Borno State

By Anas Abbas 

The Nigerian Air Force (NAF) has killed more than 25 terrorists in a coordinated night air raid around Bula in Yobe State and the Banki axis of Borno State.

Director of Public Relations and Information, Air Commodore Ehimen Ejodame, disclosed this in a statement issued on Saturday in Abuja. 

He explained that the operation was carried out on September 18, following actionable intelligence provided by ground troops.

According to Ejodame, a combination of Intelligence, Surveillance and Reconnaissance (ISR) assets and strike aircraft tracked terrorist movements and spotted multiple groups north of Banki. The terrorists were then hit in three successive precision strikes along their movement routes and assembly points.

“Real-time updates were relayed to ground forces and base operations, enabling synchronised action. The strike aircraft engaged the terrorists in three successive precision strikes, effectively neutralising more than 25 fighters,” Ejodame stated.

He added that post-strike surveillance confirmed that ground forces had maintained their defensive positions, with no further threats detected.

Ejodame said the operation highlighted the Air Force’s unwavering support for ground troops and its commitment to denying terrorists freedom of action in the North-East.

The operation comes just days after Boko Haram insurgents attacked the Darajamal community in the Bama Local Government Area of Borno on September 8, killing at least 63 people, including five soldiers. The attackers, who rode in on motorcycles, shot indiscriminately, razed houses and vehicles before military reinforcements arrived.

Governor Babagana Zulum had described that incident as “very sad,” confirming the death toll and pledging government support to the affected families.

By Anas Abbas

Governor Babagana Umara Zulum of Borno State has condemned the killing of 58 civilians and five soldiers by Boko Haram insurgents in Darajamal, a community in Bama Local Government Area.

Zulum, who visited the community on Saturday, expressed deep grief over the attack, which occurred on Friday night.

He sympathized with the families of the victims and assured residents of government’s commitment to strengthening security.

“We are here to commiserate with the people of Darajamal over what happened last night that claimed the lives of many people. It is very sad,” the governor told journalists.

“This community was resettled only a few months ago, and people had returned to their normal activities. Unfortunately, they have now suffered another Boko Haram attack.”

Confirming the casualty figures, the governor disclosed that 63 persons were killed, including nearly 60 civilians and five soldiers. He stressed the urgent need to complement the efforts of the military with the newly trained Forest Guards.

“The numerical strength of the military is not enough to cover everywhere,” Zulum noted. “So far, two sets of Forest Guards have been trained. Deploying them to vulnerable communities and forests will go a long way in preventing further attacks.”

Also reacting, Senator Kaka Lawan of Borno Central, whose constituency covers Darajamal, condemned the killings, describing the attack as a crime against humanity.

He pledged legislative support to Governor Zulum’s efforts to restore lasting peace in the state.

By Lawan Bukar Maigana

I am writing this article not as a distant observer but as someone who walked through flooded streets, stood side by side with victims, and spent sleepless nights wondering how many more people would survive the next downpour. I have seen firsthand the destruction that floods bring to Borno State, and I feel morally obligated to appeal to both the federal and Borno State governments.

This isn’t just another seasonal disaster—it is a pattern that is worsening every year, and if nothing is done urgently, the consequences will be even more devastating. With recent flood warnings placing Maiduguri and Ngala on high alert, it is time to confront this problem with the seriousness it demands.

On the night of September 10th, 2024, the people of Maiduguri experienced a calamity that was both preventable and predictable. The Alau Dam collapsed, releasing a force of water that surged through communities, homes, and markets. Over 400,000 residents were displaced, and more than 150 lives were lost in a matter of hours.

The city turned into a watery grave, with roads cut off, houses submerged, and businesses completely destroyed. The damage wasn’t limited to infrastructure—it shattered lives, disrupted families, and exposed the deep infrastructural weaknesses we have long chosen to ignore.

Almost a year later, thousands of those affected are still struggling to rebuild their lives. Many families remain without shelter, forced to live in makeshift tents or overcrowded compounds. Traders who once ran thriving businesses in Monday Market, Gwange, Moduganari, and Customs areas are still unable to return to their stalls. 

Some have relocated entirely, while others now rely on daily handouts to survive. The truth is, for many of them, recovery has barely begun. What is even more painful is knowing that much of this suffering could have been avoided if the right steps had been taken early enough.

I was part of a team that responded immediately after the flood hit. Alongside Kyari Alto Mohammed and Mohammed Umar, we coordinated a massive grassroots relief effort that reached some of the hardest-hit areas in Maiduguri. With no institutional backing, we mobilized resources through social media, friends, and personal savings.

We cooked thousands of meals each day, provided water, distributed sanitary items, and gave cash support to vulnerable families, including women who had just given birth in the middle of flooded neighborhoods. We were physically present in communities like Gwange, Bulabulin, Abbagaram, Customs, Bayan Quarters, and 505 when few others dared to step out.

Our effort was not driven by any political ambition or media recognition, but by the sheer urgency of the situation. Still, we were humbled when our work received national attention. The Nigerian Defence Headquarters acknowledged our commitment. Daily Trust and Arewa Agenda ran stories documenting our activities. We were not the only ones helping, but we were among the few who stayed consistent long after the cameras left. That recognition only strengthened our resolve to keep going until real solutions are implemented.

The crisis wasn’t just about hunger or shelter. In one instance, we received a call that a woman in labor was stranded near the Customs area. With the help of team members, we transported her to a nearby clinic, and she delivered safely. This is just one of many stories that reveal how fragile life becomes during disasters, especially when there is no functional system to protect the most vulnerable. You cannot hear such stories and return to business as usual.

And yet, after all this pain, the structural root of the problem—Alau Dam—remains unrepaired, unexpanded, and not reconstructed. The dam was not just overwhelmed by water, it had been weakened over the years due to a lack of maintenance, and nothing meaningful has been done to strengthen or expand it since. If we are serious about preventing future disasters, Alau Dam must be reconstructed with modern engineering standards that can withstand extreme events. A city like Maiduguri cannot be left at the mercy of a dam that is both outdated and unreliable.

The rivers and drainage systems that cut through Maiduguri—especially those in Monday Market, Gwange, Moduganari, and the Custom area—have become bottlenecks. They are either blocked by debris or too narrow to carry runoff during the rainy season. When the water rises, these waterways overflow into neighborhoods, turning entire communities into flood zones. Dredging and expanding these channels is not a luxury—it is a necessity. Every rainy season without action only increases the cost of the next disaster.

Recent warnings by the National Flood Early Warning Centre of the Federal Ministry of Environment indicate that Maiduguri and Ngala are likely to face flooding again this year. With Cameroon releasing water from the Lagdo Dam and rainfall levels projected to be high, the signs are clear. If we do nothing, we are walking into another tragedy with our eyes wide open. We must stop acting like this is a surprise. It is not. We know what will happen. The question is whether we care enough to act.

I believe this is the moment for not just boldness, but proactive leadership. The federal and state governments must go beyond relief donations. They must invest heavily in preventive infrastructure. Rebuilding Alau Dam is step one. Dredging and expanding the river systems within Maiduguri is step two. And step three should be the construction of new multipurpose dams on the outskirts of the city. These new dams will not only help with water management, but they can also be used for irrigation farming, thereby creating jobs for our teeming youth population.

Imagine a system where the floodwaters are not a threat but an opportunity—collected, stored, and channeled into large-scale farming projects. It is possible. With the right planning, we can turn our flood problem into a source of prosperity. But this requires vision and political will. It means prioritizing infrastructure over rhetoric, and people over politics. It means spending money on what matters, and doing it now—not after lives are lost.

As we advocate for these changes, we must also fix our early warning systems. The people of Borno deserve timely, reliable alerts that can help them prepare for emergencies. This includes real-time monitoring of rainfall levels, dam pressure, and river volumes. Alerts should be disseminated through radio, TV, community leaders, and even SMS. Preparedness should not be a privilege; it should be a right for every citizen.

We also need a comprehensive flood response plan that includes evacuation routes, designated shelters, emergency food reserves, and mobile clinics. What we had last year was an improvised reaction. We must transform that into a formal system that is tested and improved regularly. Communities must be trained on how to respond to flooding so that panic does not claim more lives than the water itself.

For those still displaced by last year’s flood, the government must provide real support. This means not just money, but long-term assistance to help them rebuild homes, restart businesses, and recover their dignity. A casual donation of rice and wrappers is not enough. These people need real pathways to recovery, or else they will remain in a cycle of suffering.

This appeal is not just coming from me alone, but from the thousands who survived, the families still grieving, the mothers still nursing babies under destroyed roofs, and the fathers who cannot provide because their means of livelihood was washed away. They may not have access to media or public platforms, but their voices matter. I am simply amplifying what they live every day.

I also call on humanitarian organizations, development partners, and civil society groups to push for structural interventions. The burden cannot rest on volunteers alone. We need coordinated support, technical expertise, and funding directed toward long-term flood prevention—not just short-term relief distribution.

Let us not pretend that this problem is unique to Borno. Other states across Nigeria are also at risk. But Borno remains among the most vulnerable due to its topography and its already fragile infrastructure. If we get it right here, we can create a model for flood resilience across the country.

To my fellow citizens, especially those in leadership, I ask: how many more people must die before we act? How many more homes must be destroyed before we acknowledge that climate change, poor planning, and neglect are a deadly combination? This is a moral question, not just a technical one.

As someone who has worked in the mud, cried with victims, and seen hope disappear under dirty water, I say this with a full heart: enough is enough. Let this year be different. Let this be the year we prepared, not the year we mourned again. Let us not wait until the next rainy season swallows another community before calling a press conference.

The cost of inaction is too high. The reward for preparation is immeasurable. Borno deserves more than sympathy—it deserves protection, planning, and progress. The time to act is not tomorrow. It is today. It is now.

I write this with the urgency of someone who has seen too much loss. I write it because I believe we can prevent the next disaster if we decide to. I write it because Borno’s future should not be shaped by floods, but by the collective courage to build something better. May our leaders rise to the occasion, and may we never have to write this story again.

Lawan Bukar Maigana is Daily Trust’s 2024 Hero and can be reached via email: Lawanbukarmaigana@gmail.com.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

A cleaner at a tertiary hospital in Maiduguri, Faiza Abdulkadir, has been widely commended for her integrity after returning N4.8 million that was mistakenly transferred into her bank account.

Faiza, who earns a monthly salary of N30,000 and supports five children, discovered the error and immediately took steps to return the funds. She explained that she was motivated by her conscience and faith.

“When I confirmed it was genuine, I knew it wasn’t my money. I decided to transfer it back for my peace of mind and quest for paradise,” she said.

The incident, which initially caused her significant distress, has since drawn national attention.

Local residents and activists have hailed her as a role model and are urging the government to provide her with support and official recognition.

Calls for Faiza to receive a national honour are growing, and a fundraising effort has already gathered over N135,000 to assist her and her family.

By Muhammad Sulaiman

Alumni of the University of Maiduguri have voiced strong opposition to reported plans to rename the institution after former President Muhammadu Buhari. In a statement issued by Muazu M. Dikwa, a 2004 LLB graduate, the alumni group described the move as “ill-advised” and one that fails to reflect the university’s unique heritage and regional significance.

The group emphasised that the University of Maiduguri has long stood as a symbol of resilience and academic excellence in Nigeria’s North-East. They argued that changing its name would undermine its historical identity, which is deeply tied to its geographic location and the challenges the region has faced.

The statement also pointed out that former President Buhari has already been honoured with the naming of the Federal University of Transportation in Daura, Katsina State—his hometown. The alumni maintained that this existing tribute is more appropriate and sufficient in recognising Buhari’s contributions.

“We urge the relevant authorities to reconsider any such proposals,” the statement read. “Focus should instead be on strengthening the university’s capacity and supporting its mission in the region.”

The alumni group called on all stakeholders—students, faculty, community members, and especially the people of Borno State—to resist any attempt to alter the name of the institution.

The University of Maiduguri, established in 1975, has played a crucial role in advancing education in Nigeria’s North-East, despite the security challenges it faces.

By Zailani Bappa

In the last few days, we have been engaged in a debate over whether it was right or not for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to rename the University of Maiduguri (UNIMAID) after the late President Muhammadu Buhari. I want to add my voice to this as well.

I am a staunch fan and supporter of the late President, and I cherish his exemplary qualities, which are truly uncommon among our present-day crop of active politicians. I respect him alive and in his death. I am also a graduate of UNIMAID.

Despite the above, I strongly disagree with Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s decision to rename my alma mater after President Muhammadu Buhari at this time. The move, to my understanding, is self-serving, dishonest and, obviously, unpopular. And if the President has to do it, there are so many other things available to manipulate for achieving political ambition. 

Just imagine renaming the University of London, or the Oxford University or the Harvard University to another name at this hour. These names have become top brand symbols worldwide and are synonymous with the excellence the Universities are demonstrating.

So is UNIMAID. Its service of excellence has become synonymous with this name for more than five decades. Universities with names of persons, such as Ahmadu Bello University and Bayero University, built their present reputation from the outset, along with those names.

In truth, if President Bola Ahmed Tinubu wanted so desperately to seize the demise of President Muhammadu Buhari to advance his political opportunities in the Northern part of Nigeria ahead of the upcoming elections, he should have renamed the University of Ibadan or the University of Lagos after the late President which will prove to the Northerners more of his nationalistic and unbiased posture. 

After all, the latter of the above Universities was reportedly saved from this kind of unwholesome political decision by his active participation when it was to be renamed after the late MKO Abiola. I will sign and urge everyone to sign the petition currently circulating, which opposes this highly offensive decision.

By Amir Abdulazeez

If we can recall, on 7^th October, 2015, a 19-year-old student, Hassan Mohammed Damagum, sacrificed himself to save others from a suicide bomber who attempted to attack a mosque during the Subh (Dawn) prayer at Buhari Housing Estate in Yobe State. Hassan had sensed that the individual standing next to him was a suicide bomber trying to kill people. The boy was said to have confronted the bomber, who blew both of them off. 

Again, on 25^th January 2017, Yakubu Fannami, another student from Borno State who was just in SS1, died a hero while preventing a suicide bomber from entering the Darrusalam Science and Islamic Academy in Maiduguri. Fannami tackled the female suicide bomber, preventing her from reaching the mosque and detonating her explosives, thus saving the lives of many worshippers.  

To the best of my research, which may be inadequate, neither of the two boys was publicly given significant national recognition. Nigeria’s story is replete with the neglect of brave and heroic citizens who had sacrificed a lot and even laid down their lives to save others. 

Since 1999, Nigeria has always chosen to reward and honour many lazy elites who contributed virtually nothing but became huge beneficiaries of government patronage and corruption. Every President has made it a duty to bestow national honours on his chosen elites as one would do with his personal property.

In line with the routine tradition of his predecessors, President Bola Tinubu used the June 12, 2025, Democracy Day to confer over 100 national honours, some posthumously. As expected, many awardees are members of his administration and personalities very close to him. A section of the awardees list portrays a belated compensation package to a gang of Abacha victims, who actually need justice more than honour.

While people like Prof. Humphrey Nwosu (CON), Prof. Wole Soyinka (GCON), Alhaji Balarabe Musa (CFR), Bishop Matthew Hassan Kukah (CON) and Femi Falana, SAN (CON) truly deserve their awards, it would have been wiser and more balanced to include people like Late Bashir Tofa (Abiola’s NRC opponent), Late Abubakar Rimi and Magaji Abdullahi (two important SDP figures who miraculously delivered Kano, Tofa’s State, to Abiola) and, of course, M.D. Yusufu, the presidential candidate of MDJ, who was Abacha’s sole challenger in his bid to undemocratically transform into a civilian president, among others. Perhaps, they would be remembered by this or another President in the next set of awards, for at this rate, every political household name, dead or alive, may soon have a national honour in Nigeria by 2030.

What exactly is this national honour, and who deserves it? The honouring system was originally envisioned as a prestigious recognition of exceptional service to the nation. It was formally established by the National Honours Act No. 5 of 1964 to inspire patriotism, reward merit, and foster national unity. 

The structure of national honours, divided into two orders (Order of the Federal Republic and Order of the Niger) and eight ranks (GCFR, GCON, CFR, CON, OFR, OON, MFR, MON), was designed to reflect degrees of national impact. However, the system’s proliferation and indiscriminate distribution have undermined these distinctions, often placing true heroes, statesmen and national icons equal or below some presidential sycophants, political loyalists and officeholders, regardless of their performance or public standing. 

The early years of Nigeria’s national honours system reflected its original purpose. Recipients such as Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Sir Ahmadu Bello, Chief Obafemi Awolowo and Mrs. Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti were honoured for verifiable and transformative contributions. However, over time, the politicisation and personalisation of the awards diminished their integrity, giving way to an annual ritual often characterised by hundreds of questionable awardees whose contributions to the nation are neither tangible nor verifiable. In the past 15 years, things have gotten worse as the selection system itself has been incompetently reduced to a mechanism marred by political patronage, duplication and credibility crises. 

Today, the integrity of this noble initiative is in serious jeopardy, with widespread scepticism about its selection process and relevance. Ideally, recipients should be individuals whose lives exemplify ethical integrity, measurable public impact and selfless service. However, the current trend favours tenure over achievement and proximity to power over merit. Politicians under corruption investigation, individuals with no tangible contributions and business moguls with opaque wealth have all made their way into the honours roll. Prominent Nigerians have rejected national honours in protest. Chinua Achebe, Gani Fawehinmi and Wole Soyinka famously turned down honours, citing corruption, misgovernance and the lack of transparency in the process. Their principled refusals sent powerful messages about the need to restore the system’s credibility. As Achebe aptly put it, ‘a government that fails its people cannot in good conscience bestow honours’.

Numerous scandals have exposed the flaws of the system. In 2022, the conferment of awards to serving ministers during a prolonged ASUU strike and the inclusion of people accused of corruption represented a new low. Even more embarrassing were administrative blunders such as conferring posthumous awards to please certain interests and duplicating awards to the same person under different titles. Meanwhile, countless unsung heroes remain ignored. Rural teachers shaping future generations, healthcare workers battling epidemics without protection and community leaders mediating conflicts receive no recognition. 

The establishment has reluctantly recognised a few non-elitist Nigerians in the past. The belated honour to Dr. Ameyo Stella Adadevoh (posthumous OON, 2022), whose sacrifice averted an Ebola catastrophe in August 2014, only came after sustained public pressure for about eight years. In August 2018, then President Muhammadu Buhari and the United States Embassy honoured the Bauchi State-born 83-year-old Malam Abubakar Abdullahi, a Muslim Imam in a village in Plateau State. He sheltered and fed 300 Christians for five days to prevent them from being killed in an uprising. The old man ran from one corner to the other, stopping youths who wanted to enter the mosque to get hold of his guests. Eventually, they gave up after realising that the only way to execute their evil plan was to kill the old man. That was how he saved their lives. I am not sure whether the man was given any national honour beyond that presidential acknowledgement.

If we are to continue like this, I will suggest the renaming of the awards to “Special Presidential Honours”.  The National Honours Act, last revised in 2004, offers the President near-total discretion, with little room for public input or institutional checks. With time, it has been turned into a presidential farewell affair as outgoing Presidents routinely populate honours lists upon leaving office to pay back loyalists. Recent attempts at reform, such as the proposed National Honours and Merit Award Commission, represent a step forward but are insufficient on their own. Far-reaching legislative and administrative reforms are needed to restore the honours’ integrity. This includes public nominations, independent vetting panels, open selection criteria and mandatory justification of award decisions. 

A critical reform must also introduce public objections and transparency mechanisms, such as publishing nominee shortlists and designing revocation protocols. Honours should be rescinded from individuals found guilty of crimes or misconduct post-conferment. The system should no longer shield disgraced figures or treat national honours as irrevocable symbols of status, regardless of later behaviour. Furthermore, awards should be capped annually to preserve their exclusivity. Honouring fewer, more deserving Nigerians will increase the prestige of the titles and prevent undeserving awards. Most importantly, the honours system must reconnect with the grassroots. By recognising farmers, nurses, teachers, inventors and humanitarian workers, Nigeria can turn the system into a true tool of national inspiration. 

All these are, by the way, because ordinary Nigerians no longer care about leaders honouring themselves and their cronies. No impoverished Nigerian has the luxury of waiting to be honoured by someone whose honour is questionable himself. All Nigerians are asking for is guaranteed security to farm, stable power supply to produce, quality and affordable education to learn, reliable healthcare to survive and a stable economy to thrive. When they can provide this, they can go on naming and renaming national monuments after their wives and continue with the vicious cycle of self-glorification in the name of national honours.

Twitter/X: @AmirAbdulazeez 

By Uzair Adam 

The All Progressives Congress (APC) has issued a strong warning to Senator Ali Ndume following his recent remarks suggesting that President Bola Tinubu could face the same electoral fate as former President Goodluck Jonathan in 2027 if urgent reforms are not implemented.

Senator Ndume, who represents Borno South Senatorial District, made the statement during his appearance on Channels Television’s Politics Today on Sunday.

Responding to his remarks, the APC Director of Publicity, Bala Ibrahim, on Tuesday acknowledged Ndume’s longstanding role within the party but stressed that discipline within the party is of utmost importance.

“Senator Ndume is a senior and respected member of the APC. This is not the first time he has aired his views publicly about how the country is being governed by his party, sometimes expressing dissent or contrary opinions,” Ibrahim said.

He continued, “However, the APC is a party of liberal-minded people. We do not reject diverse ideas, provided they do not violate the party’s constitution.”

Ibrahim reiterated that while the APC upholds internal democracy and freedom of expression, members are expected to operate within the party’s defined limits.

By Oladoja M.O

A peculiar tragedy defines the Nigerian state—a complete surrender of responsibility by those elected to bear it, a full-blown case of irresponsibility institutionalised at the highest levels. It is as if we are not being led at all. It is as if we are simply being watched, pitied, and narrated to. Our so-called leaders behave like helpless spectators, not as those with the authority to fix the very problems they moan about.

Shamefully, Nigeria lacks leadership. Instead, it has men and women who love the microphone more than the mandate. We are not governed; we are narrated. Commentators rule us.

Just days ago, a State Governor resurfaced with yet another alarming statement: that Boko Haram has infiltrated the government. Again. This is not the first time he has said something like this. Several times, he has come out to decry the killings, to point fingers, to lament the destruction. And every single time, one question keeps hanging in the air. What exactly has he, as the Chief Security Officer of the state, done about it? What has he changed? What systems has he challenged? What heads have rolled under his watch? Where is the real action beyond the endless news appearances and emotional speeches? It is not enough to wear a bulletproof vest and take a stroll in a burned village. That is not leadership. That is performance.

I mean, this individual is not a social media activist. He is not a political analyst. Not a powerless citizen. He is not a sympathiser. He is a sitting governor, for goodness’ sake! He has the resources, influence, and intelligence at his disposal. If all he can do is complain, then he has failed. And that is the bitter truth. Or how did the weight of office shrink to the mere performance of sympathy and public outrage? Because, for all I know, leaders do not just point to problems. They solve them. They don’t weep when the house burns. They command the water. But what we see here is the opposite. 

It is as if holding public office in Nigeria has been reduced to a loud-speaking exercise. The governor speaks. The senators speak. The representatives hold press conferences. Everybody speaks. But nobody leads. They describe problems they were empowered to solve, like detached observers, rather than active change agents. It is nauseating. It is tragic. It is dangerous because this governor is just one symptom of a far deeper rot. 

Nigeria’s leadership structure is littered with voices that echo sorrow and rage without ever lifting a finger to stop the bleeding. The National Assembly, for instance, has become a festival of talkers. Lawmakers who go to the chambers not to legislate, but to lament. Some of them even act as if their job is to criticise the government when in fact, they are the government. You hear them talk on TV and wonder if they were mistakenly sworn into opposition. These are people elected to craft laws, drive policies, and oversee the executive. Instead, they pick microphones and begin to “express worry”, “condemn in strong terms”, and “call on the federal government”, as though they are not the federal government themselves. It is embarrassing. It is pathetic. It is a national disgrace that the loudest voices in power are often the most passive in a country so battered.

And the tragedy is even louder when we look at the so-called new breed. For instance, Peter Obi has earned some Nigerians’ admiration because they see in him a departure from the past. But in reality, he’s just the same recycled blaming and deflecting game-player. Recently, when asked about the internal crisis tearing through the Labour Party, a party he is seen as the head of, his response was a flat finger-pointing exercise. He explained who caused what and who did what. Zero sense of responsibility. No ownership, nor a plan to fix it. Is it hard to understand that leadership is not explaining the problem but solving it? What are we banking on if someone aspiring to govern 200 million people cannot manage internal party squabbles?

Being soft-spoken and throwing statistics around is not leadership. Nigerians need people who carry the weight of responsibility and act with urgency, not people who are always ready with talking points. 

This country is bleeding. Virtually every region, every sector, every institution is either hoping to set into recovery or picking up the pieces. From poverty to insecurity, from joblessness to healthcare collapse, from fuel inflation to decaying infrastructure, we are a nation gasping for air. And what do our leaders do? They gather at events and in press briefings to express sympathy. They talk. They hold conferences. They issue long tweets. And then they disappear. It is now a full-blown epidemic. Everyone in power wants to talk about the problem. No one wants to be responsible for the solution. They love the headlines. They love the interviews. But they vanish when it is time for hard decisions, bold reforms, and deep accountability.

This is not what leadership looks like. Leadership means bearing the burden of others. It means thinking, planning, executing, sweating, failing, trying again, and never passing the buck. But Nigerian leaders today see power as a shield from responsibility. To them, power is for glory, not for duty. It is for the title, not for toil. And we, the people, must also take some blame. Because time after time, we bring these same people back. We vote them in. We defend them. We hail them. We wash, rinse, and repackage them for another round of useless governance. It is insanity.

A time must come, and it should be now, when Nigerians wake up to the bitter reality that democracy today is mostly a circus—a time when we say it clearly and loudly: enough with all the empty noise. We do not want more commentators, glorified orators, or prophets of doom in positions of power.

We want leadership. Real, practical, accountable leadership.

If you are in the office, your job is not to narrate the problem. Your job is to change it. If you are the governor and your people are being killed, we expect action, not pity. If you are a senator and the economy is crashing, we expect reform, not press conferences. Don’t blame others if you are a party leader and your house is on fire. Fix it. Nigeria can no longer afford leaders who vanish when it matters most. We cannot survive another decade of commentators posing as commanders. The country is on the brink, and what we need now are not voices of complaint, but minds of action and hearts of steel.

Until that happens, let the records reflect it. We are not being led. We are being narrated to. And that is the greatest insult of all.

Oladoja M.O writes from Abuja and can be reached at: mayokunmark@gmail.com

By Uzair Adam 

Borno State Governor, Babagana Umara Zulum, has donated N100 million to assist families of soldiers who lost their lives and those wounded in the ongoing fight against insurgency in the northeast.

The donation was announced on Saturday during an Eid El-Kabir Sallah luncheon held at Maimalari Barracks in Maiduguri. 

The event was hosted jointly by the Chief of Army Staff, Lieutenant General Olufemi Oluyede, and the Chief of Air Staff, Air Marshal Hassan Abubakar.

Governor Zulum presented the N100 million cheque to Major General Abdussalam Abubakar, Theatre Commander of Operation Hadin Kai. 

He stated that each wounded soldier would receive N500,000, while the remaining funds would be distributed to the families of soldiers who died in action.

The presentation was witnessed by the Chief of Army Staff, the Chief of Air Staff, and Major General Godwin Mutkut, the Force Commander of the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF). 

Also in attendance were a member of the House of Representatives, Engr. Bukar Talba, Secretary to Borno State Government, Alhaji Bukar Tihani, Head of Service, Dr Muhammad Ghuluze, Acting Chief of Staff, Dr Babagana Mustapha Mallumbe, APC Chairman, Hon. Bello Ayuba, and other senior government officials.

Governor Zulum praised the resilience and patriotism of the Nigerian Armed Forces, stressing that their sacrifices will never be forgotten. 

“Your commitment on the frontlines, often under extreme conditions and far from your families, is not lost on us. We remain eternally grateful for your service and will never take your sacrifices for granted,” he said.

The governor assured the military of his unwavering support, adding, “Borno State will continue to stand shoulder-to-shoulder with the Nigerian Army and all security agencies in the fight against insurgency and in rebuilding our communities for a peaceful and prosperous future.”