Month: November 2025

By Abdulmajid Abubakar

I often reflect on my earliest memories, and I realize something profound; for those of us under 50 years, there has only ever been one Emir, His Royal Highness, Ahmad Muhammad Sani II. Sa Maza gudu…

His name was not introduced to us; we grew up inside its echo. His presence was not explained; it was part of the air we breathed, part of the identity we inherited as children of Gumel.

I still remember the traditional songs, the Khakaki, Algaita of his praise-singers that rhythmic chant carrying his name through the streets, floating on the harmattan breeze, around Lautai.

We didn’t grasp every word, but we felt the respect in every tone, the pride in every syllable, the joy that rose in our hearts when his name was sung.

Even at that young age, we knew his name meant something noble.Sallar Ghani was our festival of wonder. I still remember how we would rush out during Sallar Ghani, hearts pounding with excitement and anticipation, just to catch a glimpse of, our beloved leader.

And when HRH finally approached us with yan bindiga and lifidi, mounted on his royal horse, adorned in shimmering regalia, surrounded by yan Silke and giant riders from left-right called Giwa, Mai Martaba is more than a leader.

He is the living face of our heritage. A symbol of our home. A reminder that Gumel had a story older than our own memories.To us young boys, it wasn’t “just hawan sallah. It was magical, it was royalty in motion, it was a vision that shaped our dreams and planted in us the desire to grow into worthy sons of the emirate.

As children, whenever someone mentioned “Gumel,” our faces lit up with pride and joy.That name carried warmth; the warmth of belonging. It carried dignity; the dignity of being tied to a people of honor. It carried pride; the kind that sits quietly in the chest but rises whenever someone calls your hometown.We counted down the days to school holidays, not because we wanted to play, but because it meant we were going home, to Gumel, our haven of peace and heritage.

Home to the stories, the elders, the palace aura, and the living history that surrounded his throne, a constant reminder of our rich legacy. Home to the land where his leadership quietly shaped our values and our identity, molding us into compassionate and responsible individuals.

As the years passed, we began to understand what we had only felt as children.His humility, his patience, his devotion to unity and peace, all the qualities we observed from afar became clearer as we grew older.

His leadership has been like a tall, steady tree rooted in the centre of the emirate, never loud, never seeking applause, yet always offering shade, always offering stability, always offering wisdom.Gumel grew under his watch, and so did we.

His reign is not merely part of history; it is part of our childhood, part of our upbringing, part of who we are.He taught us, even without speaking directly to us, that true leadership is service, a selfless devotion to the greater good.

Through his example, we learned that dignity is quiet, that respect is earned, and that honor is lived, not declared.

May Allah continue to strengthen HRH and bless his stewardship over the land we love.

May He grant Mai Martaba long life, peaceful years, and the fulfillment that comes from a life of service.

And may Gumel remain a haven, a place children still long to return to, a place filled with tradition, unity, and grace, just as it was in my teenage years.

Long live the Emir of Gumel. Allah Ya Ja zamani Mai Martaba Sarkin Gumel, Alhaji (Dr.) Ahmad Muhammad Sani II, (CON)A leader I adored as a child, and honor deeply as a man.

A guardian of our heritage, a symbol of our pride, a presence etched into the memory of every son and daughter who grew up under his gentle shade.

By Siddiq Oyelami

Two days ago, I made two brief WhatsApp posts reacting to Ahmed Salkida’s recent piece on Shekau. Since then, some brothers have approached me privately, prompting this response… It’s lengthy!

Prior to HumAngle releasing the so-called exposé, I saw Salkida on X warning against misinformation during this tense period. Because of that, I genuinely expected something rigorous, especially from a journalist I admire for his work. Instead, the article left me bewildered by its carelessness.

Many have questioned both the timing and intention behind the publication. If the goal was to help us understand Shekau to close ranks and strengthen unity, then it was poorly executed. If, however, the aim was to sensationalise a “sweet” story, regardless of the divisions it might inflame, then the timing is deeply unfortunate. The piece is riddled with inaccuracies, inconsistencies, and self-serving undertones.

Below are the key issues I find most troubling.

1. Shekau and the “Christian Genocide” Narrative: Based on the promotional posts, I expected an analysis that foregrounds unity and avoids inflammatory framings. Instead, the article uncritically adopts the term “Christian Genocide” (without even quotation marks). It asserts that Shekau’s “long war of mass abductions, executions, and persecution of Christians” is his primary legacy. The choice of words in the concluding paragraph even makes it worse, because according to it, Christians were “hunted” and Muslims “who dissented” were “condemned.”

Although Salkida briefly notes that Boko Haram targeted “the vast majority of Muslims,” he misses an important historical point: Boko Haram itself emerged from a narrative of “Muslim genocide.” Muhammad Yusuf repeatedly claimed that the Nigerian state existed to kill Muslims, citing events in Kafanchan, Zangon-Kataf, Tafawa Balewa, and Plateau as evidence. These claims were deeply woven into the group’s early worldview.I am not endorsing these sentiments. However, in the background of some of these thoughts and the implications of narratives being pushed today, we need to know and teach them. In fact, I will leave a reference to Rev. Matthew Kukah’s work: Religion, Politics and Power in Northern Nigeria (184–206). My point is simply that Salkida re-opens old wounds without offering the complete historical framing needed to neutralise them. In doing so, he leaves readers with a lopsided narrative.

FYI: When questioned on why he later turned his guns on the same Muslims he claimed to defend, Shekau reportedly replied that he “did not know they were kafir all along.”

2. The Ibn Taymiyyah Question and Salafi Scapegoating: This is where most people have raised objections. The article casually throws Salafis under the bus, echoing shallow talking points common among poorly informed “jihadism experts.” Salkida later came out to defend himself, citing Muhammad Yusuf’s book. Yes, he is correct that MY cited Ibn Taymiyyah in Hādhihi Aqīdatunā. However, this is neither new nor surprising. But it is misleading to suggest that Ibn Taymiyyah taught that “the corruption of rulers justifies rebellion,” and even more misleading to give the impression that Yusuf cited him for that purpose. Yusuf’s citations are not about rebellion, but rather on definitions of iman, kufr and governance, and even those are often selective or decontextualised. None of this is uniquely “Taymiyyan.” For proper analysis, one may consider the work of Prof. Jabir Sani Maihula, who treated Ibn Taymiyya in Jihadi works and especially engaged with the so-called Hādhihi Aqīdatunā as well. The attempt to smuggle “Salafism” wholesale into Boko Haram discourse betrays a lack of understanding of both. Yes, Boko Haram drew from Salafi creeds, but its legal methodology, political theory, and violent praxis diverge sharply from mainstream Salafism—so much so that Boko Haram declared Salafi scholars apostates and killed several.To understand the complex ideological framing of Boko Haram, let’s take this brief genealogy:

• Yusuf’s father was a Sufi mallam opposed to conventional education. He migrated from Yobe to avoid sending his children to school when the government introduced compulsory education.

• Yusuf absorbed anti-state activism from being Zakzaky’s student before leaving IMN in 1994 for Izala when he was warned of the shism of Zakzaky.

• Izala might have introduced MY to Ibn Taymiyyah’s works, but lacked the radical thrust he sought, prompting him to establish the “Ibn Taymiyya Centre.”As Dr. Bukarti and Shaykh Nurudeen Lemu have noted, Boko Haram took the extremes of every group it encountered.

Regarding Shekau specifically: in his last treatise, Risālat Maʿnā al-Islām, he did not cite Ibn Taymiyyah at all. However, he cited Uthman b. Fodio, a reformer and Qadiri sufi, a group that Shekau considered kafir even before the uprising. Meanwhile, even Uthman’s brother Abdullah b. Fodio criticised him on the issues that Shekau would quote him on. But then, Shekau’s master ideology that made him kill carelessly was heavily drawn on Ibn Hazm’s views on Muslims living under non-Muslim rule. Even this was repudiated by Mamman Nur and others, who argued that Ibn Hazm did not support the reckless conclusions Shekau drew. Reading the Mahalla of Ibn Hazm, any sane person will see that Shekau cherry-picked the quotations.

3. The Alhaji Garba Account: The section on Alhaji Garba is new to me, and I appreciate the detail. But the narrative is blurry and comes across as an attempt to villainise state agencies by describing Shekau “trading pleasantries at checkpoints.” At that point, Shekau was deeply embedded in regional networks and making deals across the Sahara through proxies. Isolating such moments without context misrepresents the comeback of BH and the making as many know him. 4. Mamman Nur and the Claim of “Shekau’s Generosity”Salkida creates an interesting contrast in his story by humanising Shekau and highlighting his generosity toward his obedient servants. However, these accounts do not align with documented reality or the group’s own testimonies. Salkida suggests that Mamman Nur “abandoned the group before the July 2009 uprising.” But this vague statement can be countered by videos of Nur before the uprising, he used some of the strongest words to incite the congregation at the Ibn Taymiyya centre. Dr. Abdulbasit Kasim documented his March 2009 video as his last appearance before years later. However, Jacob Zenn cites a June 2009 video in which Nur discussed the helmet crisis and incited the congregation. The helmet crisis occurred on 11 June, and it was lectures like Nur’s that ultimately led to the uprising. Does it even make sense that he stirred up everything and “abandoned” the group? Truly, Nur did not re-emerge in Borno in 2010 like most of the group’s bigwigs, but whether this was an ideological break from Shekau or simply a tactical decision is unclear. In fact, many researchers have stated that he underwent military training, citing different locations, but definitely not Cameroon. Salkida’s okada in Cameroon story could be true, though, but he was wrong with saying he “abandoned” the group “before the uprising.”As for Shekau’s “generosity,” testimonies from Abu Musab and others say otherwise. Shekau is known to hold resources (generators, fuels, and even food), and he reportedly noted that providing for dependents was not the emir’s duty. Worthy of note is that one of the reasons they turned against him was this selfishness.

5. The “Useful Infidel” Label: To reinforce his authority, Salkida introduces the label kāfiri mai fa’ida (useful infidel) narrative. Shekau was indeed narcissistic and obsessed with appearing on camera, especially after 2012 when he replaced the spokesman Abu Qaqa as the face of Boko Haram. But Salkida’s chronology is inconsistent, because “2009-2015” raises questions about how often he had access to the group’s materials. Meanwhile, trying to smuggle his own authority into the story of Shekau was uncalled for. Shekau was not the face of the group till 2012, and after that, Salkida was not the only link between the group and the world.

Conclusion

Salkida remains one of the most knowledgeable journalists on Boko Haram’s early history. But this particular article is weakened by sensational framings! It failed to clarify Shekau’s ideological journey while successfully reopening old divisions and presents a distorted picture that serves neither scholarship nor social cohesion.

By Anas Abbas

Families in Tsanyawa Local Government Area of Kano State are in a race against time after bandits threatened to kill ten abducted residents unless a ransom is paid.

The situation was brought to light by the father of one of the victims, who spoke to a local radio station on Sunday.

He revealed that the kidnappers have designated him as their messenger, using him to relay their demands to the other affected families.

“They call me three or even four times daily, warning me to abide by their requests or they would kill our family members,” the distraught father stated.

He expressed the families’ helplessness in the face of the enormous sum demanded, telling the bandits, “We have never seen that kind of money. All we have are our farmlands and a few small animals.”

The man begged Kano State Governor, Abba Kabir Yusuf, for immediate intervention.

“We ask you, our Governor, in the name of God, please help us. They are killing our sons,” he lamented, fearing that time is running out to save the victims.

Kano State Police Command has not issued an official statement regarding this specific threat.

The incident has heightened fears of worsening insecurity in the state’s rural communities.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

Former National Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and ex-Governor of Kano State, Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, has dismissed the Kano State Government’s call for his arrest, describing the move as baseless and irresponsible.

The former governor made his position known through a statement issued by his Chief Press Secretary, Edwin Olofu.In the statement, Ganduje faulted the approach of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s administration, insisting that the government had failed to address the worsening security situation in the state.

“It is deeply unfortunate that rather than addressing the escalating insecurity ravaging the state, Governor Yusuf has chosen to chase shadows while searching for scapegoats to conceal his glaring failures,” he said.

Ganduje noted that residents in Bagwai, Shanono, Tsanyawa, and other communities had suffered repeated assaults from criminals.

He said the governor had not visited the affected areas or shown concern for the victims.

“His continued absence in moments that require leadership speaks volumes of his disconnect from the people he claims to serve,” the statement added.

The former governor emphasised that he had never been associated with violence. He stated that the accusations were an attempt to mislead the public and divert attention from the government’s shortcomings.

He called on Governor Yusuf to concentrate on his constitutional responsibilities, especially the protection of lives and property, instead of engaging in political distractions.

The development followed the Kano State Government’s announcement on Friday, calling for the immediate arrest of Ganduje over alleged inciting statements and attempts to form an illegal militia group in the state.

By Mallam Shamsuddeen Suleiman Kibiya

In the long and complex story of Islam in Nigeria, the tension between Salafi reformists and Sufi traditionalists has never been merely a clash of doctrines. It is, more often than we care to admit, a clash of tempers—of the tone one uses, the suspicion one bears, and the verdict one passes on those who practice religion a bit differently. What should have remained a quiet intellectual disagreement has, over time, metamorphosed into an extremism that thrives not on knowledge but on rhetoric.

When Dr Idris Abdulaziz Dutsen Tanshi passed on, the reaction from certain Salafi circles betrayed this peculiar tendency. His admirers saw his death as the painful exit of a righteous man who had lived his life fighting against innovation in religion and straightening the Umma along the path of Tawhid. On the other side, some Sufi-leaning critics responded not with mercy but with long-stored resentment—reminding the public of his “harshness,” his “excessive criticisms,” and his uncompromising, even combative sermons. The atmosphere felt less like the departure of a scholar and more like the settling of old, bitter scores.

And when Shaikh Dahiru Bauchi passed a few days ago, the pattern repeated itself, but this time in reverse. Sufi adherents elevated him beyond scholarship—into sainthood, into miracle, into myth. The outpouring was understandable, but in some corners it crossed into something else: a triumphalism that painted all those who disagreed with his spiritual path as misguided, cold, or spiritually weak. Some Salafi commentators, instead of exercising solemnity, used the moment to revisit old doctrinal disputes—reminding audiences of “bid’ah,” “ghuluw,” and “un-Islamic practices.” Even in death, the walls between both camps seemed eager to echo old hostilities.

What is common to both episodes is that the extremists on either side were saying the same thing without even realising it: that Allah’s mercy is exclusive to their camp; that the Ummah is too big to be shared, but too small to contain disagreement. And this, in its essence, is the extremism of our time—not the extremism of bombs and guns, but the extremism of the tongue.

The Salafi hardliner tends to imagine himself as the last defender of pristine Islam, wielding a vocabulary of denunciation: shirk, bid’ah, dalala, and ghaflah ad infinitum. Every disagreement becomes a deviation, every deviation a threat, and every Sufi becomes a suspect. Meanwhile, the Sufi extremist believes himself to be the custodian of spiritual truth, seeing the Salafi as spiritually blind, stone-hearted literalist, deprived of the inner sweetness of faith and to stretch it even further, an enemy of the beloved prophet SAW himself. Each side constructs a convenient caricature of the other —and then fights that caricature as if it were real.

The danger, however, is that rhetorical extremism does not remain rhetorical over the long run. It shapes communities. It hardens hearts. It turns mosques into enclaves, scholars into partisans and differences into hostilities. What begins as doctrinal rigidity becomes social fragmentation. And what should have been an Ummah becomes a map of feuding camps.

Yet, there is something instructive about how both Dr Idris Abdulaziz and Shaikh Dahiru Bauchi were remembered by their true students—not those who fight for them online, but those who actually sat with them. I mean, their real students, across divides, spoke about their scholarship, humility, discipline, and service. They remembered their knowledge—not their polemics. They recalled their character—not their controversies. This is a reminder that the extremists on both sides, loud as they are, do not represent the whole story.

Nigeria’s Muslim community must now decide what it wishes to inherit from its scholars: the softness of their manners or the sharpness of their debates; their mercy or their anger; their wisdom or their polemics.

To insist that disagreement must lead to division is itself an extremist position. To insist that every scholar must resemble one’s preferred tradition is another. And to pretend that Islam is too fragile to survive multiple approaches is perhaps the greatest of all.

In the end, the Ummah does not collapse because its members disagree. It collapses when disagreement becomes hatred, and hatred finds a pulpit.

May Nigeria’s Muslims learn to argue with knowledge, to differ with dignity, and to remember that Allah, in His infinite mercy, did not create only one path to Him—and certainly not only one temperament.

By Garba Sidi

Kannywood, like other film industries worldwide, depends on the emergence of new talent who capture audiences’ hearts and help transform the industry into a powerhouse. These actors often deliver exactly what is needed because of their talent and fame. However, relying solely on a few well-known stars can threaten the industry’s sustainability. If these actors age or fade away, will the industry collapse with them?

Among those challenging this pattern is filmmaker Salisu T. Balarabe, whose vision goes beyond just telling stories—he is committed to discovering and promoting new actors to grow the industry and create job opportunities.

A VISIONARY PERSPECTIVE ON KANNYWOOD

Salisu T. Balarabe is a key figure among AREWA 24’s directors and plays a major role in giving aspiring talents a platform to shine in Kannywood. His work on the long-running series Kwana Casa’in is a clear example of his commitment to this goal. Rather than relying solely on already-famous actors, Balarabe introduces fresh faces to the audience by integrating them into the show’s narrative. Before Kwana Casa’in, no one knew Safiya Yusuf, now popularly known as Safara’u Kwana Casa’in. The show brought her to prominence, and she has since launched a music career as well.

Now, as he produces another long-running series, Zaɓi Biyu, Balarabe is sticking to his principle of working with new talents, giving them a platform to show their skills to the audience. This strategy is evident when compared to other popular Kannywood productions like Garwashi, Labarina, Jamilun Jiddan, Manyan Mata and Allurar Ruwa, which mostly rely on a small circle of already-famous actors such as Sadik Sani Sadi, Abubakar Waziri (Baba Rabe), Adam Garba (Raba Gardama), Amal Umar, Momy Gombe, Minal Ahmad (Ya Kaka), Ruky Alim, Hadiza Saima (Maman Saima) and Rabi’u Rikadawa.

There’s no denying the talent, skill, and fame of these actors. Their appearances often guarantee high viewership and profits for any film or series they’re part of. Still, Salisu T. Balarabe has chosen a different route—one that takes longer to become profitable but is ultimately more sustainable.

PERSEVERANCE DESPITE AUDIENCE PRESSURE.

In an industry where producers and directors often prioritise famous faces to ensure quick financial returns, Balarabe deserves praise for his dedication. He understands that for Kannywood to grow and flourish truly, it must constantly introduce new talent and provide them with training and opportunities. This approach is not just about development; it’s a crucial long-term investment in the industry’s future.

Balarabe’s work is reminiscent of internationally acclaimed filmmakers who have taken similar paths in other parts of the world. In Bollywood, directors like Anurag Kashyap, Zoya Akhtar and Karan Johar have introduced fresh talents such as Vicky Kaushal, Siddhant Chaturvedi and Alia Bhatt. Likewise, in Hollywood, directors such as Steven Spielberg, Martin Scorsese and Greta Gerwig have played key roles in discovering actors who went on to achieve global fame.

These directors are celebrated not just for their storytelling abilities but for their impact in nurturing talent. Salisu T. Balarabe is doing something similar in Kannywood—showing great courage and commitment despite the pressure he faces from audiences who demand familiar faces. His vision of discovering gifted individuals and helping them reach their potential through AREWA 24’s productions is commendable.

COMMITMENT TO QUALITY AND MEANINGFUL STORYTELLING.

Beyond introducing new faces, Balarabe also ensures that these actors deliver performances that resonate with audiences. His long-running series, Kwana Casa’in and Zaɓi Biyu, are not small projects. They are rich in culture, politics, and the real-life struggles of Hausa society. This provides new actors the chance to shine while also educating and entertaining the audience.

This approach enriches the stories and gives the new actors a strong foundation to grow. These emerging talents often give their absolute best, using all their abilities to tell stories that leave a lasting impact. Balarabe’s consistent effort to showcase new faces in his films reflects his dedication to prioritising art over fame—a trait that distinguishes true filmmakers from mere trend-followers.

A NEW ERA FOR THE KANNYWOOD INDUSTRY.

Salisu T. Balarabe is showing the Kannywood industry that growth is possible when directors aim higher and embrace innovation. By doing so, they not only enrich the industry with talented and committed actors but also ensure that more talented people can benefit from the opportunities it offers.

If Kannywood were to follow this model, it would continue to progress—not just by elevating individual stars, but by fostering a culture of talent discovery, hard work, and quality production that will earn it global respect. Just like Nollywood in southern Nigeria has proven, an industry does not have to rely solely on a handful of celebrities to grow. When talent becomes the main focus, true and lasting success follows.

CONCLUSION.

At a time when fame dominates the storytelling landscape, Salisu T. Balarabe stands out as a beacon of hope for sustainable development in the Kannywood film industry. His commitment to nurturing and promoting new talent, as seen in series like Kwana Casa’in and Zaɓi Biyu, reflects his deep passion and long-term vision.

By Anwar Usman

The Jigawa State Police Command has killed one suspected armed robber and arrested three others during arm robbery at Hadejia and Sule-Tankarkar.

The operations were confirmed by the Public Relations Officer Jigawa State Police Command, SP Shi’isu Adam, in a statement released to journalists on Friday in Dutse, the state capital.

“These breakthroughs underscore our continuous efforts to combat crimes and ensure public safety across the state,” SP Adam stated.

According to the PPRO, the first incident unfolded around 3:35 a.m. on Thursday at Fruska Table Water Company in Hadejia Local Government Area.“

A gang of about eight unidentified armed robbers stormed the facility, but officers from Hadejia ‘A’ Division arrived swiftly to confront them,” SP Adam stated.

He revealed that the robbers opened fire, sparking a fierce gun duel with the police responders.

“In the intense exchange, one suspect took a fatal gunshot wound while his accomplices scattered into the night,” he said.

He further stated that, “the injured robber was rushed to Hadejia General Hospital for treatment, but he succumbed to his injuries there.

“On the other armed robbery case in Sule-Tankarkar Division, the second raid, according to SP Adam, hit even closer to home just 20 minutes earlier, at about 3:15 am on Thursday.”

He revealed that three armed men broke into the residence of Shamsu Muhd in Togai village, making off with two brand-new Boxer motorcycles.

“Alerted to the theft, Sule-Tankarkar Division operatives raced to the scene and cornered the fleeing trio,” said Adam.

The PPRO further revealed that, “the quick takedown yielded a locally made gun and the stolen motorcycles, key evidence in the brazen home invasion.”

“The two remaining robbers escaped, but ongoing probes aim to reel them in soon.”

The arrested suspect faces court charges once a thorough investigation wraps up, SP Adam assured, saying that “efforts are ongoing to apprehend the fleeing culprits.”

SP Adam therefore reiterated the command’s readiness and dedication in combating terrorism across the state“We remain unwavering in our commitment to the protection of lives and property.”

He also urged Jigawa residents to be vigilant saying that, “The Command calls on the public to remain vigilant and provide timely information to aid our proactive crime-fighting efforts.”

By Uzair Adam

Kano State Government on Friday called for the arrest of former Kano State Governor and immediate past national chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje.

The State Commissioner for Information, Comrade Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya, made the call while briefing journalists on the outcome of the State Executive Council meeting held on Thursday.

Waiya said bandits infiltrated a Kano community and abducted several people less than 48 hours after former Governor Ganduje’s outburst regarding the alleged plan to create a militia group in the state.

He disclosed that the Council resolved that Ganduje should be immediately investigated and arrested for allegedly attempting to form an illegal militia through the proposed Khairul Nas Corps.

The Commissioner noted that the Council also warned public officials, including Senator Barau Jibrin, to desist from making statements capable of inciting violence or causing unrest.

Comrade Waiya emphasized that the state government remains committed to maintaining peace and stability, adding that any attempt to instigate crisis in Kano will be met with lawful and decisive action.

He commended President Bola Tinubu and security agencies for their sustained support in safeguarding lives and property in the state.

By Abdullahi Adam Usman

I recently read an exposé on the life of the late Boko Haram leader, Abubakar Shekau, published by HumAngle.

The report, titled “The Making and Unmaking of Abubakar Shekau,” attributed the rise of Boko Haram partly to what it described as the influence of the teachings of the medieval Sunni scholar and jurist, Ibn Taymiyyah. HumAngle wrote that his ideas influenced Islamic reform movements such as Salafism and Wahhabism, and suggested that his thoughts on governance and rebellion helped shape extremist ideology in Maiduguri.

While HumAngle is widely respected for its investigative reporting, this conclusion is deeply problematic and requires more nuance. Whether due to insufficient historical context or oversimplified interpretation, such a claim risks misleading readers by forcefully linking terrorism with Wahhabism and, by extension, Ibn Taymiyyah (a narrative that has long been promoted in sectarian discourse).

During his lifetime, Ibn Taymiyyah was imprisoned multiple times by different rulers. However, none of these imprisonments were due to armed rebellion or terrorism; rather, they resulted from theological and intellectual disputes. In fact, several of his critics even described him as a scholar who emphasized obedience to authority to preserve social order. Portraying him centuries later as a direct ideological architect of terrorism therefore presents a historical contradiction.

It is true that some extremist groups have selectively misused or misinterpreted Ibn Taymiyyah’s writings to support their actions. However, this does not make his teachings their true foundation. In reality, many of Boko Haram’s earliest and most prominent victims were Salafi scholars who openly opposed the group.

One such figure was Sheikh Ja’afar Mahmud Adam, a respected Salafi cleric who was assassinated in 2007 while leading the Subh prayer in Kano. He had openly criticized Boko Haram during its formative years. Similarly, in 2014, Sheikh Albani Zaria, another Salafi scholar, was killed by Boko Haram while returning from a lecture. If Boko Haram truly shared the same ideological roots as Salafi scholars inspired by Ibn Taymiyyah, these assassinations would not have occurred.

Furthermore, in mourning the late Bauchi-based Salafi scholar Dr Idriss Abdulaziz Dutsen Tanshi, the Nigerian President described him as someone who played a significant role in countering violent extremism during the early stages of the Boko Haram crisis. This official recognition underscores the clear distinction between Salafi scholarship and terrorist ideology.

Journalism demands more than merely repeating how a group defines itself. As the saying goes: “If one person says it’s raining and another says it’s dry, it’s not your job to quote them both; your job is to look outside and find out which is true.” Responsible reporting requires context, depth, and historical accuracy.

We acknowledge HumAngle’s important contributions to terrorism reporting and public awareness. However, greater care is needed when making sensitive historical and religious attributions that could further inflame misunderstanding and division.

Abdullahi Adam Usman is a student of International Studies at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria. He can be reached via abdallahnangere@gmail.com.

By Ibrahim Yunusa

On Thursday, 27 November 2025, The Army Council approved the promotion of senior officers to the next rank of Major General and Brigadier General.

A total of 28 Brigadier Generals and 77 Colonels have been elevated to Major General and Brigadier General respectively.

Late Brigadier General ZA Saidu isposthumously promoted to Major General.

While felicitating the newly promoted senior officers, The Chief of Army Staff, Lieutenant General Waidi Shaibu tasks them to intensify their professional drive and prove beyond doubt that their promotion is well deserved.

He urged them to demonstrate exemplary leadership, engage their subordinates through personal conduct while cultivating bold, innovative and unconventional solutions capable of delivering swift and decisive responses to the nation’s evolving security threats.