News

Muhammad Yusuf was never formally or informally considered Ja’afar’s heir – Dr Ismail Hashim Abubakar

By Muhammad Abdurrahman

In this interview with The Daily Reality, Ismail Hashim Abubakar, who finished his doctoral program at Mohammed V University, Rabat, in the Kingdom of Morocco, gives a synoptic picture of his PhD thesis titled “Contemporary Islamic Thought in Northern Nigeria: Shaykh Ja’far Mahmud Adam as a Case Study”. The thesis, which appears in 4 volumes, was written in both Arabic and English. Enjoy: 

At the beginning and as a background, the reader would like to know what propelled you to embark on academic research in this area and to select this topic with the personality of Shaykh Ja’afar as your case study.

I was propelled to undertake this research by many factors. Perhaps the most current and academically engaging factor was the aftermath of the 2009 Boko Haram uprisings when documentation of the saga started outflowing in different forms, including academic studies and media reportage. I observed that the Boko Haram saga was used by many writers – local and international – to, in the process of researching the evolution, growth, ideological base and all other issues associated with the insurgency, direct their attention on the late Shaykh Ja’afar Mahmud Adam and devote some portions in their works on the relationship between Shaykh Ja’afar and the founder of Boko Haram, Muhammad Yusuf.

While I acknowledge that these writers have relevant information and facts regarding this dynamic, I can confidently assert that many facts have been twisted, distorted and misrepresented. In fact, too much attention on Ja’far’s interaction with the leader of Boko Haram would certainly swerve readers’ attention to the grand reform mission Ja’afar had carried out in his career that spanned about two decades.

Furthermore, some writers made absurd and explicit allegations that should not be allowed to pass without a solid, verifiably intellectual response. Besides, the career of Shaykh Ja’afar was full of captivating and interesting episodes that would add up to the history of postcolonial Islam, contemporary religious movements, the interplay of Ulama with civil society and authorities in northern Nigeria and the Hausa-speaking world in general. In other words, if you like, confining the career of Shaykh Ja’afar to an engagement with an estranged disciple is an act of cruelty and tyranny to history.

If this is the case, how does your work differ from the previous works on Boko Haram, and what do you particularly object in them?

In my thesis, I review the representation of Ja’afar and his engagement with Boko Haram as cited in studies and reportages. I endorse what appears to be true and verifiable, while I counter what is a distortion of facts. For example, I tackle the question of Muhammad Yusuf’s studentship and mentorship under Ja’afar; here, there are two visible opinions. One opinion suggests that Yusuf was the mentee, star, protege and possible successor of Ja’afar, while the other view objects to the point of almost debunking any teacher-student relationship between the two men. I seek to stand in between these positions. Based on fieldwork I carried out in Maiduguri in 2019 and in addition to the literature I consulted, I draw a conclusion that Yusuf had, of course, studied under Ja’afar.

Nonetheless, as confirmed by several informants, Yusuf was never punctual during Ja’afar’s lessons; in fact, he did not study a complete book under Ja’afar. Consequently, I re-examined the assertion of the closeness of the two men; it manifested to me that Yusuf was never formally or informally considered Ja’afar’s heir, nor was he considered intellectually capable of taking over from Ja’afar.

Meanwhile, I make reference to Yusuf’s ideological trajectories and terminals of religious activism, starting as an ambitious young man looking for fame. As such, he took a leading position in Muslim Brotherhood, Jama’atu Tajdid al-Islam, before finally joining the Izala, which he would also break from within a couple of years. Finally, on this point, I compare Ja’afar and Yusuf, what the two figures represent to Nigerians and the legacies each one has left behind. 

What else do you address besides the Boko Haram phenomenon in your project?

Hmmm. Like I said initially, Boko Haram is a small (though most popularised) aspect of Ja’far’s career. I set a background where I give a snapshot of the state of Islam and Muslims in postcolonial Northern Nigeria, highlighting the engagement of Muslims in politics and governance while appraising the debates of Shari’ah implementation and discourse on secularism which characterised the Nigerian public sphere after the turn of the 21st century.

I also look at the relations between Muslims and Christians, pointing to the areas of divergence, which are quite many, but also the few areas where Muslims and Christians united in pursuit of a common goal. I also survey the fragmentation of Islamic society along sectarian lines by first tracing the emergence of major and minor religious sects, groups and movements and their major views and arguments. I also illuminate the interplays between these two groups and what brings/brought them together to speak in one voice. All these are meant to give much insight into the religious and landscape sociopolitical contexts in which the figure of my study lived and conducted his mission. This represents the first significant section of the work, which, as you can see, represents the first epithet in the thesis title. 

I supply a relatively detailed biography of Ja’afar, focusing on his family background, the phases of his knowledge acquisition and the factors that contributed to his public visibility as a young man, all before his sojourn to the Islamic University of Madina. 

The work dwells on Ja’afar’s reunion with the Da’awah arena after his study at Madina and how unlike before, he concentrated on the transmission of knowledge and cultivation of disciples while minimising open-air preaching. In this regard, I supply comprehensive information on the major sites and centres of Da’wah, which used to host and coordinate Ja’far’s public engagement and private study circles.

In Kano, for instance, I reserve sections in which I discuss in detail the majalis of Ja’afar, such as the Triumph Mosque in Fagge, the Beirut Road Mosque, Usman Bin Affan Mosque, Gadon Kaya, Almuntada Mosque in Dorayi and the majlis in Ungogo Road. I explicate all the activities Ja’afar conducted, such as leading prayer, teaching for open and private audiences and presentations of sermons, lectures and seminars.

In Bauchi, I make reference to sites that hosted Ja’far’s mission, such as Gwallaga Jumaat mosque, Shaykh Awaq mosque at Old GRA, Baban Godi Mosque in Mallam Goje Street and Women Centre of Bauchi located at Gombe Road. Moreover, in about thirty pages, the thesis unpacks the mission of Ja’afar in Maiduguri, with a particular reference to the activities he conducted within the Indimi Mosque, hinting at the challenges Ja’afar confronted at the beginning and the strategies he adopted in the process of consolidating his Da’wah. The work here emphasises the Qur’anic interpretation exercise Ja’afar led during Ramadan at the mosque and how it became an annual conference that attracted audiences from different parts of northern Nigeria.

But Ja’far’s mission was also characterised by other features: teaching, presenting lectures and seminars and rigorous engagements in civil and political issues. Does your work take a look at this also?

Yeah, of course. I dedicate a full and lengthy chapter that surveys and appraises Ja’far’s interactions and engagements with some events that affected Nigerian contemporary developments, Islam and Muslims, and Ja’afar’s relations with various government and public figures, religious groups and individuals. It focuses on Ja’afar’s role in the return of Shari’ah in northern Nigeria, how he collaborated with religious leaders of other groups, and how this resulted in the implementation of Shari’ah in some northern states. It also refers to Ja’far’s participation in the implementation of the Shari’ah process in Kano.

The chapter further lays bare Ja’far’s engagement with Nigerian politics, governance, politicians and public figures, taking a look at his criticism of General Obasanjo’s administration and different political and government institutions, including Kano state, his base, but also figures such as Muhammadu Buhari, Atiku Abubakar, Ahmed Yarima, Ibrahim Shekarau, Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso, Ahmed Adamu Muazu, Ahmed Makarfi, Abubakar Habu Hashidu, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, Baba Impossible, among others.

The work also relates Ja’afar’s interplay with traditional institutions, which connects to his position on the royal fathers of the northern emirates and how they disagreed with some and collaborated and had cordial relationships with others. Still in the chapter, Ja’afar’s engagement with religious groups is narrated, beginning with Salafi networks to which he belonged, the Sufi brotherhoods with whom he disagreed most of the time and the peripheral groups like the Shia, Boko Haram and others. 

As a complement to a cleric biography, the chapter categorises Ja’far’s disciples and followers into four tabaqat, just as it mentions some of his colleagues, teachers and role models. It also provides insightful information relating to Ja’afar’s assassination, including the events that preceded the tragedy and what followed it, such as the posthumous attraction of the Muslim public toward the legacy and mission of the murdered cleric. 

The final chapter in the thesis extracts the thoughts, ideas and philosophical views and visions of Ja’afar on a plethora of issues such as education, economy, sociocultural topics, marriage and women issues, politics, global politics and international affairs, relations between Muslims and non-Muslims and the prospects of peaceful coexistence. The chapter presents at the end what the researcher believes is the central position of Ja’afar on Jihad, which further unravels the extent to which he conceived violent extremism in a world and time when Islamophobia was rising high.

But how have you encountered all this stuff, which appears to involve huge materials you had to engage?

Yes, I gathered my data through multiple sources. First, I laid my hands on the available recordings of Shaykh Ja’afar, including cassettes and online content. I listened to his entire Tafsir tapes, available Friday sermons, and many of his lectures and public and private lessons on Islamic texts. I also conducted fieldwork where I travelled to many states in Northern Nigeria and met about a hundred informants. Needless to say, I consulted a great deal of literature that ranged from published books, journals, newspapers and magazines, and reliable internet pages.

What challenges did you face while undertaking this research?

A lot of daunting challenges, but a researcher must always be ready to confront them. It suffices to say that one has to be away from family to a distant land to carry out this task. But before then, I faced challenges as regards accessing some informants. For example, although the work discusses Boko Haram, I could not interview any Boko Haram members to hear some things from him directly. But the most appalling of all the challenges was the lack of positive cooperation from some of Ja’afar’s colleagues and disciples. While some of them delayed, procrastinated and even cancelled my appointments with them, some of them even avoided me and refused to give me any audience at all. Paradoxically, I got positive responses and warm accommodation from personalities who might be well counted among Ja’afar’s rivals and competitors, including Sufis and Shiites.

Which plan do you have now for this work after you have been awarded a doctoral degree?

I just remembered that the work is bilingual and in four volumes, or if you like, two volumes in Arabic and two in English. My ambition is to publish it as a book or as two books. I will be glad to edit the Arabic version and publish it in a press in an Arab world like Egypt, Lebanon, Qatar or any other country, while the English version is to be hopefully published by a Western (preferably university) press.

Is there any point you disagree with Shaykh Ja’afar in your work?

Of course, there are. I can count almost ten. 

Can you give an example?

Certainly! During one of his lessons to women at Gadon Kaya, a woman asked if it was permissible for her to make a supplication – a prayer – to ask God to prevent her husband from marrying a second wife. Shaykh Ja’afar answered that it was not permissible since marriage is lawful, and no one has the power to make unlawful something that was made lawful by God. My argument here is that in a situation where women have turned adding a second wife into their earthly hell, so much so that they go to any extent, including dangerously deadly means to thwart their husbands from the second marriage, giving a fatwa with the permissibility of praying against this wish seems to be safer for all the parties involved. If God wishes, he would answer, and if He doesn’t answer, the woman would accept fate like that. 

Are there journal articles that have been published out of this thesis?

Yes, two articles have been published so far. One was published in a journal at an Islamic University in Uganda. I examined the thoughts and ideas of Shaykh Ja’afar on education. It is available here.

The second one was published in an Indonesian journal, and it talks about Ja’far’s views on women, marriage and family institutions. It can be accessed via this link.

I expect to publish two more before the end of the year, in sha Allah. One of them presents a contextual analysis of a sermon that Ja’afar delivered at Almuntada Mosque in Kano in the aftermath of the OPC massacre of northerners in Southwestern Nigeria. In the essay, I argue that the sermon, despite its strident nature and use of highly harsh language, served as one of the rhetorical instruments that calmed frayed nerves and tensions amid the possibility of reprisal attacks. The second essay examines Ja’afar’s engagement with Boko Haram and violent extremism. 

What are your concluding remarks?

I will conclude by stressing that the clerical career of Shaykh Ja’afar has provided one of the most interesting and attractive pages in the history of Islamic activism in contemporary Nigeria and Hausa speaking world. With millions of followers and his ideas circulating within public domains, Ja’afar’s mission is worth reading and researching. I proposed in my work what I call “Jafarology”, which refers to the process of studying the legacies of Ja’afar in different dimensions and from different perspectives.

I will close by expressing my immense gratitude to all the people who supported me in one way or the other. I must thank my parents for putting me through this path early. I thank my mentor Professor Salisu Shehu, to whom I dedicate this work. I still recall his visit to Morocco in June 2022 and consider it a fatherly concern that gave some moral comfort to a son away from home. In the same vein, I thank Professor Alexander Thurston, who read my chapters and offered me invaluable suggestions and recommendations. My success in this work owes greatly to his mentorship. The same gratitude goes to Dr Abdullahi Abubakar Lamido, whose mentorship and frank counsel encouraged and motivated me to delve into this research area. I also thank a colleague of mine here, Osho Iskil Kehinde, who has greatly supported me.

I also use the medium to appreciate the Federal University Gusau management for releasing me to undergo this program. In this vein, I must thank Dr Abubakar Masama, the Dean, Faculty of Arts; Dr Qasim Badamasi, the former HOD, Islamic Studies; Malam Abdallah Bashir Bakori, Dr Ja’far Agaji, the present HOD, and all the colleagues within the Department of Islamic Studies and Faculty of Arts of the University.

Last, I must reiterate my thanks to Dr Anas al-Shaykh Ali, the Director of the IIIT London Office. Sister Shiraz Khan, a coordinator at the Office, the Director of the Institute of Epistemological Studies Europe (IESE) in Brussels, Dr Beddy Ebnou al-Murabity and Dr Naima Daoudi for being of great help to me. It was these institutions that sponsored my entire studies here in Morocco.

Edinson Cavani nears contract termination with Valencia

By Muhammadu Sabiu 

Edinson Cavani is poised to part ways with Valencia, as both parties are on the verge of reaching an agreement for contract termination. 

The Uruguayan striker’s departure from the Spanish club seems imminent, making him a free agent in the transfer market. 

While the news of the contract termination has stirred interest among various clubs, Boca Juniors from Argentina wasted no time in expressing their desire to secure the services of the experienced forward. 

Boca Juniors have reportedly sent a formal proposal to Cavani, signalling their keenness to acquire the talented player for their squad. 

As talks between Cavani and Boca Juniors have progressed swiftly, the Argentine club is hopeful of finalising the deal in the near future. 

The prospect of signing a player of Cavani’s calibre has left Boca fans buzzing with excitement, and it could prove to be a significant coup for the club if the deal is successfully sealed.

Drama as man divorces wife for allowing male doctor to attend her during delivery

By Uzair Adam Imam

A frustrated husband in Katsina State has reportedly divorced his 14-year-old wife after realising that she was attended by the male medical practitioner while giving birth.

It was gathered that the woman was rushed to the hospital for medical care because of the complications she had during her labour.

However, as there was no female medical practioner on ground to attend to her, the woman was attended by the only male medical practioner available.

Dr. Fatima Adamu, the Executive Director of Nana Women and Girls Empowerment Initiative, disclosed this on Thursday while speaking as a keynote speaker at the Human Resources for Health Production Dialogue in Abuja.

She appealed to governments, especially state governments, to ensure there was equity in the recruitment and deployment of medical personnel to rural communities.

“A 14- year old Fulani girl in Katsina State,she delivered and had difficulty with delivery, so we had to take her to the hospital and after the delivery, the husband divorced her because she was attended by a man. This young girl was divorced all because she was attended by a man during delivery,”she lamented.

Official: President Tinubu releases ministerial list

By Abdurrahman Muhammad

President Tinubu has submitted a list of 28 individuals to the Senate for screening and confirmation as ministerial nominees. These are:

ABUBAKAR MOMOH

YUSUF MAITAMA

Umar Dangiwa

Hannatu MUSAWA

UCHE NNAJI

BETA EDU

DORIS ANIETE UZOAKA

DAVID UMAHI

EZENWO WIKE

MOHAMMED BADARU ABUBAKAR

NASIL EL RUFAI

EKPERIKPE EKPO

NKIRU ONYEJEOCHA

OLUBUNMI TUNJI OJO

STELLA OKOTETE UJU

KENNEDY OHANEYE

BELLO MOHAMMED GORONYO

DELE ALAKE

LATEEF FAGBEMI

MOHAMMED IDRIS

OLAWALE EDUN

WAHEED ADEBAYO ADELABU

IMAAN SULEIMAN IBRAHIM

PROF ALI PATE

JOSEPH OTSEN

SEN. ABUBAKAR KYARI

SEN JOHN ENO

SEN SANI ABUBAKAR

The list was submitted Thursday afternoon by Femi GBajabiamila, the Chief of Staff, to President Bola Tinubu.

Shehu Sani condemns military coup in Niger Republic

By Uzair Adam Imam

Shehu Sani, the former Kaduna State lawmaker, has condemned the military coup in the Niger Republic.

Sani stated this Thursday on Twitter, adding that “military rule can not be the solution.”

The coup took place on Wednesday when members of the Presidential Guard detained President Mohamed Bazoum.

He added that although he understood the disappointment and the political clash, the military coup could not be the alternative.

Sani stated, “Military rule must be totally rejected and resisted in West Africa. Our democracy is not perfect, and there is no perfect democracy anywhere. Military rule is not the solution.

“I’m surprised to read comments on social media, it appears that many young people are now in support of it. 

“I understand the disappointment and the frustration with the political class. It’s still better we continue to struggle to make our democracy better until we get it right,” Sani added.

FG begs NLC to shelve planned strike over fuel subsidy

By Uzair Adam Imam

The Federal Government has appealed to the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC) to shelve its planned strike over fuel subsidy removal.

The FG said it was doing everything possible to address issues raised by the congress, which threatened to embark on a nationwide strike in August.

The Daily Reality reports that the Congress Spokesperson, Ben Upah, made this disclosure on Wednesday, adding that they give seven days to the federal government to address the demand.

Speaking after the Steering Committee meeting on Palliatives, Olu Verheijen, the leader of the government team and Special Adviser to the President on Energy, pleaded with labour to give the federal government more time to look into its grievances rather than embark on industrial action.

She explained that the government was yet to roll out palliatives because it didn’t want to make mistakes, adding that the meeting with organised labour was productive and would continue tomorrow.

Asked about the agenda of the meeting, she said: “It involves labour and some parts of government; it’s a steering committee. it’s a wide group of people, a wide group of stakeholders representing the interests of Nigerians. And we’ve agreed to continue to make progress.

“It was a very productive meeting, the focus was really around how we fast-track a lot of the interventions that will bring relief, particularly around CNG, mass transportation, cleaner energy, transportation, and reduce the impact of the cost of transportation, the increased cost of transportation. So we’ve made good progress. And we’re going to continue to do so and so that we can start rolling out these opportunities and these relief measures as quickly as possible.”

Asked if Labour will not embark on strike as threatened, she said: “The labour unions will speak to that. But we are making progress; we’re trying to address the issues that will prevent a strike. So that is essentially why I feel we made very good progress today and will continue to do so.”

Tinubu nominates Kwankwaso, Elrufa’i and others as ministers

By Ahmad Deedat Zakari

Nigerian President, Bola Ahmad Tinubu, has reportedly disclosed the names of nominees for the Federal Executive Council, FEC.

In a report credited to Senate Leader Opeyemi Bamidele, the list of Tinubu’s ministers would be ready by Thursday, and it includes notable former governors and other distinguished Nigerians.

According to the report, immediate-past governors of Rivers, Kaduna, Osun, and Cross River States have been shortlisted as ministerial nominees. The nominees include Nyesom Wike, Nasir El-Rufai, Gboyega Oyetola, Ben Ayade, and Senator Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso from Kano, who is also the NNPP national leader.

Also in addition to the list of nominees to be presented on the floor of the Senate this Thursday morning are prominent individuals such as President Tinubu’s top aide, Dele Alake; Lateef Fagbemi, SAN; APC national woman leader, Dr Betty Edu; former Lagos State Commissioner for Budget Planning, Wale Edun; ex-Minister of State for Health, Prof. Ali Pate, and former Deputy Governor of CBN, Adebayo Adelabu from Oyo State.

NLC to embark on nationwide strike over fuel subsidy removal

By Uzair Adam Imam

The Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) has reportedly threatened to embark on a nationwide strike next month over the bitting economic hardship caused by the fuel subsidy removal in the country.

The Congress Spokesperson, Ben Upah, made this disclosure on Wednesday, adding that the they give seven days to the federal government go address the demand.

The Daily Reality recalls that President Bola Tinubu had, during his inauguration on 29 May, announced the removal of fuel subsidy.

The action had suddenly pushed up the price of the product, making life more difficult for the poor.According to Upah, the congress gave a nationwide strike notice beginning on 2 August to protest the removal of fuel subsidy by the federal government.

“Yes, the nationwide strike will commence on 2 August 2023. We will soon issue a communique to that effect,” Upah said.

This is coming a few hours after the National Association of Resident Doctors (NARD) began an indefinite strike in the country.

The doctors are demanding the implementation of a one-for-one replacement policy for healthcare workers, immediate payment of all salary arrears, implementation of a Consolidated Medical Salary Structure, and a new hazard allowance, among others.

Mane’s agent to meet Al Nassr for negotiations

By Muhammadu Sabiu

In a significant development in the world of football transfers, it has been confirmed that Sadio Mane’s agent, Roof Björn Bezemer, is set to embark on a trip to Japan to negotiate terms with Al Nassr.

The Saudi Arabian club has expressed keen interest in acquiring the talented winger from Bayern.

Last week, Sadio Mane gave his initial approval for negotiations with Al Nassr, signalling his willingness to consider a potential move to the Middle Eastern club.

However, it’s worth noting that Mane had expressed his desire to stay at Bayern Munich and was adamant about remaining with the team.

Despite the player’s stance, Bayern Munich has decided to part ways with Mane, making it evident that they are open to his departure.

This development has provided Al Nassr with a glimmer of hope to secure the services of the highly regarded footballer.

Roof Björn Bezemer, the intermediary representing Sadio Mane, is now entrusted with the task of sitting down with Al Nassr officials to discuss the terms of the potential deal.

The negotiations are expected to be crucial in determining whether the transfer will come to fruition.

Gov. Ubah Sani makes new appointments 

By Ahmad Deedat Zakari

The Governor of Kaduna State, Senator Uba Sani, has approved the appointment of Senior Government Officials to fill key positions in the administration of the State. 

The Chief Press Secretary to the Governor of Kaduna State, Muhammad Lawal Shehu, disclosed the names and biographies of the new appointees in a statement on Tuesday. 

The new appointees, as disclosed by the CPS, include the following :

1. Mohammad Sada Jalal – Director General, Kaduna Geographic Information Service (KADGIS)

2. Jerry Adams – Acting Executive Chairman, Kaduna Internal Revenue Service (KADIRS). Adams will act as the Executive Chairman pending the appointment of a substantive Executive Chairman.

3. Adamu Magaji – Director General, Kaduna State Facility Management Agency 

(KADFAMA)

4. Adamu Samaila – Special Adviser, Labour Matters

5. Amina Sani Bello – Senior    

 Special Assistant, Student Matters 

6. Salisu Ibrahim Garba – Senior Special Assistant, Political Matters 

7. Larai Sylvia Ishaku – Senior Special Assistant, Social Investment Programme 

8. Clement Shekogaza Wasah – Senior Special Assistant, Community Engagement 

9. Waziri Garba – Senior Special Assistant, Administration.

According to the statement, the appointments are based on the proven track records of the appointees and the persons appointed are to resume work with immediate effect.

“The appointments are based on the proven track records of the appointees, their commitment to the service of Kaduna State and the SUSTAIN Agenda of the current administration. They are also people of proven integrity.” Part of the statement reads