Muslims

By Isma’il Hashim Abubakar, PhD

In my previous article, which predated and possibly heralded the public announcement of the voluntary and, of course, short-lived resignation of Shaykh Aminu Daurawa from his post as the Commandant-General of the Hisbah Board, I challenged what many people alleged to be a political romance between the Kano State Government and Murja Kunya, a rising TikToker who achieved notoriety through her lecherous utterances, unblushing gyrations, and licentious dances that not only defy moral codes but also corrupt the norms and values of Muslim society in northern Nigeria.

In that write-up, described by some as extremely blunt and overly radical, I chronicled a brief history of Hisbah and marshaled the unequal clout the morality police institution used to wield during previous Hisbah commandants and the immense sacrifices each of them made, which ultimately reinforced Hisbah and made it the most enduring and impactful religious bureaucracy established by the government since the return of Shari’ah at the turn of the century. I juxtaposed the achievements of Hisbah during previous leaderships against the commitment of the current command under Daurawa and concluded that the cleric was changing the course of how things used to be before his ascendancy as the Board’s head.

This view gains legitimacy through some of the Shaykh’s public confessions that, unlike during his predecessors’, he has modified and limited the ground operations of Hisbah such that he commands his guards to avoid storming and chasing elites, powerful figures, and places owned by influential personalities, while restricting their raids and arrests to the poor and weak masses who have no one to intervene and secure their release. This, to me, sounds counterproductive and explains why Murja Kunya nearly defeated Hisbah after she was arrested and jailed while awaiting trial, before her mysterious escape from prison.

To be candid and honest, Daurawa’s arrest of Murja was a courageous and commendable move, although certainly itself an act of defiance of a theory he formulated, which showed that he perhaps underrated Murja, and that was why he thought she belonged to the class of powerless masses, the supposed target of Hisbah’s wrath.

Meanwhile, the sudden announcement of Daurawa’s voluntary resignation after Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s public speech, which Daurawa and thousands of listeners received with dismay and interpreted as an authoritative demoralization of Hisbah, was ironically, based on the development that followed the resignation, a blessing in disguise. This awakened not only stakeholders but also remote audiences to the essentialness of the existence and backing of institutions like Hisbah. Having earlier decried Daurawa’s “soft” approach and selective application of his mandate, his resignation should be welcomed by me and those who have reservations about his policies.

However, like many pro-Hisbah fellows, I ironically found his sudden resignation shocking, albeit trying to live by the dictates of my admonition in my previous essay, thanks to the circumstances through which he almost vacated his seat. I spent the whole day after listening to the short clip of the scholar announcing his resignation, contacting and discussing with friends, and deliberating on who might be the right candidate to succeed Daurawa. Some of the names I heard allegedly being peddled and imposed on the conscience of Governor Abba sincerely scared me a lot.

One of those candidates is even a crony and closest representative of an infamous scholar who almost ignited a war in Kano due to his poisonous and blasphemous preachings before he was finally convicted by the court and is now still languishing in jail. It suddenly dawned on me, as it did to thousands of the audience, that Daurawa’s resignation would hardly lead to the reform of Hisbah we crave and the brave and intrepid posture and outlook that we aspire for the head of Hisbah to wear and maintain. In fact, whoever would have succeeded Daurawa would merely do the bidding of the Governor and avoid unleashing Hisbah’s wrath on people connected with the Governor’s political victory, even if they are as worthless as Murja Kunya.

It was this similar feeling and the fear of the decline of Hisbah’s influence that virtually alerted concerned Muslims to wade into the matter and, at different levels, embarked on calls and campaigns to have an understanding between the Governor and his cleric appointee to recant the resignation and to have a rethink on the position and function of Hisbah amidst growing disappointment at how immorality is holding sway in cyberspace and social media domains within the region. The mission for reconciliation sponsored, led, and facilitated by the Coalition of Ulama in Kano, besides the calls for Governor Abba to make peace with the Hisbah boss that stormed different quarters from various constituencies, has been very fruitful.

Sincere happiness and celebration for the triumph of Hisbah are now the stuff that spectators have to feast on these days, with pre- and post-reconciliation group photographs of the Governor, Daurawa, and the peacekeeping team flooding social media from all angles. Daurawa himself expressed happiness that the worries and reservations he earlier nurtured, which likely but also partly justify his diplomatic approach, will now be a thing of the past since there is a renewed commitment from the government to support, empower, and stand with Hisbah.

Daurawa’s recent efforts to synergize the function of Hisbah, mobilize, and secure more support for Hisbah from various groups and levels of people, as expressed in his public address and illustrated by his recent visits to important arms of government, including the Grand Khadis, are chiefly commendable moves.

The gaps created by Murja’s illegal escape from prison, which will hopefully now be checkmated, and the subsequent resignation of Daurawa all evince the previous lack of a commensurate and strong network that Hisbah ought to have had, which would have made its work easier. With the Sultan of Sokoto, the highest Muslim royal figure in Nigeria; top business moguls; prominent Islamic clerics across different sectarian divides; senior government officials; technocrats; academics and intellectuals; as well as the overwhelming majority of concerned Muslims within northern Nigeria all backing Hisbah and pledging unanimous allegiance to its commandant, the Board now has adequate authority to tackle and contain immorality on a larger scale and without, in the slightest sense, any class discrimination.

There is no better time than now to expand the scope of Hisbah and extend its activities to other Muslim states within the region. Sheikh Daurawa will be a very good asset, particularly as he reviews some of his previous approaches, to spearhead an advocacy movement to institute a unified Northwestern Hisbah command or zonal network, officially and legislatively endorsed by state governments in order to effectively counter the rising challenge of immorality that is spread largely on social media platforms.

The approachability, broadmindedness, and openheartedness that informed Governor Abba Kabir’s swift acceptance and accommodation of criticism and correction have restored some hope to the public of having a governor who would combine the leadership qualities of decisiveness, intrepidity, hard work, foresight, wisdom, and clemency at one time—the principal behavioral dispositions, part of which define Engineer Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso and his longtime political counterpart, Malam Ibrahim Shekarau. These are expected to come into play in Abba’s expected commitment toward and prioritization of Hisbah activities, particularly by reforming the administrative aspects of the Board, by first appointing a formidable governing council peopled with members who will be devoted to their job ahead of considering it a political favor through which to get material gratification. The best pool to draw on will be the same peacekeeping team that ensured the reconciliation between the Governor and Hisbah commandant.

Previous senior Hisbah officers as well will be of great importance as part of the governing council. An upward review of the monthly allowance from ten thousand Naira for Hisbah guards, such that it triples their current take-home pay, will be a visible indication that the Governor is now in full support of Hisbah. The Governor will be wiser if he takes singular caution by distancing himself from the pseudo-cleric he appointed as a religious adviser. The opportunist appointee, who is rubbishing Hisbah’s mission by advising his boss to reward Murja Kunya and integrate her into his cabinet, seems to be on a mission to drag the Governor into an unnecessary but suicidal fight with the religious constituency. With elements like this in the corridors of power, the sudden triumph of Hisbah will remain incomplete unless Murja Kunya faces the severe wrath of the law.

Isma’il writes from Rabat, the Kingdom of Morocco and can be reached via ismailiiit18@gmail.com.

By Salihi Adamu Takai

Kano State Coalition of Ulama comprises the great Islamic clerics of Kano from different sects to promote sanity and peace. The coalition is headed by Sheikh Abdulwahab Abdullah (Imam Ahlussunnah). The clerics, who grouped themselves in the religious effort of making the work of Almighty Allah effective in the state, are very important scholars of impeccable characters.

Kano State happens to be the ancient city in the northern part of Nigeria that is very popular for its religiosity. It is one of the first states in Africa to receive the light of Islam. Many scholars have revealed that Islam was received in the state through Wangarawa and Arab merchants.

The spread of the Islamic religion in the state has made it a very religious city—and the religious aspect has become very sensitive in the state. After some years of the spread of the Islamic religion in the city, there has been the existence of Sufism and other sects of beliefs.

The Islamic reformers played very vital roles in sanitizing the aspects of the religion. They focused vehemently on the teachings. They gave more emphasis to the seeking of knowledge of Islam. This aided the reformation in the religious activities of the State.

The spread of Sunnah came and knocked on every door. The objective of the Kano State Coalition of Ulama is to reform religious teachings to accommodate morality. Despite people having embraced religious knowledge and Western education, there is also a need to reform teaching activities and their adoption.

Sometimes, people have the knowledge, but they need to be guided on how to apply it to their teaching and learning. So, the reformation needs a coalition for its success. It is for the Muslims.

The Coalition of the Ulamas has been intervening in matters of religion. They are very keen on promoting sanity in religious activities. They call for peace—and peace signifies the best way of depicting Islam.

To also achieve the aim of their activities, they refer to themselves as the Coalition of Ulama of Kano. This means they comprise different Ulamas from different sects; from Izala, Qadiriyya, and Tijjaniyya.

The Coalition could also be the source of understanding one’s teachings amongst the Ulamas. The Tijjaniyya Clerics in the Coalition could understand some aspects from those Sunni Scholars.

Moreover, the Coalition led by Sheikh Abdulwahab Abdullah reconciled Sheikh Aminu Daurawa with Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf following their misunderstanding about the conduct of the Hisbah corps. Today, Daurawa has resumed his position as the Hisbah Commandant. This is one of the thousands of achievements of the Coalition. They intervene in every matter that affects the public.

May Almighty Allah continue to support the Coalition in achieving their goals, and may He reward them, amin.

Salihi Adamu Takai wrote via salihiadamu8888@gmail.com.

By Salisu Shehu 

In Hausa, the word ‘Murabus’ simply means a former or one-time leader. Such a person would either have left the leadership position by duly completing his tenure or removed in some way before finishing the period for his stewardship. Malam Auwalu Bello Jigirya was a one-time Amir of the Muslim Students’ Society of Nigeria (MSSN), Kano State Area Unit (KNSAU) from 1995-2001. 

Since 2001 to date, the word MURABUS has become a daily pronouncement in the MSSN/KNSAU family. It was a respectful and humourous reference to Auwalu Jigirya after he handed over the mantle of Amirship to Malam Ado Garba Yankaji in 2001. MURABUS soon became a household name for Jigriya, and it resonated within the MSSN circle in Kano State. 

Whereas MURABUS means retirement or dethronement, as explained above, it means something different in the case of JIGIRYA. Rather than the ordinary sense of stepping aside, it was for JIGIRYA a metaphor for steadfastness, doggedness, resilience, selflessness, and sacrifice, ornamented by tolerance and forbearance. Instructively, Amirs before and after him held the Amirship and stepped aside, but he was the only one graciously crowned ‘MURABUS’. 

JIGIRYA presented a striking trait rarely found in people. He was a very humble person yet courageous. He would be decorous to those apparently senior to him but would also unrelentingly muster the brevity to advise them when they erred. He always had a demeanour of raw honesty, and frankness imbued with a permanent character of humour and conviviality. 

You would never get bored staying with him. He was, in the KNSAU family, in terms of humour and joy, a natural successor to the late Baba Alhassan Ibrahim Dawanau of blessed memory, who would always play the grandpa, entertaining the brothers and giving some relief that clears away monotony and tension when the situation started getting tough and stressful. To the younger ones, he was a friendly, cheerful, amiable, accessible, and easily approachable mentor. 

Since our adolescence, we grew up together in the Kano State Area Unit for nearly four decades. He was the Amir when I was the Director of Education at Al-Muntada al-Islamy Trust. That was when I started getting to know him at a closer range because Al-Muntada supported the KNSAU MSSN immensely. Not surprisingly, because of his down-t-earth mentoring style, when those younger ones established the ALHASSAN IBRAHIM DAWANAU COLLEGE OF HEALTH SCIENCES AND TECHNOLOGY, Malam Auwalu Jigirya made it to the list of the members of the BOARD OF TRUSTEES of the College. 

We, however, became closest in the last nine (9) years when we worked together in the Islamic Forum of Nigeria. He was a strong pillar in our Local Organising Committee of our Annual Ramadan Lecture and IFTAR RELIEF SCHEME. Not only punctuality and commitment made him a strong pillar of the Committee. It was also because of his dependability and reliability in terms of honesty, trust and probity. He was one person on the committee to whom I would never hesitate to hand over the budget for purchasing food items for the IFTAR RELIEF PACKAGE and would go to sleep. One would not be afraid of failure or fraud. 

As an attestation of Jigirya’s leadership character, the Executive Council of the Islamic Forum unanimously approved his appointment as the Secretary of the Caretaker Committee of the KANO State Chapter when its exco was dissolved nearly two years ago. 

In both the Kano State Area Unit (KNSAU) of the MSSN and the MSSN and the Local Organising Committee of the Annual Ramadan Lecture of the Islamic Forum of Nigeria, we will miss not only the person of Malam Auwalu Bello Jigirya but will seriously miss his loveable characters In all In described In above In. Our greatest solace is that we will have dozens of encomiums on his praiseworthy behaviours with which we will keep consoling ourselves. 

As we keep showering those praises on him, we are sure, as was said by our Beloved Prophet (SAW), we will be “the witnesses of Allah to him on earth”. 

Allahummaghfir lahu warhamhu warhamna ba’adahu wa’anta Khairul ghafireen.

Salisu Shehu, Vice-Chancellor, AL-ISTIQAMA UNIVERSITY, SUMAILA, can be contacted via sshehu.edu@buk.edu.ng.

By Salihi Adamu Takai

The recitation of the Glorious Qur’an is beyond anything people can think of or guess how it is limited in terms of positivity. It is everything and beyond. Yes, it is indeed! In addition, the rewards for its recitation are granted based on letters. Each letter recited in a verse is worth 10 rewards, and the rewards multiply.

The recitation of the Glorious Quran is the food that satisfies people to the ultimate satisfaction. It gives satisfaction to those reciting it day and night. While reciting it, the reciter gets satisfaction from it for his/her satisfaction in the thing he/she comes across. Through it, a Muslim can understand the blessings of Allah for all of humanity on Earth. Allah’s creatures were explained. The lives of our ancestors were told; how they lived on Earth before us. This explains the Oneness of the Lord, Almighty Allah.

The recitation of the Glorious Quran makes Muslims live peacefully, and their hearts find peace and composure. The beautiful recitation of the Glorious Quran heals the heart of anger. It does away with agony and temper. The Quran has explained this in Chapter 13, Verse 28: “Indeed, with the remembrance of Allah, hearts find peace.”

When a person starts reciting it, their attention becomes focused on the Almighty Allah and His words. Listening to the words of Allah is the best thing people can do to gain composure, and its recitation gives you everything and draws your heart to Him. You become happy. The world remains peaceful and harmonious for you as you begin reciting it. Therefore, do not stop reciting the Quran. It is the best thing to help you achieve everything on Earth.

Have you been in a dilemma or limbo? If yes, have you recovered? If not, you can recover from any kind of limbo by reciting the Quran. Keep reciting the Quran. It will help you recover and make you happy all the days. If you can’t recite it, listen to it online. There are different recitations of the Quran available online. Go to your Play Store and download it, and keep listening to it offline or online. It is, of course, the best medicine undiscovered by physicians!

Salihi Adamu Takai wrote via salihiadamu8888@gmail.com.

By Aliyu Zangina

The people of Kano State woke up to the news of the resignation of the Commander-General of the Kano State Hisbah Board (Hisbah). This came after criticisms directed at some of the activities of the Hisbah Corps by His Excellency, AbbaKabirYusuf, the governor of the state.

The Hisbah Board is a creation of the Kano State Hisbah Law 2003. Its primary responsibility is to advise on and enforce religious morality within the state. Despite this mandate, the corps has been criticized for violating moral codes and secular laws of the land by making illegal arrests, which are a damning affront to human dignity. It is on this premise that I seek to explore law and morality vis-à-vis the arrest in controversy.

THE INTERSECTION BETWEEEN LAW AND MORALITY

Arguments on the relationship between law and morality in the jurisprudential sense have lasted for ages and still rage on. The controversy surrounding Hisbah brings it to the fore.

Laws are loosely defined as enactments by a state, with binding and coercive force on individuals and institutions throughout the state.

While morality can be loosely defined as a proper behaviour in differentiation of what is right and wrong.

The major difference between them is while a breach of law attracts sanction, A breach of morality can only attract moral reprehension. The long age principle of law is that law and morality are poles apart. However, in the celebrated case of R v. Dudley & Stephens (1884)14 QDB 273 DC it was states that

“Though law and morality are not the same, and many things may be immoral which are not necessarily illegal, yet absolute divorce of law from morality would be of fatal consequence.”

In practice, morality complements the law, as many enactments were propelled by the moral demands of the people. For example, laws prohibiting theft and murder are rooted in the moral consciousness of the fact that taking other people’s property or life is morally wrong. Many laws embody moral principles within them, protecting and guaranteeing fundamental moral values. At the same time, the fundamental force is given by its moral obligation.

ACTIVITIES OF HISBAH

The term Hisbah in Kano has always been associated with controversy from its inception to date. When it is not President Obasanjo accusing the institution of jihadist tendencies, then it is people from the southern part of the country attacking the institution for destroying trucks of alcoholic drinks. The body has always been (in)famous for enforcing morality despite its efforts in curbing social and moral vices.

In November of last year, the Hisbah corps came under attack after raiding several hotels. A video of their operation surfaced on the internet, evidencing male officers harassing and apprehending female suspects and grabbing them in a commando style. Indeed, it was an affront to Islamic moral values. The actions of the Hisbah corps could be qualified as degrading treatment and, hence, unconstitutional. Allusions made to the video by the governor of Kano state prompted the commander-general’s retirement on March 1, 2024.

ARE LAWS REGULATING ARRESTS IN NIGERIA AT CONVERGENCE WITH OUR MORAL VALUES?

Unlike laws regulating search where the search is to be conducted by “persons of the same sex with strict regard to decency” and “reasonable time to withdraw” which must be given to a woman in purdah before a search is conducted on a premise she occupies, the laws regulating arrests in Nigeria have less regards to our moral values and culture as they do not have similar provisions regarding arrests to be conducted by persons of same-sex.

Therefore, the arrest carried out by the Hisbah corps is illegal only to the extent that it was done without a warrant, and their conduct violates the dignity of the suspect. However, the confinement of the female suspects by the male officers with excessive restraint cannot be faulted legally if there was a reasonable apprehension of violence, as our law does not mandate that the arrest of a woman be carried out only by a woman. This is not to serve as a justification for the degrading treatment meted out to suspects by the Hisbah corps during the arrest. They are suspects, not convicts, and even convicts are only deprived of their liberty, not their dignity.

CONCLUSION

“It is tempting to speak of law and morality as if they constitute two completely normative system whose prescriptions sometimes coincide and sometimes conflict. Maybe it is much more exact to consider law and morality as complementary. The complementarity of law and morality belies their separateness even though the two are not parallel streams whose water never mixed at any time.” UZOUKWU V. IDIKA (2022)3NWLR, (PT1818) (P, 462, paras G-H)

Many laws overlap with moral codes in Nigeria. Some laws were enacted to uphold our morality, but where the law does not contemplate our morals, it is our duty to call upon our senses of right and wrong. The Hisbah male officers should not have carried out the arrest of women, even though that alone cannot make the arrest illegal. It is their moral duty to have sent in their female officers to handle the entire scenario with a modicum of professionalism.

It is therefore put forward to our legislators that our Administration of Criminal Justice laws be amended to accommodate the model of arrest that will reflect our morals, culture, and dignity, just like the provisions on search.

Aliyu Zangina is a lawyer, and can be contacted via zanginaaliyu96@gmail.com.

Isma’il Hashim Abubakar, PhD

If there is one government institution that citizens of Shari’a states in Northern Nigeria ought to regard as their personal property which cannot be politicised and subjected to jeopardy and machination due to its direct relevance and importance in preserving Muslim norms and values, that institution will undoubtedly be the Hisbah Board. 

In other words, by virtue of being Muslims, all Muslims in these states and, of course, in the rest of northern Nigeria are expected to regard themselves as natural and bona fide members of Hisbah, even if they do not wear the Board’s uniform, are not participating in its anti-immorality patrol and of course not in the payroll of government. This, therefore, underscores the collective and societal support and endorsement that Hisbah is supposed to enjoy since its creation and transformation during the tenures of Engineer Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso (1999-2003 and 2011-2015) and Malam Ibrahim Shekarau (2003-2011).

During the administration of Shekarau, the time when Hisbah was entirely transformed and formally mainstreamed into government bureaucracy, representing one of the major arms of Shari’a implementation agencies established by the state government, Hisbah Board confronted daunting challenges and opposition from all angles that only a sincere political will, uncommon determination and superior commitment would have saved it from being scrapped.  

Olusegun Obasanjo, Nigeria’s President (1999-2007) who opposed the transformation of Hisbah, sought to use all the presidential powers at his disposal to not only thwart the Hisbah from undertaking its task of sanitising the moral climate of Kano but also to proscribe it and mischievously label it as a terrorist organisation. Obasanjo’s wrath on Hisbah was merely a manifestation of his unsuccessful struggle to sabotage the implementation of Shari’a, whose winds had blown with an unprecedented force in 12 northern states. Even Obasanjo’s resort to legal machinery could not abort the Shari’a project. He, willy nilly, oversaw a federal government that had to allocate grants to states whose main priority was to promote moral values and eradicate vices that bedevilled the society, the hallmarks of the Shari’ah program as advocated by its proponents at the turn of the 21^st century.

Obasanjo ultimately banned Hisbah through an announcement by his Inspector General of Police, who also shamelessly alleged that Hisbah guards were trained in Libya, and ordered the arrest of the Hisbah commandant, the late Shaykh Yahaya Farouk Chadi and his deputy Malam Rabo Abdulkarim. The Kano State Government headed by Shekarau gathered all its strength and entered into a decisive battle with the federal government, irrespective of whether this could culminate into a funny, fruitless and audacious fight between a rat and an elephant, leaving no one with a doubt as to where the victory and defeat ordinarily lied. 

After all, Shekarau was pushing for his second term as general elections were approaching, which explains how the attention of Shekarau and his government would be divided. This scenario could be juxtaposed with the climate of anxiety that befell the current governor, Abba Kabir Yusuf, who almost lost hope after the first and second rulings of the tribunal and appeal courts in favour of his opponent, Nasiru Yusuf Gawuna. The development necessitated a momentary pause in regular government activities. It brought about a wild and arbitrary push of things that could be interpreted as valedictory stages of a short-lived tenure. Stability was restored in the psyche of the government and its supporters only after the Supreme Court issued a final verdict that annulled the rulings of both the tribunal and appeal courts and affirmed victory for Abba Kabir Yusuf.

The Shekarau-led government, which, before institutionalising Hisbah, had followed the legislative procedures to get the Board appropriately legalised and signed into law, summoned enough courage to sue the federal government in court. The legal battle ended in favour of the Kano State Government after the court, in March 2007, a few weeks before the elections, described the arrest of the two top heads of Hisbah as illegal and forced the federal government to pay them damages. Nonetheless, allegations had gained currency in Kano by that time that Farouk Chedi, who died in 2010 after a protracted illness that made him look too frail and emaciated, was a consequence of an intravenous poisoning applied to him while in detention. This gradually ravaged him and eventually took his life.

Like Chedi, Chedi’s successor, Shaykh Ibrahim Maibushra, was also a professor at Bayero University, Kano. He built on the intrepid pedestal chartered by his predecessor and the government that recruited him. Maibushra displayed extreme gallantry by, as I was told by a Hisbah guard, going to the extreme of jeopardising his job when he detained an elite belonging to a royal family who was caught committing a crime. 

Maibushra’s zealousness to discharge his duty was, as evidenced by the report above, not limited to the poor whom his guards frequently chased but rather knew no discrimination between the poor and the elite or between the weak and the strong. The suspect remained in Hisbah’s custody, and even after the interference of bigwigs within and outside the royal family, Maibushra stood on his ground and refused to release the man. With the endorsement of the then patriarch and the most respectful royal figure within Nigeria and beyond, Maibushra continued to retain his detainee and treated him the way every Tom, Dick or Harry was ideally treated once he fell into the hands of Hisbah. 

Maibushra, I was told, was so fearlessly courageous to chase and catch not only low-ranking soldiers but also high-ranking officers like army colonels. Of course, needless to say, without the support of the government of the day, the Hisbah commandant would have been in greater trouble. However, it was likely that Maibushra would not have performed contrarily, regardless of whoever held the reins of power at the time.

When Shaykh Aminu Daurawa emerged as the new commandant of Hisbah after the election of Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso in 2011, only ‘pessimistic’ people would doubt his competence and preparedness to at least show equal sacrifice, even if not outshine his predecessors. After all, Daurawa was one of the most outspoken voices who denounced their membership in Shekarau’s Sharia-related committees, criticised the mode of Shari’a implementation of the Shekarau administration and rallied around Kwankwaso, culminating in the latter’s victory against Salihu Sagir Takai, the candidate of the then ruling ANPP. 

There were high hopes that Daurawa would build on Hisbah’s achievements and improve in the areas he criticised in the past administration. Interestingly, although Kwankwaso did not primarily campaign on the Shari’a mantra, the Islamic clerics within his circles, including Daurawa himself, had assured electorates that Kwankwaso would be more forthrightly supportive toward Shari’a implementation since he was believed to be more no-nonsense, fearless and invincible than his predecessor. 

Although there was a relative shortage in the money allocated to Hisbah for running costs and operations, Kwankwaso deserved commendation for reportedly giving Hisbah’s leadership adequate autonomy to carry out operations with little interference. A source from Hisbah confided in me that Kwankwaso admitted being callow about Shariah and Islamic knowledge in general and, as such, gave Islamic clerics within his circle enormous power to decide on any matter relating to religion, including issues affecting public religious institutions to whose leaderships Kwankwaso assigned the various clerics who campaigned for, supported or backed his election bid. With an intrepid head of government like Kwankwaso and with zero challenge from either the federal government or any other visible quarters, Daurawa was expected to leverage the available power and resources of government to improve in areas he unleashed censures on the past administration. 

Of course, mass wedding (auren zawarawa) was one of the main notable projects and inputs which Daurawa’s Hisbah championed. At the same time, all other ground operations and patrols were conducted not better than what was obtained in the Hisbah under the leadership he inherited. Meanwhile, Daurawa was behind the decline in sacrifice in the model of Chedi’s leadership or Maibushra’s flat and indiscriminate approach toward criminals and their cronies among influential partners. 

It was Daurawa who appeared in one video, which still circulates on social media and confessed that as Hisbah commandant, he deliberately avoided arresting the elite and concentrated on the poor because, according to him, the poor are powerless and easy to deal with, unlike the elite who could use their influence to manipulate his sack from the job. In my opinion, this public confession of weakness and a thirst to remain politically relevant, which Daurawa made, partly set the foundations of what Hisbah is going through at this trying moment. 

Daurawa has been the longest-serving Hisbah commandant since its institutionalisation. He served between 2011 and 2015 during Kwankwaso and was reappointed by Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, serving for more than four years. Even as relations between Kwankwaso and Ganduje worsened, Daurawa, who belongs to Kwankwaso’s camp, was retained at the time. Politicians with political loyalty to Kwankwaso were not carried along. 

Similarly, after resting for only four years throughout the second tenure of Governor Ganduje, which distanced him from the corridors of power, Daurawa successfully reunited with his seat immediately after the emergence of Abba Kabir Yusuf as Ganduje’s successor in May 2023. Although it is an uncomfortable truth that cannot be denied, Daurawa has got so engrossed with his rank in Hisbah more than being too courageous enough to live by the dictates of his old credentials or even at least to maintain the tempo of his predecessors, one of whom had even lost his life in the cause of his Hisbah. In contrast, the second would have lost the job entirely had he not got a superior intervention.

It is precisely this stand and posture that Daurawa is expected to display when tired of the massive campaigns to turn the Muslim north immoral by impolite TikTokers, the Hisbah resorted to preaching and interacting with TikTokers a few months ago with the hope that they shun promoting lewdness and vices which contribute to moral degeneration of northern Muslim society. That was a good move since it would serve as a warning that would justify applying force in bringing TikTokers to order and sanitising the too much spoiled social media space. 

The recent arrest by Hisbah of Murja Ibrahim Kunya, a prominent TikToker, had restored some hope that Hisbah leadership did not only want to, at the time its activities are most needed, remain a timid institution principally different from how it used to be 20 or so years ago. Murja Kunya was taken and presented before the court. It was a relatively good move. Still, it would have been safer and better if she was presented to the court within Hisbah, and of course, this would have saved Hisbah from further disgrace and wanton defeat that resulted from what unfolded later. People woke up on a certain morning in February 2024 with the news that Murja, who was detained in prison and awaiting trial, was arbitrarily released in mysterious circumstances.

Whatever the case and whoever was responsible for her release, someone with even the slightest inkling of the sensitivity of the Hisbah Board and the foundations upon which the institution was set up would never expect a mere arrest of an immoral TikToker would attract the interest of some influential figures within the circle of Kano State Government. Most people rejoiced after Murja’s arrest that the development would mark the end of the ascendance of an empire of vulgarity and obscenity that has taken the grip of northern Muslim social media. 15 or 10-year jail term for Murja, which religiously inclined and Islamic-compliant people prayed Murja would be served with, would have deterred hundreds of TikTokers receiving inspiration from her from treading along her path. 

The release of Murja represents one of the most shameful artificial calamities that Hisbah would witness in its two decades of operation; unless all stakeholders, including the remaining figures in the past administrations and all concerned Muslims, have risen to this big challenge, the decline of Hisbah would be one of the last phases of the fall of Shari’a which started at the turn of the century and reached peak, only to fall to this too low level. Who is Murja Kunya, and how can one ever imagine that she would be an obstacle to Hisbah?  It is disheartening and regrettable that a responsible government in the past would challenge, fight and successfully defeat the Obasanjo-led federal government in a legal battle on Hisbah, but a different, less committed Hisbah leadership cannot fight a mere gullible TikToker.

Daurawa has, during one of his interviews with the press in the aftermath of Murja’s illegal escape from prison, commented that Hisbah has done all within its power, implying that it has no business whatsoever with what transpired afterwards. Although this is partly true, it is altogether unacceptable; Daurawa would have used every means possible to register his protest against the sabotage of Hisbah by a fifth columnist within the government that appointed him. 

There are two reasons for Daurawa’s protest, even though a voluntary resignation would have been a decent solution. Daurawa criticised the Shari’ah implementation process in the past because he was dissatisfied with the government attitude of the day. Now that he was put at the helm of affairs, it would only be reasonable if Hisbah’s principles and values were protected or if he took his leave. Secondly, continuing to remain in a government that has less commitment to eradicating immorality and vices, as illustrated by Murja’s release, would be equal to prioritising one’s position over preserving ideals that one has been preaching for decades.

Finally, although the ugly picture of the fate of Hisbah painted in this essay seems to be discouraging, Hisbah is yet the most visible of all government machinery that has been symbolically and, of course, practically reminding Muslims that Kano and other sister states are still legislatively covered by Sharia. A political will, which we hope will be revived by Kano power brokers, can anytime restore the tempo and spirit of Sharia and decisively tackle and fight the social media agents who have been hell-bent on depriving Muslims of their norms and values. Although very painful to admit, one can say that for now, immorality is gradually winning the war against morality in a society that used to prefer death rather than surrender to a violation and corruption of norms and values. 

One of the most cogent ways of tackling social media immorality, which I hope relevant government agencies like Hisbah will adopt, is having a unified network of a joint task force within Hisbah and similar institutions in some northern states and, if possible, to sign this into law after passing necessary legislative process. This would make it easy for Hisbah to detain criminals everywhere in these states without struggling with issues of arrest warrants and areas of jurisdiction.

Dr Ismail wrote this piece from Rabat, the Kingdom of Morocco and can be reached via ismailiiit18@gmail.com. 

By Yuhya Gambo, PhD

Obviously, we truly need to be reminded of the true purpose of the Quran. The Quran is not just a book to be recited and memorized but rather a source of guidance and wisdom that we should strive to understand and implement in our lives.

Decades ago, the late Sheikh Abubakar Mahmud Gumi (may Allah have mercy on him) authored his famous book of Tafsir titled “Returning the Minds to the Meaning of the Quran” (رد الاذهان الى معاني القرآن). The book was written at a time when many Muslims in our community had drifted far away from the core teachings of the Quran. Back then, the Quran was mostly read to seek blessings in ceremonies and other gatherings, and nothing more.

Just like many others, I benefited immensely from the radio broadcast of tafsir sessions of the late Sheikh. Ever since I listened to his Tafsir of Suratul Nur, I learned how Allah wants me to relate with different categories of women in my life, the etiquette of entering people’s houses, and the requirement to lower my gaze and not stare at women lustfully. Alhamdulillah.

Also, I learned about the high status of Aishah (an epitome of chastity), the Mother of the Believers (may Allah be pleased with her). The enormous lessons inspired me to memorize the Surah entirely. May Allah reward Sheikh Gumi with Jannah, ameen.

As Muslims, we badly need the Quran in our lives. Not only does it nourish our inner selves, but it also contains every guide for us to prosper in this Dunya and the hereafter. We must make deliberate efforts to benefit from the pure knowledge and guidance contained in the Quran.

The Quran is practical; it is meant to guide our complete life, be it our spiritual, social, or economic dealings. It is equally meant to guide our creed (belief), speech, and actions to that which Allah is pleased with.

In Majmu’ al-Fatawa 23/55, Sheikhul Islam Ibn Taymiyyah (may Allah have mercy on him) said:

‏”المطلوب من القرآن هو: فهم معانيه والعمل به، فإن لم تكن هذه همةُ حافظه لم يكن من أهل العلم والدين”.

“What is required with regards to the Quran is: To understand its meanings and act upon it, for if this is not the goal of its memorizer, the person cannot be considered among the people of knowledge and [complete] religion”.

Let us make the Quran our companion and guide in this life and the hereafter. In fact, we need the Quran today more than ever!

By Ibrahim Uba Yusuf, PhD

Trends in the Hausa Film Industry often divide the industry sharply across socio-political lines. Interactions and production have also not been exclusive to the political dynamics of Northern Nigeria or Kano in particular. However, the recent development requires caution to avoid a relapse into conflict and violence.

On January 28th, 2024, I saw a short video clip of a popular actor-cum-politician, Mustapha Badamasi Naburaska. In the video of about two minutes, the actor announced his intention to release a film that would depict the aftermath of the 2023 Kano State Governorship Petition from the Tribunal to the Supreme Court. In the video, the actor further announced his intention to portray an ‘old man and a musician’ in a negative light.

To complement his pledge, the actor released a poster of the intended film called Igiyar Zato on his Facebook page and other social media platforms. The poster contains the name of the producer and the photograph of the lead fictional character adorned with artificial grey beards just to reinforce the political figure he intends to mock. Mocking a politician is not my problem. It is purely a political affair.

I am not a card-carrying member of any political party but rather a researcher and public affairs analyst interested in teaching and conducting research relating to the Hausa Home Video Industry. In fact, my PhD thesis focused on ‘Hausa Home Videos and Peacebuilding in Northern Parts of Nigeria’. These, I believe, provided me with an opportunity to understand some nitty-gritty and make informed remarks about trends in the industry. It is useful to point out that this write-up is not intended to support or discredit any political group. The essence is to draw the attention of regulatory bodies to a danger that needs their urgent attention.

Firstly, my concern is the use of grey beards in the name of mocking an individual. While the announcement and content of the film may sound pleasing to some of his comrades and supporters, it will hoist a red flag if such content could pass the rigorous screening at the Kano State Censorship Board.

The Beard Issue

The beard issue has been a subject of ridicule during the build-up to the 2023 Guber Election in Kano State. A section of the campaigners used the beard impression to ridicule a particular contestant during their public campaigns. After the pronouncement by the apex court affirming the victory of Engineer Abba Kabir Yusuf as the duly elected governor, members of his political party have been engaged in making skit performances in communities using the beard as a subject of emphasis. The skits were done in the name of celebration, to mimic the governorship candidate of the APC.

Igiyar Zato

Although the trailer of the film has not been released, if – at all – it is going to be produced and distributed, viewers and followers of Kano politics can easily predict scenes and the likely narrative it contains. From the different posters, viewers can deduce the direction, rationale and target group of the producer, Mustapha Nabraska. Of concern is the picture of Nabraska with a fictional grey beard. This depiction is a caricature of a recommended tradition of Prophet Muhammad (SAW). Muslims may find this satire offensive, an act of irresponsibility and tantamount to rupturing the peace beingenjoyed in Kano State. Making jest at the Prophetic tradition, consciously or unconsciously, is forbidden. Sufficient is verse 65 of Suratul Tauba. While other scenes of the film might be valuable sources of analysis in the field of political communication, indeed, this depiction can likely provoke and create preventable chaos.

What does the Kano State Censorship Board Law say?

The law establishing the Kano State Censorship Board (KSCB) as a statutory regulatory body is not silent on what should be portrayed in films and home videos. The intended production contravenes the religious beliefs of the people of Kano. The film glaringly incorporates a form of amusement and deliberately alters the creation of Almighty Allah to mock an individual, which is not approved in Islam. In fact, these are yardsticks that some religious scholars used to engender their position on the illegality of popular culture.

The law, as it is, frowns at depictions in films that are not in tandem with the culture and tradition of the Kano people. Even though the law mandates all producers to submit their films to the Board for censoring after the completion of production, there is a need to amend that clause and mandate producers to share their ideas at the level of conceptualisation with the Board to be appropriately guided. It is left for the Board to decide what to do with the film if the producer decides to submit a copy before release.

Abba Al-Mustapha should Act!!!

In the interest of peace, the KSCB, under the leadership of Abba Al-Mustapha, should discontinue the promotion and production of the film at all costs. This is given the potential damages it could cause to the volatile situation in Kano. The Muslim community in Kano and beyond are saddened by this irrational depiction and public display, which directly affects a cherished symbol of the Prophet of Islam Muhammad (SAW). In the same way, you thwarted the distribution and sales of Queen Primer in Kano. Please act fast now.

The KSCB remains the beacon of hope in preserving the culture and religion of the people of Kano, and we hope that it will continue to do so without fear or favour. The Board should avoid politicisation and preferential treatment of members loyal to the government and deliberately make Kano a difficult terrain for actors and musicians who align with the opposition.

I urge the Board to assess the film on the scale of cultural and religious values and their attendant consequences to Kano State’s peace. Already, people are aggrieved and have been registering their displeasure, specifically on the fictional beard, as a subject of ridicule in the post’s comment section on Facebook and other social media platforms. Some comments are inflammatory and may likely throw the State into chaos.

This is the time of political healing and concentration on fulfilling the myriad of campaign promises. Any distraction is uncalled for. As such, there is a need for the Board to provide policy direction to actors and musicians who have become stakeholders in political campaigns on how to produce content devoid of promoting hatred, public ridicule and rupture.

Ibrahim Uba Yusuf, PhD, lectures at the Department of Mass Communication, University of Maiduguri, and is the Director of Communications, Advocacy, and Outreach at the Centre for Media, Policy, and Accountability (CMPA). He can be reached at ibrahim.mcm@unimaid.edu.ng.

By Abbas Datti

Both Islamic and Hausa traditions instruct women to cover up their bodies and guard against indecency when it comes to dressing. But sadly, in the modern age of social media, the issue of indecent exposure of bodies by women on TikTok, Instagram, Facebook and other social media platforms has become a problematic issue.

It is sad to note that the ease with which social media allows people to post whatever content they wish to share has created and exposed potential Nicki Minajs and Rahama Sadaus living in the comfort zones of our different homes.

While many women use social media platforms to express themselves and market their commodities for trade, some choose to show their bodies for public viewing. One wonders how this Indecent exposure emerged, raising questions about the potential consequences and societal well-being

We must blame Hausa Kannywood actresses and Nollywood celebrities for promoting this indecency to boost their social media handles and gather many more followers. It has now become a usual trend, particularly on TikTok, to see girls of different age brackets dancing and shaking their asse, exposing their naked cleavages, thereby promoting provocative sexual desires in our youths. 

The portrayal of the woman’s body has recently found its way into public spaces through various social media platforms, prompting discussions on one’s reputation and its impacts on younger audiences.

This phenomenon has also sparked discussions on the responsibility of social media platforms to regulate content, with calls for stricter guidelines to maintain a balance between freedom of expression and preventing the normalisation of explicit content.

As conversations evolve, finding common ground that respects individual expression while considering the broader societal impact remains challenging. The digital age demands ongoing regulations about the changing norms and ethics of online behaviour, urging individuals, influencers, and platforms to reflect on their roles in shaping the online landscape.

Abbas Datti writes from Kano via abbasdatti448@gmail.com.

By Muhammad Abdurrahman

The Muslim Rights Concern (MURIC), has concluded that there is none like President Bola Ahmed Tinubu among the governors and political leaders of the South West. This was a sequel to the appointment yesterday of Chief Olayide Adelami as the new deputy governor of Ondo State by Governor Lucky Ayedatiwa. 

The Islamic human rights organisation based its conclusion on the governor’s failure to pick a Muslim as his deputy despite demands to that effect from various Islamic bodies, including MURIC.

This position was made known in a press statement issued by the group’s Executive Director, Professor Ishaq Akintola, on Friday, January 26th, 2024.

The full statement reads:

“Governor Lucky Ayedatiwa yesterday appointed Chief Olayide Adelami, a Christian, as the new deputy governor of Ondo State. 

“This appointment, in our opinion, is a direct rejection of the appeals made by several Islamic organisations, including the Muslim community of Ondo State, which controls about 40% of the total population. It also mirrors the insensitivity of Governor Lucky Ayedatiwa to the yearnings and aspirations of Muslims in Ondo State. 

“The appointment further demonstrates the total lack of hypocrisy in the mantra of ‘religious tolerance’ as publicly brandished by Christian leaders and their politicians in the South West. If there is any scintilla of religious tolerance and inclusiveness, it has been coming from the Muslim politicians and the Muslim population in the region. 

“Whereas President Bola Ahmed Tinubu sought to embrace inclusiveness and religious tolerance by giving top appointments to Christians, none of the Christian governors in the South West reciprocated by giving Muslims a similar treatment. 

“Sanwo-Olu of Lagos gave the Christians 43 commissioners, but he gave Muslims a meagre 14. Dapo Abiodun of Ogun State gave Christians 16, but he gave Muslims only 4. In Oyo State, Seyi Makinde gave Christians 10 commissioners but gave Muslims 6. 

“The worst is Osun State, where the Christian governor, Ademola Adeleke, keeps deceiving the people that he is a Muslim. He also has a Christian deputy. That is the extent of executive fraud. Despite this Christian-Christian ticket in Osun State, the number of Christian commissioners is 17, while that of Muslims is just 7. 

“Ondo has 15 Christian commissioners against only 2 Muslims while Christian commissioners in Ekiti are 24 while the Muslims have 1 (one) only. 

“Who is like Tinubu among the six Christian governors in Yorubaland? There is none. Who can treat Yoruba Muslims with the same magnanimity which Tinubu extended to Christians at the federal level? None that we know of. 

“History will attest to Tinubu as the Muslim president who extended inclusiveness to hitherto hostile Christians. The annals will register Ayetilewa as the Christian governor of Ondo, who could not stomach the thought of having a Muslim deputy. Chroniclers will not spare the intolerant Christian governors of Lagos, Ogun, Oyo, Osun and Ekiti, who used their proverbial teeth to share the common patrimony of the South West but whom only Allah knows what they kept for their Christian brethren.

“Muslims are under heavy siege in the South West. They have become endangered species, oppressed, depressed, repressed, underemployed, overworked, underpaid, mere fish for evangelical fishermen, falcons caged for the falconer.”