Economy

By Ismaila Abdulmumini

Kano, renowned for its rich history, cultural vibrancy, and socio-economic vitality, marked 57 years of statehood a few days ago. A long journey of sacrifices and transformations, usually one at a time, gives Kano the new look we see and admire today. Kano is now carving a new identity as Nigeria’s educational powerhouse, boasting four federal universities, three state-owned institutions, and over five private universities, in addition to state and privately funded colleges and polytechnics. 

Equally, quantifiable challenges and rubble need to be put together to build the Kano of our dreams—the one we revere and would be proud of. The state’s transformation into a learning hub has inadvertently exposed systemic gaps in critical sectors, gaps that demand urgent federal intervention to unlock Kano’s full potential.  

Despite its academic strides, Kano grapples with erratic electricity, which stifles the industries that support its institutions. Students and entrepreneurs alike face daily blackouts, which undermine research, innovation, and productivity. Experts argue that federal investment in renewable energy projects and grid modernisation could ignite industrial growth, creating thousands of jobs while sustaining the educational sector’s momentum. 

Kano’s healthcare system, chronically underfunded and overburdened, struggles to serve its 15 million residents. State-run hospitals lack essential equipment, and medical personnel are stretched thin. Federal input through facility upgrades, increased funding, and partnerships with the private sector could reduce pressure, improve public health outcomes, and attract medical tourism, turning a cost centre into a revenue stream.  

In Kano’s bustling large markets that serve Africa, such as Dawanau’s grains, Kwari’s fabrics, and Singa’s groceries, transactions remain stubbornly analogue. This “brick-and-mortar” mentality, experts say, stifles economic scalability in the twenty-first century. “Digitisation isn’t optional; it’s survival,” argues tech entrepreneur Aisha Musa. Federal grants to build a robust digital ecosystem, e-payment platforms, online marketplaces, and broadband expansion could connect Kano’s markets to global consumers, boosting GDP and curbing youth unemployment.  

Kano’s agricultural landscape is littered with bad, indefatigable innuendo. Farms teem with tomatoes, peppers, and livestock, yet the state imports processed dairy goods. The absence of modern processing facilities leaves farmers vulnerable to waste and price fluctuations. A federal push to establish agro-industrial zones with cold storage and meat-processing plants could transform raw abundance into export-ready products, slashing Nigeria’s $10 billion annual food import bill and strengthening the naira. 

Potholed roads and inefficient rail networks cripple trade, inflating costs and deter investors. Upgrading transport infrastructure, which relies heavily on the federal government, would streamline the movement of goods from farms to ports, link markets to neighbouring countries, and position Kano as a logistics hub. “Better roads mean cheaper goods, happier consumers, and a thriving economy,” notes logistics expert Tunde Okoye.  

The blueprint for Kano’s renaissance is clear: targeted federal investments in energy, healthcare, digitisation, agro-industry, and transport. Such interventions promise to generate employment, diversify revenue streams, reduce import dependency, and fortify Nigeria’s economy. As the state stands at a crossroads, the message to Abuja is unequivocal: Empower Kano, and you empower the nation. Kano’s story does not need to be one of unfulfilled promises. With strategic governance, Africa’s “Centre of Commerce” could reclaim its title, this time, as a beacon of inclusive, 21st-century growth.

Ismaila Abdulmumini wrote via ima2040@outlook.com.

By Nasiru Ibrahim

If the economy grows by 4% in Q1 2025, people expect to feel it through affordable food, reasonable wages, more job opportunities, an improvement in the standard of living, and quality education. I agreed with Dr. Usman Isyaku’s recent claim that “Economics is the new rocket science in Nigeria,” because economists are busy presenting abstract models, charts, graphs, GDP growth, and the economic policy debate is centred only on economic jargon and indicators that appear technical and confusing to the layman. The economic policy debate is supposed to be centred on what people earn, what they buy, how the cost of living rises, and what happens to inequality and poverty.

People often ask: if the economy is growing, why is our life getting harder? The answer to all this is the Nigerian economy’s economic growth and inflation paradox, which refers to the presence of economic growth and high inflation at the expense of people’s purchasing power and standard of living. Inflation erodes people’s purchasing power and repeatedly makes them poorer as prices rise.

The economic growth and inflation paradox is the reality of the Nigerian economy, considering that the economy experienced its fastest growth in about a decade in 2024, as pointed out by the World Bank’s lead economist for Nigeria, Sir Alex Sienant, yesterday in Abuja. He said the Nigerian economy grew by 4.6% year-on-year in Q4 2024. This means that in the last three months of 2024, the Nigerian economy produced 4.6% more goods and services than in the same period in 2023. However, even though the country produces more, many people don’t feel any benefit because prices are still rising, and daily life is becoming harder.

Growth figures like GDP are averages and do not address poverty, high inequality, a poor standard of living, or food affordability.

What caused this paradox?  President Tinubu’s economic reforms — removing fuel subsidies, electricity subsidies, and naira devaluation cuts —resulted in fiscal improvement. Government revenue grew by 4.5% of GDP in 2024, the fiscal deficit decreased, and external debt declined. On paper, these achievements are impressive, but they feel different to the common man on the street, as the prices of food, transport, and rent continue to rise.

The immediate cause is the lack of inclusive growth, with a few sectors like oil and banking dominating the GDP. Secondly, weak institutions refer to government agencies and public bodies that are supposed to ensure fairness, transparency, and accountability but fail to do so. When institutions are weak, they allow corruption, inefficiency, and poor management of public funds. This means money meant for roads, healthcare, education, or farming support gets wasted or stolen, and policies that should help everyone only benefit a few elites. This worsens inequality and keeps essential services underdeveloped.

Thirdly, agriculture and supply chain disruptions caused inefficiency in the sector. Insecurity and poor infrastructure, plus the issue of import waivers, contributed to cheap food imports, making it hard for local farmers to compete and causing them to incur losses.

I do not view economics as rocket science dominated by charts, models, and jargon. I see economics in everyday life—prices, wages, job opportunities, choices, affordable food for all, happiness, and a better life for all and sundry.

Economists should explain how policies affect people’s daily lives — not just in GDP numbers, but in real terms like food prices, wages, and employment opportunities. Economists need to engage with the public more directly, explaining key concepts like inflation or interest rates in simple terms. In 2022, the Nigerian government reported economic growth in the oil sector. Yet, unemployment was at a 20% high, and poverty was increasing, with more than 40% of Nigerians living below the poverty line.

Economists and policymakers often discuss GDP growth, real income, or inflation rates—terms that many Nigerians don’t fully understand. Most people are focused on practical issues like food prices, rent, and transportation costs, not abstract economic concepts.

Governments often use economic data to justify their policies, sometimes highlighting growth figures that don’t fully reflect the real situation. In Nigeria, governments usually focus on growth rates in sectors like oil and telecoms, which don’t directly impact most people’s daily lives, while ignoring issues like rising poverty and growing inequality.

What Should Be Done? 

Firstly, fuel subsidy reform must be done to protect ordinary Nigerians. The sudden removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 made life harder—transport became expensive, food prices shot up, and suffering increased. Even big economies like the U.S. still subsidise farmers, energy, and housing. But in Nigeria, our subsidy system was full of corruption and waste. Instead of removing it overnight, the government should have planned a gradual withdrawal and used the savings to support school feeding, health insurance, and public transport. State governors, like those in Lagos and Borno, should use their share of subsidy savings to support poor families. Local government chairmen can help by identifying struggling households and ensuring the help gets to them.

Secondly, we must secure our farms and support agriculture to fight food inflation. Insecurity in places like Benue, Zamfara, and Niger has chased farmers off their land. No farming means no food, and no food means higher prices. The government should send security teams to protect farmers and work with local vigilantes. State governors must invest in irrigation, storage facilities, and feeder roads, like Ebonyi’s rice project or Cross River’s cocoa plan. Local governments should help distribute seeds and fertilisers, and organise markets in villages so that food can move easily and become cheaper.

Thirdly, Nigeria must stop mismanaging foreign exchange and support local production. The constant rise and fall of the naira, unfair access to cheap dollars, and heavy import dependence have worsened things. The CBN must be open and fair in its forex policy and prioritise local manufacturers. State governments should build industrial hubs and support processing industries, as Ogun State is doing. Local governments can help small producers in things like leather, cassava, and shea butter—so we can reduce imports, create jobs, and lower prices.

Fourthly, state governors and LG chairmen must stop blaming the federal government for everything. Many things affecting people—bad roads, dirty water, expensive local markets—are within their power. Governors should form regional plans, invest in infrastructure, and support small businesses. Local governments should fix boreholes, maintain primary health centres, and organise rural markets. These small actions reduce the daily cost of living and improve lives.

Fifthly, we need proper social protection, not random handouts. Inflation is eating deep into people’s pockets. The government should use verified data (linked to NIN and BVN) to send digital cash transfers to the poor. Local governments must identify real households that need support. States should create public works programs—like road maintenance, tree planting, or waste collection—so people earn a living while helping their communities. That’s how India’s rural job scheme helped millions.

Lastly, no reform will work without fighting corruption and fixing our broken institutions. We can’t keep discussing change while money disappears, budgets are padded, and governors pocket LG funds. The government must pass audit laws, publish how money is spent, and punish corruption. State and local governments should meet transparency targets before receiving federal funds. We must also return full independence to local governments so they can serve people directly. Without these changes, even the best economic plans will fail.

By Sabiu Abdullahi, Uzair Adam, Anwar Usman, Anas Abbas, Abdullahi Algasgaini, and Ibrahim Yunusa

As the summer season deepens across northern Nigeria, small business owners in various communities—from Kano to Kaduna, Jigawa to Bauchi—are raising the alarm over dwindling customer patronage.

The Daily Reality reports that the convergence of economic hardship, seasonal farming priorities, and insecurity is squeezing their operations, with many struggling to stay afloat.

Traditionally, the onset of summer in the Northern Hemisphere, beginning in May, signals a shift in consumer behavior.

For many local residents, it marks a transition from marketplace spending to full-scale agricultural engagement.

As people move into planting and harvesting, businesses dependent on daily and seasonal purchases are increasingly left behind. This year, that impact appears to be more pronounced than usual.

Hussain Ibrahim, a businessman at Kano’s Kofar Ruwa market, told The Daily Reality that while there is interest from customers, purchasing power has significantly weakened due to inflation and soaring prices.

He stated, “Although people want to patronize us, goods have become too expensive. The money you’d use to buy a ton of rod two years ago has doubled. Most people can’t keep up with the situation.”

He also attributed the crisis to the federal government’s removal of the fuel subsidy, which has drastically increased transportation costs.

Ibrahim added that, “Before, transporting goods from Lagos to Kano used to cost N800,000. Now, it’s N1.7 million. That alone inflates prices, and customers suffer for it.”

In Jigawa State, Umar Muhammad, a foodstuff dealer in Limawa, Dutse, highlighted another unique challenge: the irregularity of local civil servant salaries.

Muhammad said, “Our peak sales occur in the first and second weeks of the month when civil servants receive their pay. By the middle of the month, we might drop from N1 million in sales to just N200,000,” he revealed.

This pattern underscores how fragile small businesses are, relying heavily on public sector salary cycles for survival.

In Kaduna’s Zaria town, fertilizer dealer Yakubu Hussaini painted a bleak picture. According to him, the price hikes from suppliers—triggered by high import costs of raw materials—have slowed down the market significantly.

“The government’s decision to import maize, wheat, and rice discouraged many farmers. Coupled with the insecurity in rural areas, farmers are abandoning their lands. All of this has crushed demand for fertilizer,” he said.

As the rainy season approaches, and started in some areas, farming activities become top priority for most residents, further reducing commercial traffic in markets. This has hit businesses that depend on footfall the hardest.

Isah Mucika, a butcher at the Kwanar Ungogo abattoir in Kano, observed, “People are more focused on clearing their farms. I had to sell my motorcycle to invest in my farmland.”

He added that goods are seen as increasingly unaffordable, leading many to limit spending to farming essentials.

The story is the same in Bauchi, where a cosmetics seller said her weekly sales have been reduced to what she used to make in just two days.

“Now, people mostly buy only what they eat. Luxuries like cosmetics are no longer a priority,” she lamented.

A mobile phone dealer echoed her frustration. “Even fairly used phones are hard to sell. People come, ask for the price, and walk away. They’d rather fix their old phones than buy new ones.”

As small businesses continue to suffer under the weight of these intersecting challenges, local chambers of commerce and community leaders are calling for increased support for local enterprises.

There is a growing campaign urging residents to buy local, highlighting the social and economic ripple effects of every purchase.

“Supporting local businesses now is more important than ever. There is a strong connection between low patronage and the coming rainy season—but our collective choices can help cushion the impact.”

According to economic expert Abdulmalik Ibrahim, the low purchasing power of residents in northern Nigeria is a major factor behind the struggles faced by small businesses during this period.

Ibrahim pointed to a range of factors fueling the situation: high inflation, devaluation of the naira, and ongoing economic challenges that have shrunk household incomes.

He noted that Nigeria’s inflation rate reached 33.20% in March 2024, making it increasingly difficult for people to afford even basic necessities.

“The devaluation of the naira has pushed up the cost of imported goods, while economic instability and high unemployment have further reduced disposable incomes,” he explained.

Ibrahim added that rising prices for essentials like food, transport, and utilities have hit low-income households the hardest, reducing their spending power and affecting small businesses.

“Insecurity in farming communities and disruptions to supply chains have also driven up food prices, making the situation even worse,” he said.

He stressed that government borrowing from the Central Bank of Nigeria has contributed to inflation, further straining people’s ability to purchase goods and services.

“The combined impact of these factors is creating a harsh environment for small businesses across the region,” Ibrahim concluded.

By Abdullahi Abubakar Lamido, PhD

It was a warm afternoon in my office at the Zakah and Waqf Foundation in Gombe, and I had cleared my schedule for what was described as a “very important meeting.” A group of nine young professionals—doctors, nurses, and medical administrators—filed in with purposeful expressions. These were respected Muslim health workers in our community, competent and resourceful in their own rights, leading their Muslim body. 

They sat down, exchanged pleasantries, and after a few minutes, one of them cleared his throat and spoke. “We were hoping you could help us reach Qatar Charity. We want to build a mosque in our hospital.”

I paused. My mind raced not with criticism but with confusion. These were not poor villagers. These were professionals, all salaried, some likely earning above average. I asked gently, “How much will the mosque cost?”

“About ten million naira.”

“And how many Muslim staff do you have?”

“Roughly 500,” they responded.

I picked up a pen and scribbled something. “That’s twenty thousand naira each,” I said. “Divided over four months, that’s 5,000 naira per month.”

There was a short silence. “You don’t need Qatar Charity,” I told them. “You need yourselves; you need Gombe Charity.”

From my limited understanding, I explained that most international charities, like Qatar Charity, raise funds from within their own people first. They identify a problem in a country, develop a proposal, return to their citizens and say: “Donate to build a mosque in Nigeria.” If they can do that for us, why can’t we do it for ourselves? I then told them to put my name as the first donor of the twenty thousand naira to kickstart the project. 

That brief meeting offered a glimpse into a deeper issue—our chronic psychological dependence on external aid, even when we can act. The problem isn’t always material poverty; often, it’s a lack of belief in our collective strength—a poverty of the mind and will.

The Turkey Phenomenon: A Lesson Misunderstood

Take, for example, the popular trend in some Northern Nigerian states where applications pour into Turkish and other organisations for Qurbani (Udhiya) distributions. Turkish charities, may Allah reward them, buy cows and distribute meat during Eid.

But here’s a crucial question: Is this a model to emulate or one to reconsider? If every year, our people look outward to receive—and never inward to learn how to organise, fund, and distribute—we risk cultivating a culture of constant reception without reciprocity.

Islam is not a religion of passivity. It teaches us to act before asking, to solve before seeking, and to build with what is already in our hands. Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) taught us that the upper hand is better than the lower one—the hand that gives is superior to the hand that receives.

The Al-Basar Example: From Vision to Visionary Impact

Now, let’s discuss a model worth following—Al-Basar International Foundation.

Al Basar International Foundation is a non-profit international NGO. Founded in 1989 by a group of concerned professionals. Al-Basar is a shining example of what happens when people come together to solve a problem themselves. Their focus? Combating preventable blindness across the Muslim world. No dependency. No grand donor campaigns. Just strategic self-mobilisation as well as waqf and collaborative mindset. 

It works in Yemen, Bangladesh, Sudan, Nigeria, Pakistan, etc. In Nigeria, for instance, a 2019 campaign funded by King Salman Humanitarian Aid and Relief Centre in collaboration with Al Basar International Foundation saw medical volunteers from Saudi Arabia meet 8,000 eye patients and perform 800 eye surgeries to remove cataract and glaucoma in Ibadan, Nigeria, as well as in Lafia in Nasarawa State. 

The foundation manages the Makkah Eye Specialist Hospital in Kano state, Nigeria, where 4,000 free eye surgeries were carried out in 2021. The hospital treats eye conditions, including diabetic retinopathy. In 2022, Al Basar International Foundation, in collaboration with the King Salman Relief Center, sponsored 400 free cataract surgeries for residents of Kano, which took place at Makkah Eye Specialist Hospital. 

Over the years, Al Basar has conducted over 2,000 outreach programs worldwide, performed over 700,000 cataract surgeries, and dispensed nearly 2 million glasses. With 28 hospitals across six countries, the foundation has recorded 26 million outpatient visits. It also invests in education by establishing colleges to train eye care professionals, impacting Africa and Asia. Their school screening program has reached over 1 million children, providing immediate interventions and ensuring a comprehensive approach to their eye health.

Now ask yourself: is Al-Basar a government-funded operation? No. Did it start with foreign aid? No. It was “from them, by them, for them.” And now it is for us, too—because they nurtured it to the point where it could grow beyond them.

We should not only admire such models. We should replicate them.

Historical Echoes: Islamic Proofs of Self-Driven Solutions

Uthman ibn Affan (RA) and the Well of Rumah

When water scarcity plagued Medina, and a private owner monopolised a well, the Prophet (SAW) called for someone to purchase it for the Muslims. Uthman (RA) stepped up, bought the well, and made it a public waqf. He didn’t write to Yemen. He didn’t petition the Romans. He simply used what Allah had given him to solve a problem for Allah’s sake.

So, What Can We Do? A Homegrown Waqf Blueprint

If we genuinely want to stop relying on donors and start building resilient communities, here are practical steps:

Think Within, Act Within: Begin every solution by asking what the community already has—not what it lacks. Do you have professionals? Land? Skills? Social networks? Then, start from there.

Group Economic Self-Waqfing: Encourage professional groups (doctors, teachers, engineers, traders, lawyers) to dedicate a portion of monthly income to a fund. Even a modest 5,000 naira monthly from 100 people can generate sustainable capital. At Zakah and Waqf Foundation, we enjoy that from some professionals, and it works. 

Community Challenge Waqf: Identify a local challenge—maternal health, education for orphans, access to clean water—and collectively endow a waqf around it. Let the yield solve that problem perpetually.

Transparent Management Structures: Set up trustworthy waqf boards to manage resources. Trust fuels contribution. Accountability sustains it.

Celebrate Independence: Create cultural pride around self-funded projects. Showcase schools, hospitals, orphanages, and mosques built without a single foreign dime.

It is Time to Change the Script

Imagine if each LGA in Nigeria had one waqf-funded primary health centre, one vocational training centre, and one scholarship fund—all funded by local contributions from professionals, retirees, and small traders.

We would not be beggars. We would be builders.

It’s time to write a new story. One not of helplessness and application letters to foreign NGOs but of resolve, unity, and strategic giving. One of From Us, By Us, For Us—in the truest, most impactful sense.

When that story is told to future generations, they will say: There was a people who stopped waiting and started building.

Amir Lamido wrote from Gombe via lamidomabudi@gmail.com.

By Hadiza Abdulkadir

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu marked the second anniversary of his administration on Wednesday with an optimistic national address highlighting the government’s achievements and reaffirming commitment to economic reform, national security, and human capital development.

Speaking from the Aso Rock Presidential Villa, President Tinubu declared that his administration had made “undeniable progress” despite the sacrifices demanded of citizens, especially following the removal of fuel subsidies and the unification of foreign exchange rates.

“We are halfway through the journey that began 24 months ago. Today, I proudly affirm that our economic reforms are working,” he said, citing improvements such as easing inflation, increased foreign reserves, and higher state revenues.

According to the President, the federal government recorded over ₦6 trillion in revenue in Q1 2025 and successfully reduced the fiscal deficit from 5.4% of GDP in 2023 to 3.0% in 2024. Additionally, the country’s net external reserves rose sharply to over $23 billion by the end of 2024, a fivefold increase from the previous year.

In the energy sector, Tinubu noted a 400% increase in oil rig activity since 2021 and over $8 billion in new investments. “We have stabilised our economy and are now better positioned for growth and global shocks,” he added.

The President also highlighted reforms in taxation, infrastructure development, and the health sector. He announced the expansion of primary healthcare centres, the establishment of new cancer treatment centres, and a tax policy overhaul aimed at supporting low-income households and small businesses.

“Together, we are creating a system where prosperity is shared, and no one is left behind,” he said.

By Muhammad Sulaiman

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has reiterated his administration’s commitment to inclusive economic growth, declaring that the country’s economic resilience is beginning to yield tangible benefits for citizens across sectors.

Addressing the nation on the second anniversary of his government, President Tinubu described 2025 as a year of fiscal turnaround and recovery, driven by bold reforms under the Renewed Hope Agenda.

“Despite the bump in the cost of living, we have made undeniable progress,” he stated, noting improvements in inflation, food prices, and investor confidence.

A key highlight of the President’s remarks was the government’s aggressive tax reform agenda, which pushed the tax-to-GDP ratio from 10% to over 13.5% within a year. Tinubu explained that this success was made possible by simplifying tax policies and offering relief for low-income households and small businesses.

“We are eliminating the burden of multiple taxation and introducing a fairer tax system. Essential services like food, healthcare, and education will attract 0% VAT,” he announced.

President Tinubu also underscored the importance of sustainable national finances, stating that wasteful and opaque tax waivers had been abolished in favour of targeted incentives supporting high-impact sectors such as manufacturing, agriculture, and technology.

The administration is establishing an independent Tax Ombudsman to ensure accountability. The President says this move will protect small businesses and vulnerable taxpayers.

“We are creating an economy where investment is welcome, businesses can thrive, and every Nigerian can benefit from shared prosperity,” he added.

The President noted that subnational governments had also reaped the benefits of the reforms, with an increase of over ₦6 trillion in state revenues in 2024. This has enabled them to meet debt obligations and invest more in critical infrastructure.

“Our reforms are not just fiscal adjustments. They are about restoring confidence, strengthening institutions, and building a foundation for future generations,” Tinubu concluded.

By Prof. Abdalla Uba Adamu

They are both young boys, although one seems slightly older. From March to May 2025, they captured the attention and interests of Hausaphone social media with their radically different approaches to digital media visibility. In the process, they provided a template or script for the future of youth engagement in public culture and demonstrated the power of agency. 

Taranding in an open cesspool (Kabiru Isma’il, Kano).

The first was Kabiru Isma’il, better known as Kabeer2pac (apparently a fan of the late American rapper 2Pac Shakur).He had 1.8m followers and 15.1m likes on his TikTok account, which prominently displays his phone number (or that of his agent) for advertising purposes. His early videos clocked in millions of views. His most famous video, in which he shakes the dust off his body and jacket, has earned 51 million views. He devised two strategies to achieve this fame. 

His first videos were posted during the 2025 Ramadhan on 19 and 20th March 2025. In the videos, he was recorded immersed in a stagnant open cesspool of household wastewater (kwatami), dunking himself in it and smearing the sediments on his face. The videographer asked for his motives, and he replied he was doing so to “tarand” (trend) because he yearns for fame (ɗaukaka). He affirms he was not a lunatic. The video had 2.6 million views. He further explained that he resorted to this because his earlier attempts at trending were unsuccessful.

On 3rd April 2025, he switched from cesspool contents smearing to getting a sack of charcoal dust dumped on his head,which earned the video 14.8 million views. By then, his fame spread because the CoalDust video he posted two days later earned him 51 million views. His videos attracted Gwanki Travels and Tours International Ltd in Kaduna, who invited him and offered him a free ticket to perform the lesser Hajj, Umrah. Beaming with happiness, Kabeer2pac declared his gratitude that he had achieved the fame he had sought and had “taranded” very well. Of course, Gwanki also trended because they were riding on his coat-tail, as it were, to advertise their services.

Reactions to Kabeer2pac’s fame and fortune were varied but predictable. Most commentators were happy for him and took umbrage at any view that condemned his behaviour as unhealthy and unbecoming. Some Muslim clerics condemned him. Others were against the money spent on his Umrah, arguing that he was young and the money should be invested in either a trade or his education. His behaviour led to copycat copying. 

Quite soon after it started trending, copycats appeared in various guises, including a cesspool girl, from dousing themselves with petrol to set fire on themselves, to having cement blocks banged on their head, to immersing themselves in a stagnant pool of waste water. In one case, a young boy entered a soak away— all in their desire to “tarand” and possibly get a free Umrah ticket.

In an RFI video interview posted on 16th April 2025, Kabeer 2pac admitted that the possibility of his social media celebrity status is likely to be short-lived, as he understands that people will soon get bored with his antics and switch to something else. But for the period he was trending, he was happy with the endorsements he received and his branching out into comedies and short dancing skits in his trademark winter jacket. 

He has accurately anticipated the ephemeral nature of his antics. About two years ago, others who trended and quickly faded away were even more famous and established what I call “celebrification culture”. The first was Ale Rufa’i Bullgates, who devised his own currency, “Gangalion”. He was followed by Ale Umar Bush, whose speciality was foul-mouthing everyone around him. Each was given a social media celebrity status – private jets, fancy meals, endorsement deals by fancy local merchants. Ale Umar Bush seemed to have a Middle-Eastern “girlfriend”. People mocked their mental health and turned them into the theatre. That was probably why Kabeer2pac prefaced his first video by proclaiming that he was not mad. 

What motivates people to watch grisly events as lookie-loos, whether on screen or in physical spaces? Kabeer2pac’s audience can be called voyeuristic or spectator audiences. Odd or outlandish behaviour fascinates them because it provides novelty, entertainment, and sometimes a sense of shock or disbelief. Due to its unconventional nature, such content often triggers curiosity, amusement, or even a desire to share with others. 

Trending Young Dangote (Sadiq Usman Ahmed, Kurmin Mashi, Kaduna)

In contrast to Kabeer2pac, Sadiq was a street hawker in Kurmin Mashi, Kaduna, whom someone tagged Young Dangote. His nickname refers to the Hausa business mogul Aliko Dangote, the richest Black man in the world at the time. Anwar Textiles Ltd discovered him at a traffic stop in Kurmin Mashi, Kaduna, on 18th May 2025, when the young lad, who looks about 13 years old, was hawking car fresheners. 

Intrigued, the videographer asked how he started the business. Beaming an incredibly infectious smile (alone enough to make you buy his ware, even if you had no intention of doing so), he said he started with ₦300 with which he used to purchase cotton buds for ₦50 and sold for ₦70-₦100, before moving to products he bought for ₦350, selling at ₦500, happy with whatever profit he made. Gradually, his capital reached ₦5,000, then ₦1000, “har jari ya kai dubu hamsin cifi cif”/up to ₦50,000 neat. He said he prefers schooling to hawking, but poverty forced him into hawking. He relates this with a devastating, charming smile and enthusiasm for his current station in life, clearly with a business goal in mind. 

Touched by his resolve to improve his business, the video was posted on Anwar Textiles’ personal account and went viral. This impressed so many people (including the Pop Cola company in Kano) that they sent their widow’s mite to Anwar Textiles to improve the boy’s capital. Some asked for an account. In a very honourable way, Anwar Textiles traced the boy’s father. They recorded a video in which the father explained their happiness about the crowdsourcedfunding efforts made by Anwar Textiles. He emphasised that they were not begging for assistance as such (they were well off, but had a bad patch in life), but are grateful to those who contribute to the boy’s entrepreneurial ambitions. An account number was given. 

By 16th May 2025, Sadiq had over ₦300,000 capital and a larger basket to hold more products, which Anwar Textiles helped to purchase for him. The balance of the money was handed over to the father. He thanked Anwar Textiles for making it possible for people to know him. He displayed his new “mobile shop” and declared, “daga nan sai ƙasar waje, inshaa Allahu”/next, overseas, by God’s grace. He also stated his intention to go back to school soon. 

I find Anwar Textiles honourable. He located the boy, helped him, and supported his family. Importantly, he did not engage the boy in a gaudy marketing gimmick for his company, as done with Kabeer2pac. The boys’ marketing strategy was brilliant, as seen in a video posted a few days later in which he persuaded a motorist to buy more car fresheners than the customer actually intended to buy!

Both of these teenage boys demonstrate what personal resolve can achieve. Through social media, each person has attained something they wanted at the beginning of their lives. Kabeer2pac’s social media platform, which thrives on trends and viral content, where the unusual or unexpected can quickly gain traction through likes, shares, and comments, further amplifying its reach, worked perfectly well. He has the fame (ɗaukaka) he strives for. 

For Young Dangote, who has no social media presence (I even doubt if he has a phone, for he would probably plough the money into his business), we see what the power of crowdfunding and simple determination can do spontaneously. Comments from those who knew the family indicated that they were stable (as indeed even the father stated), but went through a bad patch. Instead of mourning their turbulent period, Sadiq dropped out of school, picked up a basket, got some money, bought car fresheners, and started hawking them at traffic stops. The rest, as they say, is a viral history. 

Social media can be a space for what Bala Muhammad (Adaidaita Sahu) at the DEEDS Book vs Screen May 2025 KHAIRUN Dialogue refers to as “digital iskanci”—or something else. Your judgment of each is, of course, personal.

By Nasiru Ibrahim

In Nigeria, government policies to improve the economy often fail to serve the broader population. Instead of addressing systemic issues, these policies often become tools for political favouritism, corruption, and inefficiency, benefiting only a few. This results in greater inequality, inefficiency, and social unrest, leaving millions of Nigerians struggling.

The critical question is: Are these economic problems not necessarily created by private organisations enough to justify applying the Keynesian model in developing countries like Nigeria?

We need to examine Nigeria’s economic realities in light of Keynesian theory to answer this. While the theory suggests that government intervention can correct market failures and stimulate growth, such interventions often exacerbate the problems they aim to solve in Nigeria. By comparing Nigeria’s situation to Keynes’s assumptions, we can determine whether government intervention is more of a curse than a blessing.

Keynesian Economics and Nigeria’s Reality

Keynesian economics is based on several assumptions: income, employment, output, money supply, and investment. Let’s break down how these assumptions fare in Nigeria’s context:

Money Supply and Interest Rates: Keynes argued that an increase in the money supply reduces interest rates, which should increase investment, income, output, and employment. In theory, this should stimulate economic growth. However, in Nigeria, despite the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) increasing the money supply, interest rates remain high, and inflation continues to rise. This inflationary pressure discourages investment and undermines businesses, many of which struggle to survive.

Effective Demand and Unemployment: Keynes suggested that unemployment is caused by a deficiency in effective demand, which typically occurs during the downward phase of the business cycle. However, Nigeria’s unemployment crisis is not cyclical but structural, stemming from insufficient capital formation and inadequate resources. Even during periods of economic growth, unemployment remains high, revealing deeper systemic issues than those addressed by Keynes’s theory.

Investment and Marginal Efficiency of Capital (MEC): According to Keynes, investment depends on the MEC, which is determined by the expected return on investment. In Nigeria, the MEC and actual investment remain low, primarily due to instability, poor infrastructure, and weak institutions. The lack of investor confidence further hampers growth.

Saving and Consumption: Keynes viewed saving as detrimental to economic growth, as it reduces consumption, which affects income and employment. In advanced economies, excessive saving may reduce demand, but the opposite is true in Nigeria. Saving is necessary for capital formation, yet savings rates are already low. Nigerians spend more than 80% of their income on consumption, limiting capital available for productive investment.

The Role of Foreign Trade: Keynes’s model was based on a three-sector economy (households, firms, and government), while Nigeria operates a four-sector economy, with foreign trade playing a significant role. Imports and exports, especially of crude oil, heavily influence national income and economic performance. However, Nigeria’s dependence on imports and volatile oil prices highlights the vulnerability of its economic structure.

Government Intervention: A Curse or a Blessing?

Government intervention can either benefit or harm an economy. However, history suggests that government intervention has primarily been a curse in Nigeria. The country’s interventionist policies have been marred by chronic corruption, policy inconsistency, weak institutions, and political patronage, leading to inefficiency and social harm.

Several examples illustrate the disastrous impact of government policies:

The Anchor Borrowers Programme: In 2023, the CBN admitted that over 76% of the loans disbursed under the Anchor Borrowers Programme had not been repaid. The scheme, designed to support farmers, became riddled with corruption. Many recipients were political loyalists without agricultural expertise, undermining the program’s effectiveness and inflating public debt.

Misuse of Public Funds: In 2020, a leaked memo revealed that over ₦81 billion was paid out through fake contracts to party loyalists, with no actual work being done. This wasted public funds that could have been invested in schools, hospitals, or infrastructure, further deepening the nation’s economic woes.

Ghost Workers in Kogi State: Over 3,000 ghost workers linked to political patronage were discovered on Kogi State’s payroll. These fictitious workers were paid salaries meant for public service, siphoning funds away from essential government services.

Political Patronage in Government Programs: Programs like TraderMoni and SURE-P, initially aimed at alleviating poverty, were instead used to reward political supporters during election periods. In 2019, around ₦10 billion was distributed under TraderMoni, with no clear records of repayment or follow-up, reducing the program’s ability to address real economic problems.

The Power Sector Crisis: Nigeria’s power sector remains in shambles despite spending ₦2 trillion in bailout funds since 2015. Many areas receive less than 8 hours of electricity daily, forcing businesses to rely on expensive generators, which increases their operational costs and deters potential investors.

The 2019–2021 Border Closure: The government closed borders to combat smuggling and encourage local farming. However, this policy led to soaring food prices—rice, for instance, increased from ₦15,000 to over ₦27,000 per 50kg bag. The policy also harmed small traders and businesses, exposing the fragility of Nigeria’s local production capabilities.

The Mismanagement of COVID-19 Funds: During the COVID-19 pandemic, the government allocated over ₦500 billion for palliatives, but many Nigerians, especially in rural areas, saw no relief. In some cases, food items meant for distribution were found rotting in warehouses, while the funds disappeared without adequate documentation.

The Ajaokuta Steel Company: Over $8 billion (approximately ₦12 trillion) has been spent on the Ajaokuta Steel Company since the 1970s, yet the facility remains non-operational. Despite its potential to transform Nigeria’s industrial landscape, it has become a symbol of inefficiency and political exploitation.

Foreign Exchange Crisis: The mismanagement of Nigeria’s foreign exchange policy has led to multiple exchange rates, fueling corruption and economic instability. The naira now trades at over ₦1,600 to the dollar, creating further challenges for businesses and pushing more Nigerians into poverty.

NNPC Report (2022): The Nigerian government spends ₦6 trillion annually on fuel subsidies, which mainly benefit the wealthy and fuel importers. This massive amount could have been used to improve critical sectors like healthcare, education, or infrastructure. Instead, it adds to Nigeria’s debt and fuels inflation, making life harder for ordinary Nigerians and slowing economic growth.

National Social Investment Programme (2021): Programs like the N-Power initiative, which aimed to tackle unemployment, have been poorly managed. Despite billions allocated, only about 5 million people benefited by 2021, and many faced delays in receiving payments. The program failed to meet its objectives, wasting public funds and doing little to address Nigeria’s unemployment crisis.

EFCC Report (2020): Corruption remains rampant. The government loses ₦500 billion annually due to corrupt procurement deals. These misappropriated funds could have been used to improve infrastructure, healthcare, and education, yet they enrich a few, further deepening inequality.

World Health Organisation Report (2021): Despite allocating ₦100 billion annually for healthcare, only 30%  is used for healthcare services. Much of it is lost to corruption or mismanagement, leaving Nigeria’s healthcare system underfunded and unable to meet the population’s needs, which worsens the economy’s overall productivity.

Federal Ministry of Agriculture Report (2021): Over ₦50 billion was meant to support farmers, but due to corruption, most of this money never reached those who needed it. As a result, agricultural productivity remains low, food prices rise, and the country struggles with food insecurity, exacerbating inflation.

Petroleum Industry Bill (2021): Delays in implementing the Petroleum Industry Bill have cost Nigeria ₦2 trillion in potential revenue. Failing to reform the oil sector has discouraged foreign investment, leaving Nigeria more dependent on oil exports and vulnerable to fluctuating global oil prices.

PIB Implementation Report (2021): The government has repeatedly delayed reforms to the petroleum sector, costing Nigeria about ₦2 trillion in lost revenue. This delay has hurt the oil industry and discouraged foreign investment, contributing to economic instability.

The Path Forward: Making Government Intervention Effective

For government intervention to be a true blessing, it must be transparent, effective, and focused on the long-term interests of the nation. Here’s how Nigeria can reverse the curse of misguided interventions:

Tackle Corruption: Hold government officials accountable for misused funds. Ensure that contracts are transparent and traceable.

Boost Local Production: Support farmers, manufacturers, and small businesses with affordable credit, reliable power supply, and the necessary tools to succeed.

Fix the Forex Crisis: Diversify exports, improve domestic production, and establish a unified exchange rate to stabilize the currency.

Create Sustainable Jobs: Focus on creating employment in agriculture, technology, and manufacturing—sectors that offer long-term growth, not temporary handouts during election periods.

Reduce Wasteful Spending: Cut unnecessary expenditures and focus on essential sectors such as healthcare, education, and infrastructure.

Stabilize Policies: Implement long-term economic policies that provide certainty and build trust among businesses and investors.

Strengthen Institutions: Ensure that institutions like the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) function efficiently, regardless of political changes.

Invest in Power: Improve the power sector to reduce costs for businesses and encourage investment.

Promote Value-Added Exports: Move beyond raw material exports and focus on producing finished goods that earn Nigeria more revenue on the global market.

Involve the People: Engage citizens in decision-making processes and use data-driven approaches to inform policy.

Conclusion

For Nigeria to thrive, its government must rethink its approach to intervention. Instead of using economic policies as tools of patronage, it should focus on policies that genuinely stimulate growth, reduce inequality, and improve the lives of Nigerians. Only then can government intervention become a true blessing, rather than a curse.

Ibrahim is a graduate of the Department of Economics from Bayero University, Kano, and writes from Jigawa.

By Muhammad Abubakar

Nigeria has officially cleared its outstanding debt to the International Monetary Fund (IMF), marking a significant milestone in the country’s economic recovery efforts. This development follows a series of substantial repayments totalling $1.22 billion between the fourth quarter of 2023 and the second quarter of 2024, reducing Nigeria’s IMF debt from $3.26 billion in June 2023 to $1.16 billion by June 2024.

The IMF has acknowledged Nigeria’s commitment to meeting its financial obligations, noting that the country has no overdue payments as of April 30, 2024. This achievement reflects the government’s dedication to fiscal responsibility and economic reform.

In a statement, IMF First Deputy Managing Director Gita Gopinath commended Nigeria’s efforts, stating that the country’s debt level is “moderate and not high risk,” provided that sound economic policies are maintained. She emphasised the importance of continued domestic revenue mobilisation and targeted social interventions to sustain this progress.

Nigeria’s Finance Minister, Wale Edun, highlighted the government’s initiatives to enhance social investment programmes and strengthen domestic resource mobilisation through tax reforms and digitalisation. He also noted increased crude oil production, significantly boosting national revenue.

This financial turnaround positions Nigeria to engage more robustly with international financial institutions and investors, potentially attracting increased foreign investment and fostering economic growth.

The successful clearance of IMF debt underscores Nigeria’s commitment to economic stability and sets a positive precedent for other nations facing similar challenges.

By Dr. Muhammad Sulaiman Abdullahi

There are some few, effortless and simple things, which I have already assured myself that, if they are not confronted and solved squarely and completely in Nigeria, we should all continue to consider Nigeria as a joke. In other words, if the Nigerian rulers and the ruled are unable to solve these simple managerial crises, we should all forget about anything development and continue to wallow in our self deception mode. On these issues, I have assurance but I remain to be corrected. They are only four (4) simple things, among others;

1) Fixed date for the payment of salary: this doesn’t mean that, salaries should be paid on 24th, 25th… it should be paid on whichever day chose!n by the government. However, one thing must be considered, that’s FIXING a specific date for that purpose. Salary is something that must be paid, then, why this deceptive and unorganized approach? Right now that I am talking to you, many workers haven’t received their pay for April, and May is already on.

For Nigeria to even start thinking of development, workers must be truly and carefully considered. Their rights must be paid on time, because, as they say, it is not a privilege. If the government likes, let it pay it on 30th of each month, or even make every month to contain 31 days and pay it on the 31st. Let’s have a fixed date please. If not, let’s take the police for instance. A police may not know when to get his salary for risking his entire life to protect people; however, he is sure, he can be bribed by the poor through corrupt ways. How can you deny him something that he is certain about with an uncertain? This penetrates deeper into every sector.

2) Respecting time: one of the cantankerous evil that people abuse all the time. It comes to the extent that responsible people would call for a meeting and say 4pm, but deep down in their mind they know the meeting would start by 5pm. If you ask them why, they would say people would not come on time. I use to be confused on this. So in Nigeria we respect late comers more than how we respect punctual people! We give them extra time and we don’t mind those who come on time. They, their punctuality and the respect they give to time should all go to hell. Unless we change this attitude, we will never do it right.

If you want to fight with (responsible) Nigerians insist on punctuality. Many of us, including leaders fail in this respect.

When we are in Nigeria, we hardly do official things on their respective timing. But when we go elsewhere we keep to time. Therefore, it is obvious that the problem is from us and we can easily adjust if we know there is repercussions.

3) Scheduling the epileptic power supply: distribution must be scheduled and properly planned. We are not even talking about standard supply, we are talking standardizing the supply of the short one we get. The little we have must not be given at random. People are entitled to know when they should expect the little light. Let it be 10:20am-11:20am on Wednesdays? Saturdays and Sundays nights? Two hours every day? When? All these must be planned and relayed to the payers if we are not jokers! This electric power people switch on and off at their will and we pay for the rubbish.

4) The National Carrier: this is bigger than us due to corruption. We should have a National career at least for our internal development. There are so many countries around the world especially in Africa which Nigeria and Nigerians underrate and undervalue, however, they have their Sudan, Ethiopian, Mali, Malawi, airlines, but the so-called giant of looting rely on ants for its air transport survival. This is a mischief of the highest order.

5) The over dependence and over reliance on dollar. Mark what I say, overdependence! Nigeria can use dollar. This is one of the obvious weaknesses which many people have agreed to live with, especially the Nigerians. However, the overdependence is alarming! Almost every individual in Nigeria, big or small, knows about dollar. Nigeria should learn to uplift its currency and leave dollar alone. Even ordinary people now know how to hoard dollar at the expense of the economic development of the nation. The bigger you are the more detached you are from using Nigerian currency. Kobo, 1 Naira coin have all gone into extinction physically but they are still there in our calculations. Now Tinubu’s government has made 5, 10 and 20 naira notes valueless and meaningless. They look so ugly to be touched by a clean hand.

There are so many other simple things which you can help to count. In other countries they are not even remembered because they are subconsciously arranged for over hundred years. But in Nigeria, we are still battling with something which can be corrected in two months. In Nigeria we face price hikes, lack of infrastructures, no medicines, no qualitative education, no good roads and no nothing….. You can continue counting our lacks, they are so many. However, the above mentioned five things are very simple, they can be corrected with a simple verbal order, without putting much money and effort. May Nigeria be great soon!

Muhammad Kano
May day 2017

NB: This was written in 2017, with little correction now but nothing much has changed.