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With pain and anguish, I decided to make this communication with your soul, which I believe is resting well. I must confess that I do not know you personally, as I was not born when you held sway as the Premier of the defunct Northern Region. However, I have heard so much about you from my late father. He narrated stories about how you conducted your political activities geared towards our region’s progress.

Today, things are no longer at ease in Arewa. The land of our great ancestors is in chaos and anarchy while life has become nasty, brutish and short. Arewa has been turned to a killing field by terrorists with the blood of innocent people crying for vengeance. The elites that took over the mantle of leadership from you have destroyed all that you laboured to build. They live in luxury and great comfort while most people are dying in poverty and hunger. Their children study in Ivy League schools in the West with public funds and return home to take the best jobs while the children of the poor are roaming the streets and eating from the dust bin. Many families can no longer eat three meals per day, as good food has become a luxury. The cost of living has continued to rise with stagnant wages.

Sardauna, you are known as a warrior who strived hard during your era to emancipate the poor by ensuring that parents sent their children to school, which was free those days. Your late daughter Hajiya Aishatu, whom I interviewed at her residence in Sokoto in 2013 during my stint with THISDAY Newspaper, spoke extensively on how you carried all along and worked tirelessly to ensure unity in the north irrespective of tribe or religious affiliation.

It is no longer at ease at the moment. The children of the poor that you trained free with the resources of the Northern region before Nigeria’s independence, and those who came after them, have ruined your efforts. They have become feudal lords and turned out to enslave us. They have sold all the assets that you and other great northerners toiled to build over 60 years ago, while organisations you set up like the New Nigerian and textile industries in Kaduna, among others, have all collapsed. They not only mismanaged these organisations but also destroyed your legacies. Many people in northern Nigeria have been homeless and are currently in IDP camps, frustrated and dehumanised. They have been sacked away from their villages by terrorists while vast agricultural lands have been left fallow without any farming activities.

Today our region is littered with many orphans and widows whose husbands have been hacked to death by bandits. We have so many children (Almajiris) roaming the streets without any future while the elites do not care. Some of the Almajiris, neglected by the society, lack basic education and opportunities, unleash terror on the society that neither cared for them. Your grandchildren no longer have access to what the people you earlier trained free in some foreign institutions enjoyed a few decades ago. Today the children of the poor no longer have access to quality education, as they study in dilapidated primary and secondary schools. At the same time, the political elites send their children to study in private schools both locally and overseas.

The painful aspect of this is that they now packaged a man without empathy and presented him to us as a messiah in 2015. Our people heeded the call and voted him into power, believing that he would usher us into prosperity. Since then, our region has never known any peace. Bandits have taken over our major roads in the north, especially Abuja-Kaduna road, kidnapping people for ransom. Families have been compelled to sell their properties to raise money for ransom. These hoodlums kill their victims, especially those whose families cannot pay the ransom, while their remains are thrown away in the forest.

Similarly, our farmers in rural areas can no longer go to their farms in peace for fear of being killed. Those who managed to plant their crops could not harvest them, as the crops were set ablaze by these urchins. The agricultural foundation of the region is being destroyed while those at the helm of affairs do not care.

Inequality is at its peak in Arewa. The political leaders are using politics and religion to balkanise our society. In fact, as a journalist who worked in the region for over a decade, I had it on good authority from a reliable source that some politicians are behind the killings in Arewa. I am, indeed, aware that you did not amass any wealth before your death. But the people that came after you have stolen our commonwealth and used the funds to purchase mansions and exotic houses in London, New York, Paris, Switzerland, Malaysia, Dubai and other top cities in the world. They do not care if our region goes up in flames because they believe they have a place to hide in case of an outbreak of war.

Today our people are being killed daily by primitive herdsmen while our women are raped indiscriminately in remote communities. The political elite in cahoots with the traditional rulers have neglected a large segment of the society. The clerics who are supposed to serve as a beacon of hope for the masses have been compromised. They have become silent and afraid to speak out for fear of the unknown. Those Islamic scholars, who had the courage to speak, admonished our youth not to protest but engage in fervent prayers. Allah will come down to fight our battle if our youth refuse to take action.

The painful aspect of this is that even the activists who protested a few days ago to create awareness about the ongoing genocide by Fulani bandits in rural areas of Sokoto, Zamfara, Katsina, Nigeria and other northern states have been threatened by the officials of the Department for State Security Services (DSS). So, who will fight for the poor and downtrodden and fight for the orphans and widows?

Our people have become hopeless. The issue that has been bothering me is what the Arewa dream is? Of course, it won’t be easy to answer at the moment. An average Arewa youth is just focused on marriage. That is the dream for many of our youth. Illiteracy, drug abuse, unemployment has become recurring decimal. Is our society on the brink? Are we heading towards a state failure? Who will rescue our people and wipe away our tears? Should we take the law into our hands or hearken to the voice of reason? What is the way out of this misery?

History will always be kind to you, Sardauna, as all and sundry adore you due to the sacrifice you made for the development of Arewa. However, history will not be kind to the present crop of leadership in Arewa, as they have mismanaged your legacies and our patrimony, thereby plunging millions of our people into misery. May you continue to rest in peace, and I pray Almighty Allah to forgive your mistakes and grant you Aljannah Firdaus.

Yours sincerely,

Aminu Mohammed

The writer is at the school of Sustainability, Christian-Albrechts Universität zu Kiel Schleswig Holstein, Germany. He can be reached via gravity23n@gmail.com.

By Rabiu Muhammad Gama

For a start, protest is something that you do to show publicly that you think something is wrong and unfair. Protest is an expression of disapproval; it’s done in different forms and on any day; it can be verbal or physical or via social media. In a democratic society like Nigeria, protest is an effective and legitimate tool, usually the only tool, that citizens can use to express their displeasure concerning some government measures or policies publicly. For example, when the government fails to discharge its duties, the citizens can hit the streets to register their grievances against the government. The nagging question, which this article sets out to answer, is: must people get a permit from a state governor or the Police Commissioner before convening a protest?

The Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended), is the fundamental law of the land. It is the law on top of which there is no other law. It is over and above any law, body or authority. It has been aptly submitted that the Constitution of any country, and don’t forget Nigeria is still a country, is the embodiment of what the people desire to be their guiding light in governance – their supreme law – the “grundnorm” of all their laws.

By virtue of Section 1(3) of the 1999 Constitution, any law, and that ‘any’ does mean ANY, that is inconsistent, or in conflict with a provision of the Constitution, that law is invalid and utterly useless due to its inconsistency with the Constitution. Please, permit me to draw an analogy; whenever there is a boxing match in a ring (read: court of law) between the Constitution and any other law, the referees (judges) always rule, and will undoubtedly continue to rule, in favour of the Constitution. No law can knock out the Constitution, no matter how strong and powerful its muscles are. The Constitution always prevails.

The Constitution provides for Fundamental Human Rights, precisely from Section 33 to Section 44, and these sections are in Chapter Four of the Constitution. These Fundamental Human Rights are simply those Rights that every human is entitled to simply because he is human. Therefore, these Rights cannot be taken away or restricted except in full compliance with Section 45 of the Constitution and some other relevant provisions therein.

Section 39 and Section 40 of the 1999 Constitution provide for the Right to Freedom of Expression and the Right to Freedom of Association and Peaceful Assembly, respectively: merging these two Sections gives us the Right to Protest. In the light of the foregoing, it is safe to submit that Right to Protest is a Fundamental Human Right that is clearly guaranteed and enshrined by the 1999 Constitution. Hence it cannot be restricted by anybody, including the DSS or the Police, or rather particularly the DSS or the Police. It is only the Constitution that can restrict that Right.

Before 2005, there was one undemocratic federal law (Act) that was dripping with dictatorship and some leftovers of colonialism mentality, the Public Order Act. The Law (Act) was initially promulgated as the Public Order Decree 5 Of 1979, and it later became an Act of the National Assembly under Section 274 of the 1979 Constitution. Sections 1 (2) (3) (4) (5) (6), 2, 3 and 4 of the Act required intending protesters to get a permit from the Governor (he can delegate the powers to the Commissioner of Police) of the state where the protest is to be held before they can protest. When the Governor, or the Commissioner of Police as the case may be, thinks that the protest is likely to disrupt public order, he can refuse to issue the permit.

However,  in the celebrated case of IGP v. ANPP (2008) 12 NWLR 65 when Malam General Muhammadu Buhari (as he then was) and his then political party, the ANPP, lost the presidential election in 2003 to Olusegun Obasanjo, requested the Inspector General of Police (IGP) by a letter dated 21^st May 2004, to issue police permits to their members to hold unity rally throughout the country to protest the alleged rigging of the 2003 election. The request was refused.

General Buhari and the rest of them organised the rally without the permits. As a result, there was a violent disruption of the rally organised in Kano on 22nd September 2003, on the ground that no police permit was obtained as required by the Public Order Act. The Federal High Court invalidated the provisions of the Act that required a Police permit before a protest is staged on the ground of their being inconsistent with the provisions of the Constitution, particularly Section 39 and 40, and Article 11 of the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights ( Reification and Enforcement) Act, Cap. 10, Laws of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1990.

On appeal, the Court of Appeal also affirmed the decision of the Federal High Court. Right from the Federal High Court, the learned trial judge relied on the decision of the Supreme Court of Ghana in the case of New Patriotic Party v. Inspector General of Police (1992 – 93) GBR 585 – (2000) 2 HRLRA 1 where it was aptly submitted that:

“Police permit has outlived its usefulness, statutes requiring such permits for peaceful demonstrations, processions and rallies are things of the past. Police permits is the brainchild  of [the] colonial era and ought not to remain in our statute books.”

That was how the Court sent those unconstitutional provisions of the Public Order Act to their eternal grave. By the way, it may interest you to know that by virtue of Section 83 (4) of the Police Establishment Act, 2020, where a person or an organisation CHOOSES to notify the police of his or its intention to hold a public meeting, rally or a procession on a public highway, the police officer responsible for the area where the rally will take place shall mobilise personnel to provide security for the rally! The police or the DSS have no powers whatsoever to stop or restrict the Fundamental Right of Nigerians to freedom of expression and assembly once those rights are exercised within the ambit of the law.

As the law stands today, no police permit is required before staging a protest in Nigeria. The right to protest is a Fundamental Human Right given by the Constitution, which cannot be taken away or restricted except in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution.

Rabiu Muhammad Gama is a Law student from Bayero University, Kano (BUK). He can be reached on 09061912994 or via rabiuminuwa327@gmail.com.

Ahmadu Shehu, PhD.

It is true that the large chunk of Nigeria’s export comes from oil and that Nigeria depends to a great extent on this commodity for economic survival. However, this situation results from economic laziness – one of the many curses that came with crude oil to our country.

Pre-oil era, Nigeria was faring better, leading in many aspects of social and economic endeavours, especially agriculture and technical skills. This diversity of resources made our economy very resilient. Those were the days when Nigeria was a role model to the developing world.

Speaking of livestock and animal husbandry in today’s Nigeria leads to misleading insinuations that some supremacist ethnic group domiciled in the bush wants to hijack the “southern-oil-money” to rear cows.

These claims are not only wrong, but their makers are also pathetically ignorant of national and global economics. The fact is that, all over the world, animal husbandry is mainly economic and not ethnic, religious or regional. It is a matter of income, survival and sustenance. Data from butcheries, ternaries, restaurants, etc., in Enugu, Lagos and Port Harcourt can confirm this.

However, I do not squarely blame the proponents of these narratives for their lack of understanding of the fundamental economic outlook of this country. Instead, I assume that this kind of utter ignorance is also one of the curses caused by crude oil in Nigeria. Just as it killed all other viable sectors of our economy and transformed our political leadership into a set of docile, sit-and-wait set of people, it has succeeded in destroying our intellectual discourse. Today, all socio-economic conversations are viewed from the narrow prism of petrodollars.

Thus, our socio-economic and political conversation is now bereft of ideas and far from our social realities. It is sad to see many people failing to appreciate the glaring fact that six decades after the discovery of oil at commercial quantity, this country did not only fail to develop but has moved backwards in all indices of human and social development.

The topmost hierarchy of political leaders, policymakers, and civil society has failed to learn one simple, practical truth: our country’s strength, resilience, and prosperity are not in oil. They are right there under our feet and noses, at the backyards, waiting forever to be harnessed and utilised. Nigeria can take a cue from our mates, ala Malaysia, Indonesia, Brazil, India, etc.

Now, back to the “oil-money” narrative. Are herders and cattle breeders asking for “oil money”? No. In fact, herders do not care – or are not interested in crude oil in Nigeria.  Secondly, those of us advocating for the development of the livestock sector do so for the economic advancement of Nigeria, in general, and not just the herders, or “Fulani”, as would say the bigots.

For one, agriculture (livestock and crop) is the largest contributor to Nigeria’s economic growth. It contributes 40% of economic activities, employing over 60% of our country’s population – that is, one hundred and sixty million Nigerians.

You may think that the livestock sector is economically barren and that governments and other sectors of the economy do not benefit from it. You may even argue that only the “malams/awusas” benefit from the economic resources in this sector. But, you are dangerously mistaken, and I will show you why.

In Nigeria today, livestock is a multibillion-dollar business sector. Estimates by the Federal Ministry of Agriculture show that each year, Nigeria produces (and consumes) at least 18.4 million cattle, 43.4 million sheep, 76 million goats, 180 million poultry birds, among other things. Multiply these numbers to any amount of years and see the contribution of the livestock to the Nigerian economy.

For demonstration, let’s assume each of the 18.4 million heads of cattle is valued at $200 only. What you get is a staggering 6 billion dollars – three trillion naira per year – i.e. about ¼ of the country’s annual budget.

My experience in cattle businesses tells me that governments at all levels make a minimum of 10% direct revenue on each cattle, ranging from the market, local government, state, transportation, etc., levies that trail the cattle market chain.

But, this is just for cattle. These numbers multiply exponentially when other varieties of livestock come into the equation. Now, consider additional extended revenues on factories and sub-sectors that rely solely on livestock, such as leather, meat, and dairy.

While doing the maths, please remember that these raw and food materials serve Nigeria, one of the largest markets in the world, the most populous African country and the largest economy on the continent. Thus, the economic resources and taxations derived from this sector are massive!

Therefore, the question that naturally follows this arithmetic is: How much is Nigeria’s budget for the development of this sector and the millions of people it employs? 

As Nigerians, we are aware of the 12% derivation to the so-called oil-bearing states at the expense of other equal federating units. The basis for this disparity is to enhance the development of the immediate oil-bearing communities.

Similarly, a large chunk of the oil income is reinvested in the oil and gas industry development. Businesses and individuals in this industry benefit tremendously from these incentives and investments.

On the contrary, the Nigerian budgetary allocations for agriculture, particularly the livestock sector, have been very meagre and far below the lowest AU benchmark of 10%. For instance, from 2015, the allocations for agriculture have been below 2% of the budget, receiving a paltry N160 billion (1.37%) in 2020.

Obviously, this is far from commensurate to the economic and financial contributions of the sector in Nigeria’s GDP. It also negatively affects the lives of the majority of Nigerians whose livelihoods depend on agriculture.

While the government’s spending on agriculture is pathetic, the situation is even worse in the livestock sub-sector. For instance, under “promotion and development of animal production and husbandry value chain”, the 2020 budget proposes only N546, 156, 792 for the whole livestock sub-sector. Note that this amount was not budgeted for just cattle, sheep, or poultry but Nigeria’s entire livestock value chain. And that is just a proposal, not actual spending.

This, given the resources, financial and material contributions of the sector, is an insult on the human senses of any keen observer. Moreover, juxtaposing this estimate to that of the crop value chain makes the economic injustice against livestock producers even more glaring.

Therefore, it appears that livestock production and development are grossly marginalised across all three tiers of government and even within the agricultural sector. I had hypothesised elsewhere that this disparity is one of the major causes of the setbacks in Nigeria’s efforts at agricultural development.

Now, in this socio-economic reality, the governments and other Nigerians outside the economic chain of livestock anticipate a quick, sufficient, and even elegant modern livestock breeding system in Nigeria.

Worse still, the government expects these people who suffer from this severe lack of financial support, access to social development and political representation to be absolutely immune to the social consequences of this economic inequality and injustice.

This, without fear of contradiction, is an impossible mission. For, we have learned from the works of the philosopher-king, Emir Muhammad Sanusi II, that every economic situation bequeaths social reaction(s), as humans are not only social but also “economic animals”.

The points derived from the previous discussion are that herders and livestock breeders do not need oil or its by-products to grow livestock. They do not also ask for money accrued from the oil and gas industry to be invested in developing the sector.

What the livestock needs – which is legitimate and necessary – is the reinvestment of a fair portion of the wealth it creates back into the sector and the social development of the herding communities.

By and large, herders are not asking for “oil money” because the cow does not need oil to prosper. We are only saying that the money accrued from the livestock sector – a small portion of our contribution to the nation’s economic basket – be reinvested into the very sector that produces it as is done for other salient sectors of the economy. Full stop!

Dr Ahmadu Shehu is a herdsman and academic. He can be reached via ahmadsheehu@gmail.com.

By Najeeb Maigatari

It has been six years since the inhuman massacre of unarmed citizens in Zaria perpetrated by the Nigerian army under the guise of “alleged road blockade” to the then COAS, Tukur Buratai.

According to activists, civil organizations and analysts, the massacre is among the “notable human rights violation since the return to democracy” in Nigeria.

While the Nigerian army claimed that their personnel acted within laws of engagement, a finding by the Judicial Commission of Inquiry into the attack established by Kaduna State government in 2016 remarks, “The Nigerian army exerted disproportionate and excessive force against unarmed, defenceless civilians”.

The Commission further indicted top army officials for their role in the heinous crime and recommended that they be brought a book. Unfortunately, not one of them has been brought to justice to date, while the victims of the massacre and their grieving families still immeasurably suffer in silence.

In his testimony before the Judicial Commission of Inquiry, the then Secretary to Kaduna State Government noted that at least 347 people were killed and buried in mass graves. On its side, the Islamic Movement in Nigeria compiled a list of over 700 people missing since the incident.

During the attack, men, women, children and the elderly were mercilessly killed without regard for stipulated laws against such crime. For instance, the leader of the Islamic Movement, Sheikh Zakzaky (H), witnessed how his three sons, including a fifteen-year-old Humaid, were gunned down before his eyes.

The breadwinners of several families were killed, thus turning their wives into widows and children orphans. Some families were wiped out completely. For example, Dr. Bukari Jega, a lecturer at the University of Abuja, was killed alongside his wife and only daughter- a 6 months old Batoul; and several other families too numerous to mention.

Moreover, several hundred individuals were fatally shot at very close range during the attack, as a result of which some of them have become disabled, and others are still living with life-threatening injuries of great concern.

The release of the leader of the Islamic Movement in Nigeria and his wife from captivity after spending almost six years in illegal detention is commendable. It signifies a step forward to ensuring justice to the victims of the Zaria Massacre. We, therefore, hope that the President will live up to his words and ensure justice is also served to other families who have lost their loved ones in the incident.

There is no democracy without justice: irrespective of gender, tribe or religious inclination, it’s the pillar to peaceful coexistence in a society. The Zaria Massacre is amongst the recorded crimes against humanity in our time, and we, therefore, six years on, still demand justice for the victims and their families.

Maigatari writes from Jigawa State and could be reached via maigatari313@gmail.com.

By Sumayyah Auwal Usman

President Muhammadu Buhari’s popularity has plummeted to the lowest level since he took over as the country’s leader in 2015, according to the latest Vanguard for Good Governance Initiative (VGGI) survey.

Results of the survey compiled by VGGI, show President Buhari’s popularity has declined sharply during the past two months with his approval rating dropping from 58 percent to 21 percent.

On specific issues, the survey found Nigerians, especially northerners, were unhappy over matters of heightened insecurity. Moreover, concerns about the economy, especially the cost of living and rising inflation are now seeing the president’s popularity hitting an all-time low among Nigerians.

The survey also reveals that the IPOB activities in the South-East is crippling the economy of the region.

VGGI says its survey consisted of phone calls, emails, interviews and text messages over the past three months to slightly more than 150,000 people.

By Muhammad Sagir Bauchi

The deteriorated security situation of Nigeria and specifically its Northern region is no longer news. Insecurity and terrorism have become the norm to its daily life. The North is now used to ugly situations. From paying enforced levies to terrorists for permission to farm, paying kidnappers ransom and other related dues is also the new normal, especially in the Northwestern part. Upon all these calamities, the usual response from the government is not beyond “press release” or “rhetorical warnings”, but with no effort to translate these rhetorics into concrete action.

If we count the number of terrorist attacks in Northwestern states, excluding those of the Northeastern states, we’ll surely make a bulk of the report. In all these incidents, President Buhari is nowhere to be found. His presence is only felt in press releases from his out of touch paid spokesmen. One consistent thing the presidency is good at is sending a delegation to represent him in the mourning spots. However, when it comes to attending foreign summits or international conferences (no matter how insignificant they are), a delegation of duty is not an option; self-presence is the order.

As the saying goes, good things should be reciprocated with good, for that is better. One can easily recall those days; when the President was actively everywhere, scouting for acceptance and mandate to lead the country, he had the chance of visiting almost all nook and crannies of the North, crying on cameras purportedly for the nation. That emotional gimmick tricked Northerners into believing that the 2015 presidential election was the last chance to secure a fair deal of social contract.

People did everything to ensure that Buhari was elected to give the country a new lease of life, where lives, properties, and rights are prioritised. Unfortunately, while doing that, lives and properties were lost to that cause. Some were sent to their graves early for standing up to actualise the birth of a promised new dawn. Based on that, these troubled spots deserved a sincere first-hand visit, assessment and action by the president, especially whenever a terror of high magnitude happened in the region. His in-person visit doesn’t mean instant eradication of its problems, but at least it would give them a sense of relief to the victims and rebirth ordinary person’s confidence in the government.

After the recent brutal burning of some innocent passengers in Sokoto State by some bloodthirsty terrorists, the assassination of Katsina State commissioner and 16 faithful in a mosque in Niger State, tension in the atmosphere and unusual critical voices were raised. Some choose to walk for peaceful street protests in their states, and others bombarded social media with protest hashtags. That shows how worried Northerners are about the insecurity bedevilling them and their region. Yet, despite this development, some VIP pens and voices were dead silent, and that makes me wonder whether they still exist or are hidden somewhere else.

If not because wishes are horses, I would’ve said that I wish the mighty pen of the current Minister of Education that pinned down “Tears of Haramain I & II” is still alive to pin the tears of present North. It also took me back to nostalgic moments, where the current Minister of Communications and Digital Economy’s tearful voice was name-calling the previous administration to take action on the lives of Muslims murdered in some Northern States. Not long ago, the most powerful leader of the Tijjaniya Movement (Not the Khalifa) alive, Sheikh Tahir Bauchi, met the President and discussed the unprovoked killing of his followers along Jos-Zaria Road on their way back home after their annual Zikr. But today, all those voices and powerful pens are nowhere to be heard.

Moreover, a heavyweight politician from the North, who is also eyeing the seat of presidency, boarded a plane to a Southern State, where he met the Governor of that state and discussed the situation that led to senseless violence that resulted in killing HIS fellow Northers! Additionally, when an ongoing project of a 21-storey building collapsed in Lagos, Northern States governors went all the way to Lagos to sympathise and show solidarity to the victims of that catastrophe, the Governor and people of Lagos state over that sad occurrence. Yet, despite this humane gesture, no Lagos or any Southern state governor has set his foot in Sokoto to sympathise with the victims and the State government!

Northerners in the diaspora are also left behind as they are only good at calling the poor masses in Nigeria to take over their streets for a protest without any effort from them. But, as we all know, their countries of residence are more comfortable than the whole NIGERIA. As such, they can stage a protest in their Nigerian Embassy. But we only heard the voice of a few among them.

In my opinion, if we want reasonable action from the President, we should apply the approach of the Coalition of Kano Ulama. I mean the method they used earlier this year to curtail the activities of someone they regarded as a reckless and blasphemous scholar in their domain. The coalition used a single voice and stood through a consensus of respected leadership that forced the government to take the desired action. The coalition set aside all ideological differences and faced what it considered a common enemy of all. Therefore, the region’s highest traditional rulers, religious leaders, politicians, and business community should apply the same strategy to face the government over this unprecedented waves of insecurity in the region. This will surely force the president to go beyond press releases or rhetorical warnings to these heartless terrorists.

Lastly, to borrow from the words of the #Nomorebloodshed Movement, here are our simple demands to the President;

1. Federal Government should immediately organise a national security summit with all critical security stakeholders within and outside the government, with the sole objective of getting new/other ideas and approaches to end this state of insecurity.
2. All the security forces and agencies that are often deployed to ensure successful elections in recent times should be deployed to all the theatres of insecurity across the nation immediately.
3. The Federal Government must publish the names and identities of all the financiers of all insecurity as promised by both Mr President and the AGF, and they should be made to face the full wrath of the law.
4. If the President cannot guarantee peace, security of the lives and properties of Nigerians, we at this moment advise that he respectfully RESIGN.
5. We hereby unequivocally declare and submit that no Nigerian blood is less sacred than that of other compatriots from any part of Nigeria, enough of unwanted politicisation of these killings and insecurity.
6. We are no longer at ease with the ongoing “condemnation” of the actions of criminals among us. We call for the State to effectively go after these criminal terrorists, apprehend them and put them before the courts of law.

May peace reign in Nigeria.

Sagir writes from Bauchi State and can be reached via ibrahimsagir1227@gmail.com.