Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu

Lawmakers slash salaries to address high cost of food

By Uzair Adam Imam

The House of Representatives has resolved to support the Federal Government by cutting down its salaries by 50% for six months to address the high cost of food and support food sufficiency across the country.

This decision was made on Thursday during the plenary session in Abuja, and the lawmakers also appealed to Nigerians to exercise patience with President Ahmed Tinubu’s administration as it addresses the challenges and hardships faced by citizens.

The House mandated its Committee on Appropriation, Humanitarian Affairs, Finance, and Budget to ensure compliance with the resolution. The motion was moved by Hon. Ibrahim Isiaka (APC-Ogun State) and adopted by the House.

Additionally, the House of Representatives has pledged to support the Federal Government with ₦648 million for six months to address food sufficiency and the high cost of food.

Details later….

President Tinubu appoints Dantsoho, Adebayo as MD, chairman of NPA

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

President Bola Tinubu has approved the appointment of Dr. Abubakar Dantsoho as the Managing Director of the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA).

The President has also approved the appointment of Senator Adedayo Adeyeye as the Chairman of the Board of the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA).

Dr. Dantsoho holds a doctorate degree in maritime technology from Liverpool John Moores University, United Kingdom, and a master’s degree in international transport from Cardiff University, Wales, United Kingdom.

Before his appointment, he had served in various roles in the Nigerian Ports Authority as Assistant General Manager; Technical Assistant to the Managing Director; Port Manager, Onne Port; and Principal Manager, Tariff & Billing.

Senator Adeyeye, the Board Chairman, is a seasoned lawyer, journalist, and politician.

He is a former Minister of State for Works and former Senator representing Ekiti South Senatorial District.

The President expects the new leadership of this pivotal agency to demonstrate excellence in the discharge of their duties to facilitate efficient port services and improved industry outcomes.

No institution can stop Nigerians from voting out present government — Bashir El-Rufai

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

Bashir El-Rufai, the son of former Kaduna State Governor Nasir El-Rufai, has sent a cryptic message to President Bola Tinubu, warning that even the backing of the IMF and World Bank will not save him from being voted out of office after his first term.

El-Rufai asserts that no institution can prevent the people from voting out an incumbent government and that Tinubu’s governance has been an “utter failure” disguised as a “useless, dangerous, ethnocentric political strategy.”

The message comes amid tensions between Tinubu and El-Rufai’s camp after the former governor’s name was excluded from the ministerial list. Uba Sani, El-Rufai’s successor in Kaduna, has also lamented the enormous debts inherited from the previous administration, saying the state has limited funds to pay salaries.

Despite the World Bank and IMF lauding Tinubu’s economic reforms and offering support, El-Rufai’s son believes these institutions will not be able to prevent the president from being voted out if the people are dissatisfied with his performance.

The cryptic message serves as a warning to Tinubu of what the camp of El-Rufai and other disgruntled APC members have in store for 2027, which has been discussed privately but is now being made public.

LGBTQ+ bill and the magic of word choice

By Isma’il Hashim Abubakar 

I was prompted to pen this essay by two writeups of prominent newspaper columnists: Mr Gimba Kakanda and Professor Farouk Kperogi. The latter is one of the people I have been following due to their mastery of using his pen to communicate ideas. Both Kakanda and Kperogi have painstakingly struggled to deodorise the infamous Samoa (perhaps it’s more suitable to call it Tamoa) Agreement and exculpate it of its meticulously wrapped pro-LGBTQ+ substances. 

Maybe the authors of the document containing details of this agreement are so cunningly sagacious to beat the conscience and intelligence of the Atlanta word master who, as far I know him, is so wide-eyed to read things between the line and discern and decode messages from even unarticulated and not well coughed or well-lettered communications. Farouk Kperogi is not at all that simplistic type of a person that one could hoodwink by suggesting to him that a week is different from seven days or a year is anything else but twelve months. 

The 12-page document explicating different stages of agreements entered into by the EU and African, Caribbean and Pacific states is so clear in the very first paragraph that “the multiple negotiation levels, the coronavirus crisis and difficulties in reaching agreement on sensitive issues, such as migration management and sexual and reproductive health and rights, …”. A witty reader would not even wait to be told that sexual rights emphasised in the quote would never mean the existing sexual customs prevailing in the beneficiary states just as no one will argue that sexual rights in this sense refer to what the West conceives of as new normal, acceptable sexual culture.

All the dull, lengthy noise and regular references to vague resolutions and procedures in the document, beating around the bush in most instances, reflect strategies meant just to propagate the incongruous norms the West is relentlessly hellbent on imposing on third-world countries. It may also sound controversial if one claims that the so-called autonomous countries like ours are, in real and practical terms, undergoing another form of colonialism in the modern day, of course, heavily pretentious, more diplomatic, possibly negotiable, and less confrontational.

Daily Trust, the newspaper outlet that took centre stage in unravelling Nigeria’s role in this agreement, should be commended for quickly alerting Nigerians to what our increasingly gluttonous, money-hungry leaders who could not resist a dubious multimillion-dollar loan are up to. 

The document being circulated currently seems not to be the only manual laying guidelines and terms of the negotiations. It refers to a monitoring group under the Committee on Development (DEVE) set up by the European Parliament, whose consent was crucial in the approval of the negotiations. In the report submitted to the  EU through the DEVE committee, several recommendations were adopted, including a particular “chapter on human rights” which “should explicitly list the forms of discrimination that should be combated (such as sexual, ethnic, or religious discriminations) and mention sexual and reproductive rights”.  

It appears that while the available document now within public reach may remain implicit and brief about the nature of rights this bill wants to get protected, there are appendixes which may be at the domains of leaders and top representatives of concerned countries and which explain in greater details and specify perhaps in exact terms the list of kinds of the so-called discriminations that must be stopped once the agreement is entered into. 

Admittance that there are divergences in positions on sexual orientation and gender identity (LGBTI rights) among EU Member States is not a definite declaration or solemn undertaking that this agreement will not pursue that goal. It doesn’t require any mental labour to know where this agreement is heading, even if it does not now literally endorse LGBTQ+. The reference in the agreement document about scepticism and misgivings nurtured by some affected countries is nothing but a deceptive pretence of objectivity and balancing, such that later it will be presented as a mere debate and leaning toward the LGBTQ+ as a mere result of in-house voting among donor institutions, vetoing the concerns of and leaving affected countries like our own with no option but to accept and be committed to the terms based on which we are handsomely paid. 

In fact, without any further denial, disclaimer or clarification, the document observes that “prior to the signing of the agreement in Samoa, several African and Caribbean CSOs called on their governments not to sign the agreement, fearing that it might lead to modifying domestic laws, in particular, to endorse LGBTI rights”. The authors do not attempt to deny the allegation above or make any further comments that will allay existing fears, thereby reminding us tacitly that to be forewarned is to be forearmed.

Both Kakanda and Kperogi capitalise on the lack of literal mention to promote Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, and Queer (LGBTQ+) in the document, thereby accusing the Daily Trust of misguided reporting but also rubbishing the understanding of the majority of Nigerians who interpreted the clauses emphasising the need to protect sexual rights and orientation as another way of reintroducing LGBTQ+ using the power of juicy loans. 

Since Kakanda is in government, we have no difficulty forming the proper framework to read his intervention. As a former activist now enjoying dividends of democracy, one should either keep quiet if one cannot defend the truth or at least not pretend to be ignorant of how Nigeria is run and what are the ulterior motives and hidden goals behind all loans that the third world is lured into accepting.

Kakanda’s points revolve around the absence of explicit devotion and literal commitment to LGBTQ+. Kakanda reiterates the insignificance of the anxiety this new agreement saga is generating by referring to the anti-gay law signed during the Jonathan administration, and he thinks that is absolutely enough to guarantee our safety and to suggest that the money could be collected and consumed without serious implications and disastrous consequences. If Kakanda is sincere, let him advise the government in which he now serves to institute operational frameworks that will deploy the same anti-gay laws enacted about a decade ago to end the LGBTQ+ movement that already practically exists and is being rigorously promoted and advertised via social media platforms.

Meanwhile, Kperogi, who has built a reputation of siding with the masses always against different government antisocial policies, has fallen so low this time around to fail to discern that sexual rights and other terminologies used in the document are not even so vague to think they are different from all those bizarre rights and queer sexual orientation freedoms. We are all not oblivious to how highly sophisticated and cunning heirs of former colonialists are and not as gullible to declare support for the scary LGBTQ+ catchphrase glaringly in their proposal, given that they faced resistance in earlier phases of their project. We ought to be mature enough and vociferously critical to detect proposals to institute LGBTQ+ even by mere mention of key phrases like “gender violence”, “women’s and girl’s empowerment”, “fight against discrimination”, “right of self-determination”, and so on, not to talk of sexual and reproductive health rights.

Kperogi is merely angry that people have been, for operational reasons, refusing to kowtow to his admonition to rise and execute his yet esoteric, misunderstood and almost ‘impracticable’ revolution. Now that people seem to be once again united and appear determined to fight this dubious bill which is at our doorstep, which, to him perhaps, is innocuous or at least less harmful, Kperogi is tactically venting his anger on people and accusing them of misplacing priority. 

In other words, people in Kperogi’s theory should better fight anti-masses policies which institutions like the IMF and World Bank are forcing Nigeria to implement than jawbreaking and investing unnecessary energy on sexual rights issues, which, after all, is what he encounters in the U.S day in day out, unlike the excruciating poverty and bad governance that bedevil Nigeria. 

At any rate, within a decade or something like that, even as LGBTQ+ right was successfully illegalised and the law to fight it constitutionally still exists, there has been a proliferation of growing LGBTQ+ movements, largely operating without any hitch in the virtual world and particularly on the social media cyberspace. Who knows if institutions behind bills and agreements like the Samoa agreement do not sponsor those movements and groups? Why is there little or no evidence at all to show and establish that those breaking anti-gay laws and other unusual customs have been made to face the wrath of the law? 

Sexual rights agents, manifesting in many forms, have now become celebrities and operate freely on the media while clandestinely running ventures that everybody knows are nationally outlawed. Sponsors of these agreements might have been convinced that it is now the right time to secure legal frameworks for protecting their representatives, having taken some years to experiment and implement their projects successfully. 

We should not be deceived by any government defence on this matter—either by a government official or a likely bribed or even gagged scholar. We all know well what some powerful elements in the Western world are after when they set goals they want to achieve at all costs, deploying short—and long-term plans, even if the latter will span a century. As things go this way, let us ponder what will happen in the next 50 years for those who will live to see that period.

 As people are now sinking into excessive materialism, suffering from a lack of focus and shortsightedness,  and unduly obsessed with imitating the Western lifestyle, it is so hard to suggest that posterity could effectively challenge and fight bills like LGBTQ+.  Therefore, there is a need to start thinking of ways and techniques to instil zeal and introduce mechanisms for combatting moves like this in future. If they have not succeeded now, they have patience; they could wait and hope to see their plan triumph within less than a century from now. One better way to start tackling LGBTQ+ is to begin addressing the decline of morality that has been mainstreamed on social media now. Otherwise, once the law succeeds one day, God forbid, it will consume us unimaginably.

Isma’il writes from AERC, Rabat and can be reached via iahashim@fugusau.edu.ng.

Effect of electricity tariff increment on Nigerian business environment

By Abdulrahman salihu

Electricity is one of the most crucial factors in the development of every industrial country, which factories, financial hubs, and technological companies rely heavily upon for their operations.

In Nigeria, on 1st April 2024, the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC) increased the price of Kilowatt per hour by 300% from N68 Naira to N225 Naira to urban Customers popularly known as “Band A” customers, who are 15% of the total number of Electricity Consumers in the country.

The electricity tariff increment comes after President Bola Ahmed Tinubu removed the fuel subsidy in his inauguration speech on 29 May 2023, which triggered massive hyperinflation in Nigeria that resulted in hikes on almost every commodity and inflicted severe suffering among Nigerians.

The Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC) has claimed that the hike in the electricity tariff will only affect the “Band A” customers. Therefore, the remaining 75% of customers (Band B-C-D-E) who get less than 20 hours daily will not be affected.

However, the multiplier effect of the tariff increment dramatically influences the cost of production of foodstuff processing companies, manufacturers and other producers of goods that the masses use, thereby affecting the price of commodities.

Moreover, some artisans and small business owners have been put out of business because the financial institutions will increase the interest rate to meet the electricity tariff hike, making it unaffordable to businesses that take loans from them, rendering the artisans jobless. Businesses will collapse in the long run.

On the other hand, the government may not be able to generate revenue from the businesses that shut down, so also the artisans and craftsmen will not get customers as a result of lack of adequate electricity in their “Band”, which will make them unable to pay taxes to the government. 

Therefore, as a matter of urgency, the federal government and the stakeholders in the power sector should suspend the electricity tariff increment and invest in modern solar power plants. This will generate more power for the country and will go a long way in mitigating global warming and climate change.

The federal government should also find ways to improve the electricity supply, as the current supply is insufficient to make things work effectively. 

The governors of hydroelectric power-producing states should initiate policies and partner with international investors to boost power generation for their states and the country. At the same time, the other states should also render support where necessary.

This will encourage foreign investors to troop to Nigeria for investment, bringing job opportunities and facilitating unprecedented revenue flow into the accounts of both the federal and state governments.

Abdulrahman Salihu wrote via abutalatu72@gmail.com.

President Tinubu appoints eight new permanent secretaries

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

President Bola Tinubu has approved the appointment of eight new Federal Permanent Secretaries to fill in existing and impending vacancies in some states and geo-political zones in the top administrative cadre of the Civil Service of the Federation.

The new Federal Permanent Secretaries appointed after a diligent selection process by the Office of the Head of the Civil Service of the Federation are:

Dr. Emanso Umobong Okop – Akwa-Ibom 

Obi Emeka Vitalis – Anambra 

Mahmood Fatima Sugra Tabi’a – Bauchi 

Danjuma Mohammed Sanusi – Jigawa  

Olusanya Olubunmi – Ondo 

Dr. Keshinro Maryam Ismaila – Zamfara 

Akujobi Chinyere Ijeoma (South-East)

Isokpunwu Christopher Osaruwanmwen (South-South)

The President anticipates that the new Federal Permanent Secretaries will exercise absolute dedication, diligence, and fidelity to the nation in discharging their functions and ensuring optimum service delivery to the Nigerian people.

Democracy Echoes: Tinubu’s anthem and the unfinished legacy of MKO Abiola

By Haroon Aremu

On a peaceful Sunday afternoon, I found myself immersed in the music of Dr. Sikiru Ayinde Barrister, a pioneer Fuji maestro known for his deep and meaningful lyrics that reflect Nigeria’s socio-political landscape. As I listened to a track titled “Adieu MKO,” which began with Nigeria’s newly adopted anthem, I was inspired to delve deeper into MKO Abiola’s legacy in relation to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s presidential journey and the adoption of the new anthem, as I began to wonder if all this could be a strategic message to Nigerians.

Sikiru Ayinde Barrister, a renowned Fuji musician, frequently added societal issues into his music, notably addressing the life and contributions of MKO Abiola. Barrister’s songs portrayed Abiola with admiration, acknowledging his philanthropy, political influence, and commitment to democracy. Barrister shared personal anecdotes, portraying Abiola as a humble figure despite his wealth and influence, creating a multifaceted portrayal of the Nigerian icon.

According to Historical research, Moshood Kashimawo Olawale (MKO) Abiola began his journey from humble beginnings. Born into a low-income family in Abeokuta, Ogun State, he started earning money at a young age by performing odd jobs, including singing and drumming at events. His exceptional intelligence earned him a scholarship to attend the prestigious Baptist Boys’ High School in Abeokuta. Later, he received a government scholarship to study at the University of Glasgow in Scotland, where he earned a degree in accountancy.

Beyond his political aspirations, Abiola was a successful businessman who built a vast business empire with interests in telecommunications, oil, and banking. He founded the telecommunications giant ITT Nigeria and was also involved in the publishing industry, owning newspapers like Concord Press. His philanthropy earned him the title of “Aare Ona Kakanfo of Yorubaland,” a highly esteemed traditional title.

Abiola is most famous for his presidential bid 1993, which is widely believed to have been the most free and fair election in Nigeria’s history. Despite winning, the election results were annulled by the then-military government led by General Ibrahim Babangida, leading to a significant political crisis. After declaring himself the rightful president of Nigeria, Abiola was arrested in 1994 by the military regime of General Sani Abacha. He remained in detention for four years and died under suspicious circumstances on July 7, 1998, the day he was due to be released.

Despite the controversies surrounding his death, Abiola’s legacy as a champion of democracy in Nigeria is honoured. In 2018, President Muhammadu Buhari posthumously awarded him Nigeria’s highest honour, the Grand Commander of the Federal Republic (GCFR), and declared June 12 as Democracy Day in recognition of his contribution to Nigeria’s democratic struggle.

Abiola was also a cultural figure with deep connections to the Yoruba cultural renaissance and promoted Nigerian culture globally. His influence extended beyond politics and business, impacting social and cultural spheres in Nigeria. He maintained extensive international connections in business and politics, improving Nigeria’s relations with other countries.

MKO Abiola embodied the patriotic spirit that “Nigeria, We Hail Thee” represented. As a businessman, philanthropist, and political leader, Abiola’s efforts were always aimed at uplifting Nigeria and contributing to its progress and unity.

The newly adopted anthem’s lyrics, emphasising unity and patriotism, reflect Abiola’s vision for Nigeria. He consistently advocated for a united Nigeria, free from the divisions that plagued the country. His presidential campaign in 1993 was a significant demonstration of his commitment to national unity and democracy.

Abiola’s contributions to Nigerian culture and his promotion of the Yoruba cultural renaissance align with the pride and national identity celebrated in “Nigeria, We Hail Thee.” He supported cultural initiatives to foster a sense of pride and belonging among Nigerians.

The anthem’s call to serve the nation resonates with Abiola’s extensive philanthropic activities. He invested in education, healthcare, and community development, reflecting the anthem’s spirit of dedication to the well-being of Nigeria and its people.

The period during which “Nigeria, We Hail Thee” was the national anthem corresponds with a formative time in Nigeria’s political history, including the early years of independence. Abiola’s political career, especially his role in the 1993 presidential election, continues the struggles and aspirations encapsulated in the anthem.

With some sense of factual comparison, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s relationship with MKO Abiola reflects a shared commitment to democracy, justice, and the advancement of Nigeria. Both leaders believed in the country’s potential and actively worked towards its progress. Tinubu and Abiola were influential figures in Nigeria’s political landscape, with Abiola’s 1993 presidential bid resonating with Tinubu’s political aspirations and being associated with the Social Democratic Party (SDP). Abiola’s leadership qualities, philanthropy, and vision for Nigeria deeply inspired Tinubu, who likely admired Abiola’s ability to connect with the masses and his unwavering dedication to democratic ideals. 

Like many other pro-democracy activists, Tinubu supported Abiola’s mandate and condemned the annulment of the June 12, 1993, presidential election, forging a bond rooted in shared democratic principles. Tinubu continued to champion democratic values, electoral reform, good governance, and the rule of law, echoing Abiola’s vision for a democratic Nigeria. 

Furthermore, both leaders have been actively involved in philanthropic activities and community development initiatives, aligning with Abiola’s legacy of social responsibility. The Fuji icon King Wasiu Ayinde Marshal has sung about Tinubu following Abiola’s legacy, highlighting their enduring connection and further reinforcing the significance of Abiola’s impact on Nigeria’s political landscape. 

Considering the recent anthem change by the president, one could perceive it as a message of togetherness and an assurance of following Abiola’s legacy, given the similarities between Abiola and Tinubu, including their association with Muslim-Muslim tickets and other shared values.

To President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, I implore all citizens to wish and pray to God to grant him insight and foresight. Imight (strength) need to realise the democratic journey that Abiola envisioned.

Haroon Aremu Abiodun is a youth Corp Member with PRNigeria centre, Abuja and wrote in via exponentumera@gmail.com.

The return of Sanusi II, Tinubu, the north, and 2027

By Zayyad I. Muhammad 

Emir Muhammadu Sanusi’s two ascensions to the throne of the ancient Kano Emirate have been deeply intertwined with local and national politics. On June 9, 2014, Sanusi was installed as the 14th Emir of Kano by then-Governor Rabiyu Musa Kwankwaso, seemingly to spite former President Goodluck Jonathan’s administration. Earlier that year, on February 2, Sanusi had been dismissed from his position as the Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria for alleging that the Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) had failed to remit a $20 billion statutory fund to the federal government—a claim denied by Jonathan’s administration.

On March 9, 2020, Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje removed Sanusi from the throne, citing his alleged disregard for lawful directives. However, the primary motive behind Sanusi’s dethronement was political, as he had been openly critical of several policies and projects of the Ganduje administration. Ganduje was angered by Sanusi’s penchant to play a dual role as a revered Emir and a social critic, an untenable combination in the Nigerian context.

On May 23, 2024, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf reinstated Sanusi as the Emir of Kano after signing a state assembly bill that dissolved the five emirates created by the Ganduje administration and dethroned the 15th Emir of Kano, Aminu Ado Bayero. Governor Yusuf’s decision to reinstate Sanusi Lamido Sanusi was also politically motivated, aimed at reversing Governor Ganduje’s actions and continuing the supremacy battle between former Governors Abdullahi Ganduje and Rabiyu Musa Kwankwaso.

Sanusi’s journey from being the Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) to his dismissal, his installation as the Emir of Kano, his subsequent dethronement, and finally, his reinstatement is marked by political intrigue. It begins with confusion and ends in confusion. His return as Emir of Kano on May 23, 2024, might seem straightforward, but it is anything but simple. It’s akin to a complex mathematical equation that appears simple on the surface but requires the application of numerous mathematical laws to solve. Sanusi’s reinstatement is a product of intricate local and national political manoeuvring, with an eye towards the 2027 elections from all the actors.

Senator Rabiyu Musa Kwankwaso is determined to erase any traces of Ganduje’s influence in Kano politics. Initially, this strategy worked for Kwankwaso without significant interference from the centre. However, it has now dawned on Tinubu and his handlers that allowing the Kwankwasiyya group to operate unhindered could lead to the loss of Ganduje’s group support without gaining substantial assurance from the Kwankwasiyya group. In the 2023 presidential and governorship elections, Kwankwaso garnered 997,279 votes, while Tinubu received 517,341 votes.

In the gubernatorial race, Abba Yusuf Kabir of the Kwankwasiyya group obtained 1,019,602 votes, whereas Nasir Yusuf Gawuna of the Ganduje group secured 890,705 votes, a difference of 188,897 votes. Maintaining this voting pattern is crucial for Tinubu and his team heading into 2027. Some members of the Ganduje group are discontent with the centre after narrowly losing the gubernatorial seat at the Supreme Court. If they continue to feel unprotected despite their connections at the centre, Tinubu’s prospects in Kano for 2027 could be jeopardized. Thus, the centre’s support for Aminu Ado Bayero is not surprising.

The calculations in Abuja, though not overtly confirmed, seem poised to influence Kano’s political landscape at a critical juncture. Giving the Kwankwasiyya group free hands to operate as they wish would be politically risky for the centre. Abuja needs to have some strong feet on the ground in Kano. Kano votes are crucial in the north.

The ongoing power struggle in Kano is straightforward: it’s an attempt to balance interests, strike a political equilibrium, and prepare the ground for future battles. For the common man, the advice is clear: do not take sides, as these are political manoeuvres made with future gains in mind. However, the implementation of these decisions will inevitably have collateral damage. In politics, there is no provision for a collateral damage estimate (CDE)—becoming collateral damage means being in the wrong place at the wrong time. No harm is intended personally.

What’s happening in Kano? It’s a fascinating and high-stakes game—a zero-sum game, to be precise. The same thing happened. On October 22, 1983, Governor Abubakar Rimi established four new emirates in Kano State to diminish Emir Ado Bayero’s power and influence. After his inauguration, his successor, Governor Sabo Bakinzuwo, revoked the law and restored the emirs to their previous positions as district heads.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

National Anthem: Is Nigeria losing its patriotic spirit?

By Haroon Aremu

For nearly 50 years, we have sung “Arise, O Compatriots, Nigeria’s call obey……,” pledging our loyalty to one nation bound in freedom, peace, and unity. But now, we are directed to change our national anthem. Could it be a strategic way of following the popular saying  Changing Narrative to Change Society or does this mean as compatriots we are now handicapped and cannot listen and obey Nigeria’s call anymore? Does it mean there is no more strength, love, and faith to serve our fatherland? Does it mean the labor of our heroes past has been in vain? Are we no longer able to serve with heart and might?

These are the questions lingering in masses mind as the national anthem has been changed. Many Nigeria citizens are clamoring: of all the changes that needed to be made, why the national anthem, especially during such times of hardship? Has the message of the anthem adopted in 1978, created by the five members of the Nigerian Police Band, lost its relevance?

Some citizens have given up hope that Nigeria can ever be better. But should this be our attitude? Instead of succumbing to pessimism, we should strive to refurbish our nation with optimism and prayer. When Americans wake up, they say “God bless America.” When we wake up, we often curse our leaders and condemn our country, forgetting that such negativity can have repercussions bouncing back to us.

The compatriots who built this country are not here to witness its destabilization. If we do not want their labor to be in vain, we must practice the values preached by our new anthem. Nigeria’s growth concerns not only the government but all its citizens.

The legislature has said that the newly launched national anthem serves as a beacon of hope and reassurance, starting with “Nigeria, we hail thee.” Are we hailing our dear native land for enduring economic hardship and remaining patient as we face daily challenges?

Change begins with us, at the individual level. Why are we not standing in brotherhood, despite our different tribes and tongues? Are we truly proud to serve our sovereign motherland?

As a member of the NYSC, one of the core aims we are exposed to is to promote national peace, togetherness, rehabilitation, reconstruction, and reconciliation of a torn-up country. Part of the bedrock of good governance is for the citizens to be involved in governance and also promote it. 

The National Youth Service Corps has been a supportive system for good governance from inception till date and it will always be.  The NYSC stands as a strong pillar that advocate for  good government policy.  Despite the economic hardship and the challenges we face, the NYSC continues to instill a sense of optimism and duty among the youth. 

The NYSC’s role in promoting government policies, such as the change of the national anthem, is crucial since the youth are a very important tool for the promotion of government policy, and through the NYSC, people learn to practice the values of unity, peace, and justice, which are embedded in the anthem and are essential for national development.  

Recently, I watched an interview asking people in the diaspora about the laziest African flags, and some chose Nigeria, does our tendency to take our nation’s issues with a grain of salt and not take them seriously as a people have any thing to do with their choice? Should that be the case? They forgot that our flag’s colors represent something meaningful: the two green stripes symbolize natural wealth, and the white symbolizes peace and unity. We should be proud of our flag because it is our symbol that truth and justice reign. Let us strive to improve on truth and justice for our nation’s growth so that we can hand over a banner without stain to the next generation.

There is a saying that a river that forgets its source will dry up. Let us be hopeful that going back to our source anthem will be a turning point for Nigeria. We should continue to pray with this saying: “Oh God of creation, grant this our request, by helping us to build a nation where no man is oppressed, and so with peace and plenty, Nigeria may be blessed.”

Let us hope that in this era of renewed hope, we are on the path to greatness and prosperity in our dear country. Promoting togetherness, avoiding tribalism and religious nepotism, and coming together as one nation are essential. There is a glimpse of hope that Nigeria will be great again, but it starts with each of us doing our part, not by condemning others. The NYSC scheme fosters this spirit of togetherness and national pride, reinforcing that change begins with us at the individual level. 

Nigeria’s journey to greatness begins with every citizen committing to unity, peace, and justice. By working together and supporting each other, we can ensure that the labor of our heroes past was not in vain and build a prosperous future for generations to come. May Nigeria be blessed!!

Haroon Aremu Abiodun is a youth corp member with PRNigeria center, Abuja and wrote in via exponentumera@gmail.com.

The vision of industrialization continues 

By Bilyamin Abdulmumin 

Last Tuesday, the Federal Executive Council approved several development projects. One of these projects is Malando-Wara-Ngaski Road in Kebbi State. Ngaski Local Government hosts GB Foods Africa, Africa’s largest integrated tomato paste processing facility.

Earlier this year, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, represented by Minister of Agriculture Senator Abubakar Kyari, inaugurated the 2,400-tonne GB Foods tomato farm and concentrate factory. The project employed about 2,000 people, and another 5,000 outgrowers were trained and engaged. This is the height of impact that the industry can achieve in a state. 

This project was started during the second term of the industrious visionary leader, the current minister of budget and national planning. The project is now sealed with the firm support of the president and his successor, Dr Nasir Idris. 

The success of this project has gone a long way, vindicating one of my articles. When the Nigerians voted for Tinubu in the last general presidential election, I pointed to the imperative of voting for Dr Nasir Idris to succeed Senator Atiku Bagudu in Kebbi State. Imagine if the opposition party had secured the leadership of Kebbi State; it would have been much more difficult for both leaders to cooperate and much more challenging for the president to champion the project. Political scheming can never be overruled, even in developmental projects.

Another equally significant project undertaken by the former Kebbi State governor is the bioethanol plant. The project is also located in the Kebbi South, Danko/Wasagu local government; the project is even said to be more ambitious than the GB Food, as about 47,000 hectares of cassava are needed to supply the plant. If GB Food needs farmland of only about 1500 hectares to secure 7000 jobs, now do the math to figure out how many jobs the plant that, at full capacity, will require output of 47,000 hectares can create.  

During one of my seminar presentations, a professor decried the government’s lack of commitment to the B10 policy (a policy that envisaged the use of 10 per cent ethanol in petrol). Having the privilege of insider information, as one of the team of my supervisors is a consultant to the policy, I eased the Prof worry, explaining that the policy in Kebbi State is receiving a green light. The pilot plant has already been test run, about 5000 hectares of cassava have been cultivated, and the consultant’s hands are on the desk fishing out final torches of feasibility studies.

The rice revolution was the first industrialisation to be bagged through the Bagudu vision. The minister’s interest in industrialisation coincided with the then federal government’s interest in agriculture, so the appointment of Bagudu as chairman of the presidential task force on rice and wheat production proved to be a success story. Thanks to the mega to small-scale rice processing plants in the state, Kebbi has since become synonymous with rice production in Nigeria. One factor that points to the success of the rice revolution is the improvement of IGR in Kebbi State, which accrued from rice processing activities. When Bola Ahmed Tinubu, a successful business magnate who appeared to identify with competence, saw this uncommon performance, he could not help but delegate the responsibility of the Ministry of Budget and National Planning to the ace economist.

Industrialisation was a fit for purpose and value for money in Kebbi State, as farming was the bedrock economic activity of the state. All these industries rely on the farmers’ output to process their products. GB food processes tomatoes, bioethanol plants use cassava and sugarcane as raw materials, and rice processing plants need paddy rice.   

Nevertheless, dear Minister, while the success of the GB Foods tomato and rice industries can never be overemphasised, similar achievements need to be replicated in the bioethanol sector (the pace of bioethanol development seems to progress slowly), ensuring your continued vision of diversification of Kebbi’s industrial base.