to live with, especially the Nigerians. However, the overdependence is alarming! Almost every individual in Nigeria, big or small, knows about dollar. Nigeria should learn to uplift its currency and leave dollar alone. Even ordinary people now know how to hoard dollar at the expense of the economic development of the nation. The bigger you are the more detached you are from using Nigerian currency. Kobo, 1 Naira coin have all gone into extinction physically but they are still there in our calculations. Now Tinubu’s government has made 5, 10 and 20 naira notes valueless and meaningless. They look so ugly to be touched by a clean hand.

There are so many other simple things which you can help to count. In other countries they are not even remembered because they are subconsciously arranged for over hundred years. But in Nigeria, we are still battling with something which can be corrected in two months. In Nigeria we face price hikes, lack of infrastructures, no medicines, no qualitative education, no good roads and no nothing….. You can continue counting our lacks, they are so many. However, the above mentioned five things are very simple, they can be corrected with a simple verbal order, without putting much money and effort. May Nigeria be great soon!

Muhammad Kano
May day 2017

NB: This was written in 2017, with little correction now but nothing much has changed.