Month: January 2025

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The Federal Capital Territory High Court in Kuje has postponed the arraignment of Professor Usman Yusuf, the former Executive Secretary of the National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS), to February 3, 2025.

The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) had taken Yusuf into custody on Wednesday and brought him before the court on Thursday for arraignment over allegations of fraud.

However, the proceedings were deferred to Monday to allow for amendments to the charges.

EFCC spokesperson Dele Oyewale confirmed this development in a statement.During the court session, Isah Dokto Haruna, who represented the lead defense counsel O.I. Habeeb, SAN, applied for bail on behalf of the defendant.

However, the court denied the request due to the postponed arraignment.

Justice Chinyere E. Nwecheonwu ruled that Yusuf be held in EFCC custody until his arraignment on the scheduled date.

Yusuf’s arrest and impending prosecution stem from a petition submitted to the Federal Government during former President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration, which alleged misconduct and fraudulent activities.

Reports indicate that in 2019, Buhari dismissed Yusuf from his position, following a recommendation from a fact-finding panel set up by the Federal Ministry of Health.

The panel had accused him of mismanaging N919 million.

By Muhammad Sulaiman

Salwan Momika, the Iraqi refugee known for organizing Quran-burning demonstrations in Sweden, was shot and killed on Wednesday night in Södertälje, near Stockholm.

According to Swedish authorities, police responded to reports of gunfire at an apartment building, where they found Momika with multiple gunshot wounds. He was later pronounced dead. Five individuals have been arrested in connection with the shooting as investigations continue.

Momika gained international notoriety in 2023 for desecrating copies of the Quran, sparking widespread protests and condemnation from Muslim-majority countries. He moved to Sweden in 2018 and had been granted a three-year residence permit.

At the time of his death, he was facing trial for incitement to hatred, with a verdict scheduled for Thursday morning. The court has since postponed the ruling.

Swedish Prime Minister Ulf Kristersson confirmed that the country’s security service is involved in the investigation, citing possible foreign links to the killing.

Authorities are yet to disclose a motive, but the killing has raised concerns over tensions surrounding Momika’s controversial actions.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

Over 5,000 Nigerians living in the United States illegally are at risk of deportation following heightened enforcement measures under President Donald Trump’s administration.

Among these individuals, approximately 1,500 are currently detained, as part of a broader initiative aimed at expelling undocumented immigrants and asylum seekers.

According to statistics released by the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) in November 2024, there are an estimated 1.445 million undocumented immigrants residing in the U.S., including 3,690 Nigerians.

Recent updates from ICE show an additional 1,454 Nigerians have been detained, with deportation plans already in motion. Of those detained, 772 are awaiting trial, while the rest have been sentenced for various crimes, including immigration violations.

While the Nigerian Ministry of Foreign Affairs has not issued a formal statement on the situation, the Nigerian agency responsible for citizens abroad has confirmed it has set up a committee to investigate the matter and explore possible solutions.

By Usman Abdullahi Koli

I read Professor Farooq A. Kperogi’s article “Emir Sanusi’s Quid Pro Quo for His Friends Turned Fiends” with keen interest. While it was well-written and rich in rhetorical flair, I believe it unfairly misrepresents the character and contributions of His Highness Emir Muhammadu Sanusi II and the broader context of his remarks. My intention here is not to disparage Mr. Kperogi or his intellectual depth but to offer a more nuanced perspective based on facts and a balanced understanding.

Sanusi’s commentary on economic reforms is not new, and it is not driven by self-interest, as the article implies. His economic positions, controversial as they may be, have always been rooted in his commitment to transparency, accountability, and fiscal prudence.

As governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), Sanusi spearheaded reforms that stabilised the financial sector and exposed corruption, notably the mismanagement of funds in the petroleum industry. His leadership saved the Nigerian banking system during the 2009 global financial crisis. These efforts reflect a consistent commitment to economic pragmatism, not the “self-loving sadism” Mr. Kperogi ascribed to him.

At the Gani Fawehinmi Memorial Lecture, Emir Sanusi addressed Nigeria’s economic challenges within a historical framework, highlighting how years of poor management led to today’s difficulties. His statement about not defending the current government’s policies was not a quid pro quo demand but an expression of discontent over the failure of political leaders to reciprocate loyalty or act decisively for national progress.

Sanusi’s critique of governance has often transcended personal affiliations. For instance, he openly criticised the Goodluck Jonathan administration despite being part of the government apparatus, risking his career in the process. His comments in the lecture reflect this same principle: his loyalty is to ideas, not individuals.

The article unfairly caricatures Sanusi as an unrepentant neoliberal apologist indifferent to the suffering of the masses. While he has supported subsidy removal and exchange rate harmonisation, his positions are informed by Nigeria’s fiscal realities. Subsidy regimes, historically marred by corruption and inefficiency, drained trillions of naira from public coffers without addressing systemic energy sector challenges.

Critics often overlook the fact that subsidies disproportionately benefit the elite rather than the poor. Studies by organisations like the World Bank and Nigeria’s Budget Office have shown that wealthier Nigerians consume more fuel and thus benefit more from subsidies. Sanusi’s advocacy for subsidy removal aims to redirect these funds toward targeted interventions, such as healthcare, education, and infrastructure, which directly benefit the masses.

Contrary to the claim that Sanusi derives “delight from the misery of the masses,” he has consistently called for equitable resource allocation and the empowerment of marginalised communities. As emir, he launched initiatives to promote girl-child education, gender equity, and poverty alleviation in Kano State. His reforms in the Kano Emirate Council prioritised addressing social injustices that have long plagued Northern Nigeria.

For instance, his campaign against child marriage and his emphasis on the importance of education for girls drew both applause and backlash. These efforts single out his commitment to social progress and human dignity.

Mr Kperogi’s passionate critique of Sanusi’s remarks offers no clear alternative solutions to Nigeria’s economic woes. If we agree that Nigeria’s economy has suffered from decades of mismanagement, what is the path forward? Should we continue subsidising consumption at the expense of critical investments? Sanusi’s prescriptions, while debatable, are at least anchored in economic logic and long-term sustainability.

Nigeria’s challenges require a balanced, solutions-driven discourse. Reducing complex issues to personal attacks or dismissing individuals who have contributed significantly to national development is unproductive. Emir Sanusi’s positions are not beyond critique, but such critiques should engage with the substance of his arguments rather than resorting to ad hominem attacks or speculative interpretations of his motives.

Nigeria stands at a crossroads, and leadership—whether in government, traditional institutions, or civil society—must rise to the occasion. While Emir Muhammadu Sanusi II is not infallible, his track record of service, advocacy, and reform warrants a more balanced appraisal. Let us concentrate on fostering a Nigeria where ideas are debated with civility and respect, rather than transforming crucial national discussions into platforms for derision.

Usman Abdullahi Koli is a public relations expert, writer, and advocate for balanced public discourse. He can be reachedvia mernoukoli@gmail.com.

By Uzair Adam

The Hausa language is one of the fastest-growing languages, not only in Nigeria but also in other parts of Africa and countries such as China, Germany, and the United Kingdom.

However, despite its increasing global recognition and recorded successes, Hausa people seem to be neglecting the cultural teachings and traditions of their ancestors.

Hausa customs, norms, and values are gradually fading, turning into historical relics that may soon exist only in books or folktales.

This trend has raised concerns among cultural stakeholders.In response, the I-Care Initiative organized a two-day workshop in Kano from Monday to Tuesday, focusing on the preservation of Hausa traditions in the 21st century.

The event brought together stakeholders from various Hausa-speaking states in Nigeria to discuss the way forward through presentations, Hausa poetry, and other cultural showcases.

The workshop featured prominent Hausa novelists, including Dr. Bilkisu and Hajiya Hadiza Nuhu, as well as renowned traditional musicians such as Aminu Ala.

It also attracted traditional dancers, academics from Nigerian languages and mass communication departments, and other cultural enthusiasts.

According to Hajiya Amina Namadi Sambo, the Chairperson of I-Care Initiative and wife of former Vice President Namadi Sambo, the event aimed to highlight the rich cultural heritage of the Hausa people.

She noted the importance of preserving Hausa culture, stating, “Nowadays, many of our children can hardly speak Hausa without code-mixing or code-switching.”

She also lamented the decline of traditional Hausa cuisine, noting that many young people no longer know how to prepare these dishes.

To address this, the event showcased various Hausa delicacies alongside traditional businesses, allowing attendees to learn and appreciate their heritage.

Hajiya Amina further criticized the growing disregard for Hausa traditions, which has led some to believe they are superior to the Hausa people.

She urged individuals to read Hausa literature and called on Hausa filmmakers to promote authentic Hausa culture in their productions.

Speaking at the event, Vice President Kashim Shettima, represented by Sayyada Rahma Abdulmajid, praised Hausa culture and reaffirmed the federal government’s commitment to preserving Nigerian traditions.

He highlighted the creation of a ministry dedicated to cultural preservation and the allocation of significant funds for this purpose.

Shettima reiterated the global significance of Nigerian culture, stating, “Our culture commands great respect worldwide.

“Wherever you go, among every five black people, one is Nigerian. Moreover, the best among them is often a Nigerian.”

The event also showcased Hausa crafts and trades, such as hand fans (mafici), woven mats (tabarma), clay pots (tukunyar kasa), and dyeing techniques.

These businesses have historically connected Hausa traders from Kano to Sokoto, Zaria to Timbuktu, Marrakech, and across West and North Africa.

“Through these businesses, the Hausa man built his own house and city, which later contributed to the formation of Northern Nigeria,” she added.

Also speaking at the event, Professor Aliyu Bunza from the Department of Nigerian Languages, Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto, took attendees on a historical journey tracing the origins of the Hausa people and the factors behind their success.

Bunza attributed their resilience to strong cultural and moral values, stating, “The Hausa people are known for their honesty and truthfulness. If you are trustworthy, you will earn their respect, but if they find you deceitful, they will not trust you.”

The event was attended by traditional titleholders, government officials, and wives of former governors, including Dr. Aisha Bala Muhammad, wife of the Bauchi State Governor, and Hajiya Amina Shekarau, wife of former Kano State Governor Ibrahim Shekarau, among others.

The Comptroller-General of Customs (CGC), Adewale Adeniyi, has sought collaboration with the National Sports Commission (NSC) to successfully host the African Volleyball Inter-Club Women’s Championship.

During a courtesy visit to the Commission’s Chairman, Shehu Dikko, on Monday, January 27, 2025, CGC Adeniyi reiterated the Nigeria Customs Service’s (NCS) dedication to using sports as a means of fostering national unity, boosting Nigeria’s global sporting reputation, and creating opportunities for young athletes.

Commending the Commission’s leadership for its professionalism, he expressed confidence in Nigeria’s return to sporting excellence.

He also highlighted that the tournament, scheduled to take place in Abuja in April 2025, is expected to attract top volleyball clubs from across Africa.

“For the first time in a long time, we have tested and accomplished professionals driving sports development in Nigeria. We have no doubt that the glory days of sports are back,” CGC Adeniyi stated.

He further revealed that the Nigerian Olympic Committee had granted the NCS the right to host the competition in partnership with the Nigerian Volleyball Federation, with matches set to run from April 1 to April 14, 2025.

He assured that Customs would provide full support to ensure a remarkable event that would solidify Nigeria’s standing in sports.

Responding, NSC Chairman Shehu Dikko applauded Adeniyi’s vision and described the championship as a vital step in promoting Nigeria’s image and encouraging youth participation in sports.

“This championship is not just an opportunity to showcase our athletes but also a platform to inspire young Nigerians and demonstrate our organisational capabilities to the world.

Sports are a unifying force, and we will work to ensure that this event reflects the best of what Nigeria can offer,” Dikko said.

He pledged the NSC’s full backing, promising access to sports facilities, technical expertise, and logistical support to ensure the tournament sets a high standard for future competitions.

Additionally, the President of the Nigeria Olympic Committee, Engr. Habu Gumel, praised CGC Adeniyi for incorporating sports into the Customs Service’s activities.

He assured that efforts would be made to make the championship a resounding success.“We must be deliberate in our preparations and ensure that this championship becomes a springboard for hosting more international tournaments. The National Sports Commission is fully committed to providing all necessary support,” he stated.

With this collaboration, the African Volleyball Inter-Club Women’s Championship is set to elevate Nigeria’s profile in international sports and provide a platform for young talents to shine.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has announced that the exit of Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger from the regional bloc officially took effect on Wednesday, January 29, 2025.

One year ago, the three Sahel nations declared their withdrawal from ECOWAS, and now they have taken a further step by introducing a common passport under the Alliance of Sahel States (ASS).

ECOWAS, however, noted that it remains open to dialogue “for the spirit of regional solidarity.”

Despite the introduction of the new passport, ECOWAS has urged authorities within and outside its member states to continue recognizing the ECOWAS-branded national passports and identity cards of citizens from Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger.

The bloc also called for the continuation of visa-free movement, residency, and trade benefits for these countries “until further notice.”

The new Sahel passport is expected to become operational from January 29, replacing the ECOWAS passport for citizens of the three countries.

However, authorities in the Sahel states have assured that existing ECOWAS passports will remain valid until their expiration dates.On January 28, hundreds of pro-junta demonstrators in Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger took to the streets to express support for their governments’ decision to leave ECOWAS.

In Niger, military officials led thousands of supporters to the capital, Niamey, where they chanted slogans critical of French President Emmanuel Macron and other regional leaders.

A similar demonstration occurred in Burkina Faso, where Prime Minister Rimtalba Jean-Emmanuel Ouedraogo and other government officials joined thousands of citizens in a rally in Ouagadougou.

Although no major protests were reported in Mali, observers expect further developments in the coming days.

The departure of these three countries from ECOWAS marks a significant shift in regional dynamics.

Experts warn that the move could disrupt regional integration, complicate trade, and increase travel restrictions.

“Now, the three countries will lose the duty-free trade benefits that ECOWAS members enjoy,” one analyst noted, adding that the landlocked nations of Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger may face higher costs for accessing coastal ports in West African countries like Nigeria, Benin, and Ghana.

According to ECOWAS Trade Information Systems (ECOTIS), Mali recorded $3.91 billion in exports and $6.45 billion in imports in 2022, while Burkina Faso had $4.55 billion in exports and $5.63 billion in imports.

Niger, with a smaller economy, exported goods worth $446.14 million while importing $3.79 billion worth of goods.

With their departure from ECOWAS, these nations may face additional tariffs and trade barriers.ECOWAS introduced its regional passport in December 2000, allowing visa-free movement across member states and granting citizens the right to stay in another member country for up to three months.

With the withdrawal of Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso, travel restrictions may now come into effect, especially for citizens of these countries and West Africans wishing to visit the Sahel region.

The bloc has given the three countries a six-month grace period, extending until July 2025, to reconsider their decision in case they wish to rejoin.

Meanwhile, ECOWAS has put structures in place to facilitate discussions with the departing nations to minimize disruptions to lives and businesses during the transition period.

By Bilyamin Abdulmumin, PhD

Every nation has its beacon of hope. India has Mahatma Gandhi, Singapore, Lee Kuan Yew, China, Mao Zedong, South Africa, and Nelson Mandela. In the United States, it’s Abraham Lincoln, while Ghana reveres Kwame Nkrumah. Zimbabwe holds on to Robert Mugabe, Kenya to Jomo Kenyatta, Egypt to Gamal Abdel Nasser, and Ethiopia to Haile Selassie.

Northern Nigeria’s guiding light is Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto—a man whose name is written in gold on the sands of history. A towering figure with a heart as vast as the Sahel, he was a custodian of Islam, a protector of culture, a unifier of regions, and a calculated risk-taker. Bold in action and resolute in purpose, he stands tall as the North’s brightest son.

Almost all of Sardauna’s life and legacy have been well documented and were public knowledge; it has been told through various forms and platforms like nostalgia, reminiscence legends, truth, and myth. Sardauna is generally known for one thing: an unnegotiable love for the North- a love rooted in modernization and unification.

Thanks to Sardauna’s vision for proficient and disciplined graduates to fill the gap in the northern civil service, the all-encompassing, majestic, and larger-than-life ABU Zaria was born. Sardaunan’s vision for institutional independence extends beyond academia: it includes independence in finance, energy, media, aviation, and food security.

Monuments and megastructures in Sardauna’s name that still stand and reverberate speak volumes about the foresight, determination, and vision of this legendary figure. This uncommon vision for the North to develop and be independent fetched Sardauna, both friends and many foes. But it never deterred him. He forged on from strength to strength.

Whether known or unknown to Sardauna’s distractors, he was never anything close to being a bigot. His actions tell a different story: his consideration of the whole North transcends every primordial boundary like tribe, region, and religion. Sardauna merely wanted to discharge his duties best to the people he was entrusted with. If Sardauna could govern Nigeria, he would ensure the country excels among its peers. He will pursue the Nigerian interest with the same vigour and rigour as the North.

Perhaps the most controversial stance of Sardauna after the Northernization agenda was his determined campaign against independence. This is what Southerners and Easterners, especially his colleagues such as Awolowo, Akintola, and Azikiwe, could not wrap their heads against. Was it not the independence that people die to get, but here is a potential premier kicking against it or, at best, asking for its delay? This particular unpopular campaign that Sardauna embarked on and his colleagues in the North are two sides of the same coin.

As of 1952, when agitations for self-government began to mount, the majority of staff in the North were Whites, Southerners, and Easterners of Nigeria’s geopolitical zones, so Sardauna clamour was until the North became not only united and literate but capable of piloting its affairs before independence. This argument and most of other Sardauna’s interests would prevail, and the regional self-government was granted in 1955 to 56 instead, before the independence four years later.

This unprecedented vision of Sardauna for the delayed independence is a revolutionary—a potential antidote to the challenges plaguing many post-colonial nations. This could be the first time a potential president of a potential country could not be desperate, but instead harbour delayed independence subject to the capacity of the country.

Yesterday marks 59 years since Sardauna’s cold-blooded assassination by Lieutenant Colonel Nzeogwu. Yet, his legacy lives on, etched in the hearts of Northerners and Nigerians alike. May Allah forgive the shortcomings of North’s brightest son and grant him Jannatul Firdaus, amin.

Bilyamin Abdulmumin, PhD, wrote via bilal4riid13@gmail.com.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

The Nigerian Presidency has criticized former Kaduna State Governor Nasir El-Rufai for his comments about democracy in the country.

The Daily Reality reported that El-Rufai, speaking at a national conference in Abuja on Monday to strengthen democracy in Nigeria, stated that the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) party has failed to fulfill its promises to the people.

He said, “I no longer see the APC as a party. There has been no meeting of any party organs for two years—no meetings of the party leadership, no NEC, nothing. We don’t even know if it’s a one-man party or if there’s no structure at all.”

The former governor added that there was a significant gap between the party and the people, noting that the APC had deviated from its founding purpose and could no longer deliver on its promises to the public.

He further stated that the country’s problems result from the leadership of incompetent, lackadaisical individuals who hold power.

In response, Daniel Bwala, former Federal Capital Territory Minister and Special Adviser to President Bola Tinubu on Communications, accused El-Rufai of plotting to destabilize the government he helped establish.

On his X platform, Bwala queried whether El-Rufai would make such remarks if he were part of the current government and seated in the cabinet.

“Brother, if you were in the government and the cabinet, could you take this position and express such views? History has shown such behaviour in the past. Now you want to overthrow the government you helped establish,” Bwala said.

By Yakubu Nasiru Khalid

Still, addressing the public’s issues remains challenging in northern Nigeria. Media outlets favour partisanship over accuracy or truth, and the Nigerian media requires a controlling apparatus. 

Media outlets are considered a room where the underprivileged can address their problems to the government or private individuals who breach their rights. However, media outlets are now mainly sponsored and do not act independently or impartially when telling the truth. 

When I was young, I saw journalists as saviours who worked as architects or social engineers to prioritise public interests and solutions over personal or government interests, but now I see the opposite.

This results in the loss of hope that the electronic or printing media cannot serve as a messianic approach to standing against the breaching of the rights of ordinary citizens.

Even though media and journalistic standards attest to and measure a report’s accuracy and truthfulness, the ongoing challenge for media outlets remains their preference for partisanship over impartiality and independence.

For this reason, fact-checking media and journalists are mostly needed in electronic media (online Newspapers). Most media companies are owned and managed by people not equipped with journalism etiquette; they do it for a passion. 

While passion in journalism can often render one unprofessional, incompetent, or unethical in reporting, investigating, or addressing issues, it is essential for those who have not studied media to understand its etiquette, even if it means obtaining a certificate in the field.

It’s known that Nigerian media companies are owned by private individuals and deprived of government-approved control mechanisms or apparatus. They aim to generate income, which leads to sparks of misinformation from various media outlets. 

Lastly, I suggest media companies refrain from favouring personal or political interests over factual or truthful reportingor addressing public issues. I also advise those passionate about journalism to learn its etiquette formally.

Yakubu Nasiru Khalid wrote via yakubunasirukhalid@gmail.com.