Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu

By Haroon Aremu

On a peaceful Sunday afternoon, I found myself immersed in the music of Dr. Sikiru Ayinde Barrister, a pioneer Fuji maestro known for his deep and meaningful lyrics that reflect Nigeria’s socio-political landscape. As I listened to a track titled “Adieu MKO,” which began with Nigeria’s newly adopted anthem, I was inspired to delve deeper into MKO Abiola’s legacy in relation to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s presidential journey and the adoption of the new anthem, as I began to wonder if all this could be a strategic message to Nigerians.

Sikiru Ayinde Barrister, a renowned Fuji musician, frequently added societal issues into his music, notably addressing the life and contributions of MKO Abiola. Barrister’s songs portrayed Abiola with admiration, acknowledging his philanthropy, political influence, and commitment to democracy. Barrister shared personal anecdotes, portraying Abiola as a humble figure despite his wealth and influence, creating a multifaceted portrayal of the Nigerian icon.

According to Historical research, Moshood Kashimawo Olawale (MKO) Abiola began his journey from humble beginnings. Born into a low-income family in Abeokuta, Ogun State, he started earning money at a young age by performing odd jobs, including singing and drumming at events. His exceptional intelligence earned him a scholarship to attend the prestigious Baptist Boys’ High School in Abeokuta. Later, he received a government scholarship to study at the University of Glasgow in Scotland, where he earned a degree in accountancy.

Beyond his political aspirations, Abiola was a successful businessman who built a vast business empire with interests in telecommunications, oil, and banking. He founded the telecommunications giant ITT Nigeria and was also involved in the publishing industry, owning newspapers like Concord Press. His philanthropy earned him the title of “Aare Ona Kakanfo of Yorubaland,” a highly esteemed traditional title.

Abiola is most famous for his presidential bid 1993, which is widely believed to have been the most free and fair election in Nigeria’s history. Despite winning, the election results were annulled by the then-military government led by General Ibrahim Babangida, leading to a significant political crisis. After declaring himself the rightful president of Nigeria, Abiola was arrested in 1994 by the military regime of General Sani Abacha. He remained in detention for four years and died under suspicious circumstances on July 7, 1998, the day he was due to be released.

Despite the controversies surrounding his death, Abiola’s legacy as a champion of democracy in Nigeria is honoured. In 2018, President Muhammadu Buhari posthumously awarded him Nigeria’s highest honour, the Grand Commander of the Federal Republic (GCFR), and declared June 12 as Democracy Day in recognition of his contribution to Nigeria’s democratic struggle.

Abiola was also a cultural figure with deep connections to the Yoruba cultural renaissance and promoted Nigerian culture globally. His influence extended beyond politics and business, impacting social and cultural spheres in Nigeria. He maintained extensive international connections in business and politics, improving Nigeria’s relations with other countries.

MKO Abiola embodied the patriotic spirit that “Nigeria, We Hail Thee” represented. As a businessman, philanthropist, and political leader, Abiola’s efforts were always aimed at uplifting Nigeria and contributing to its progress and unity.

The newly adopted anthem’s lyrics, emphasising unity and patriotism, reflect Abiola’s vision for Nigeria. He consistently advocated for a united Nigeria, free from the divisions that plagued the country. His presidential campaign in 1993 was a significant demonstration of his commitment to national unity and democracy.

Abiola’s contributions to Nigerian culture and his promotion of the Yoruba cultural renaissance align with the pride and national identity celebrated in “Nigeria, We Hail Thee.” He supported cultural initiatives to foster a sense of pride and belonging among Nigerians.

The anthem’s call to serve the nation resonates with Abiola’s extensive philanthropic activities. He invested in education, healthcare, and community development, reflecting the anthem’s spirit of dedication to the well-being of Nigeria and its people.

The period during which “Nigeria, We Hail Thee” was the national anthem corresponds with a formative time in Nigeria’s political history, including the early years of independence. Abiola’s political career, especially his role in the 1993 presidential election, continues the struggles and aspirations encapsulated in the anthem.

With some sense of factual comparison, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s relationship with MKO Abiola reflects a shared commitment to democracy, justice, and the advancement of Nigeria. Both leaders believed in the country’s potential and actively worked towards its progress. Tinubu and Abiola were influential figures in Nigeria’s political landscape, with Abiola’s 1993 presidential bid resonating with Tinubu’s political aspirations and being associated with the Social Democratic Party (SDP). Abiola’s leadership qualities, philanthropy, and vision for Nigeria deeply inspired Tinubu, who likely admired Abiola’s ability to connect with the masses and his unwavering dedication to democratic ideals. 

Like many other pro-democracy activists, Tinubu supported Abiola’s mandate and condemned the annulment of the June 12, 1993, presidential election, forging a bond rooted in shared democratic principles. Tinubu continued to champion democratic values, electoral reform, good governance, and the rule of law, echoing Abiola’s vision for a democratic Nigeria. 

Furthermore, both leaders have been actively involved in philanthropic activities and community development initiatives, aligning with Abiola’s legacy of social responsibility. The Fuji icon King Wasiu Ayinde Marshal has sung about Tinubu following Abiola’s legacy, highlighting their enduring connection and further reinforcing the significance of Abiola’s impact on Nigeria’s political landscape. 

Considering the recent anthem change by the president, one could perceive it as a message of togetherness and an assurance of following Abiola’s legacy, given the similarities between Abiola and Tinubu, including their association with Muslim-Muslim tickets and other shared values.

To President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, I implore all citizens to wish and pray to God to grant him insight and foresight. Imight (strength) need to realise the democratic journey that Abiola envisioned.

Haroon Aremu Abiodun is a youth Corp Member with PRNigeria centre, Abuja and wrote in via exponentumera@gmail.com.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad 

Emir Muhammadu Sanusi’s two ascensions to the throne of the ancient Kano Emirate have been deeply intertwined with local and national politics. On June 9, 2014, Sanusi was installed as the 14th Emir of Kano by then-Governor Rabiyu Musa Kwankwaso, seemingly to spite former President Goodluck Jonathan’s administration. Earlier that year, on February 2, Sanusi had been dismissed from his position as the Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria for alleging that the Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) had failed to remit a $20 billion statutory fund to the federal government—a claim denied by Jonathan’s administration.

On March 9, 2020, Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje removed Sanusi from the throne, citing his alleged disregard for lawful directives. However, the primary motive behind Sanusi’s dethronement was political, as he had been openly critical of several policies and projects of the Ganduje administration. Ganduje was angered by Sanusi’s penchant to play a dual role as a revered Emir and a social critic, an untenable combination in the Nigerian context.

On May 23, 2024, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf reinstated Sanusi as the Emir of Kano after signing a state assembly bill that dissolved the five emirates created by the Ganduje administration and dethroned the 15th Emir of Kano, Aminu Ado Bayero. Governor Yusuf’s decision to reinstate Sanusi Lamido Sanusi was also politically motivated, aimed at reversing Governor Ganduje’s actions and continuing the supremacy battle between former Governors Abdullahi Ganduje and Rabiyu Musa Kwankwaso.

Sanusi’s journey from being the Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) to his dismissal, his installation as the Emir of Kano, his subsequent dethronement, and finally, his reinstatement is marked by political intrigue. It begins with confusion and ends in confusion. His return as Emir of Kano on May 23, 2024, might seem straightforward, but it is anything but simple. It’s akin to a complex mathematical equation that appears simple on the surface but requires the application of numerous mathematical laws to solve. Sanusi’s reinstatement is a product of intricate local and national political manoeuvring, with an eye towards the 2027 elections from all the actors.

Senator Rabiyu Musa Kwankwaso is determined to erase any traces of Ganduje’s influence in Kano politics. Initially, this strategy worked for Kwankwaso without significant interference from the centre. However, it has now dawned on Tinubu and his handlers that allowing the Kwankwasiyya group to operate unhindered could lead to the loss of Ganduje’s group support without gaining substantial assurance from the Kwankwasiyya group. In the 2023 presidential and governorship elections, Kwankwaso garnered 997,279 votes, while Tinubu received 517,341 votes.

In the gubernatorial race, Abba Yusuf Kabir of the Kwankwasiyya group obtained 1,019,602 votes, whereas Nasir Yusuf Gawuna of the Ganduje group secured 890,705 votes, a difference of 188,897 votes. Maintaining this voting pattern is crucial for Tinubu and his team heading into 2027. Some members of the Ganduje group are discontent with the centre after narrowly losing the gubernatorial seat at the Supreme Court. If they continue to feel unprotected despite their connections at the centre, Tinubu’s prospects in Kano for 2027 could be jeopardized. Thus, the centre’s support for Aminu Ado Bayero is not surprising.

The calculations in Abuja, though not overtly confirmed, seem poised to influence Kano’s political landscape at a critical juncture. Giving the Kwankwasiyya group free hands to operate as they wish would be politically risky for the centre. Abuja needs to have some strong feet on the ground in Kano. Kano votes are crucial in the north.

The ongoing power struggle in Kano is straightforward: it’s an attempt to balance interests, strike a political equilibrium, and prepare the ground for future battles. For the common man, the advice is clear: do not take sides, as these are political manoeuvres made with future gains in mind. However, the implementation of these decisions will inevitably have collateral damage. In politics, there is no provision for a collateral damage estimate (CDE)—becoming collateral damage means being in the wrong place at the wrong time. No harm is intended personally.

What’s happening in Kano? It’s a fascinating and high-stakes game—a zero-sum game, to be precise. The same thing happened. On October 22, 1983, Governor Abubakar Rimi established four new emirates in Kano State to diminish Emir Ado Bayero’s power and influence. After his inauguration, his successor, Governor Sabo Bakinzuwo, revoked the law and restored the emirs to their previous positions as district heads.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Haroon Aremu

For nearly 50 years, we have sung “Arise, O Compatriots, Nigeria’s call obey……,” pledging our loyalty to one nation bound in freedom, peace, and unity. But now, we are directed to change our national anthem. Could it be a strategic way of following the popular saying  Changing Narrative to Change Society or does this mean as compatriots we are now handicapped and cannot listen and obey Nigeria’s call anymore? Does it mean there is no more strength, love, and faith to serve our fatherland? Does it mean the labor of our heroes past has been in vain? Are we no longer able to serve with heart and might?

These are the questions lingering in masses mind as the national anthem has been changed. Many Nigeria citizens are clamoring: of all the changes that needed to be made, why the national anthem, especially during such times of hardship? Has the message of the anthem adopted in 1978, created by the five members of the Nigerian Police Band, lost its relevance?

Some citizens have given up hope that Nigeria can ever be better. But should this be our attitude? Instead of succumbing to pessimism, we should strive to refurbish our nation with optimism and prayer. When Americans wake up, they say “God bless America.” When we wake up, we often curse our leaders and condemn our country, forgetting that such negativity can have repercussions bouncing back to us.

The compatriots who built this country are not here to witness its destabilization. If we do not want their labor to be in vain, we must practice the values preached by our new anthem. Nigeria’s growth concerns not only the government but all its citizens.

The legislature has said that the newly launched national anthem serves as a beacon of hope and reassurance, starting with “Nigeria, we hail thee.” Are we hailing our dear native land for enduring economic hardship and remaining patient as we face daily challenges?

Change begins with us, at the individual level. Why are we not standing in brotherhood, despite our different tribes and tongues? Are we truly proud to serve our sovereign motherland?

As a member of the NYSC, one of the core aims we are exposed to is to promote national peace, togetherness, rehabilitation, reconstruction, and reconciliation of a torn-up country. Part of the bedrock of good governance is for the citizens to be involved in governance and also promote it. 

The National Youth Service Corps has been a supportive system for good governance from inception till date and it will always be.  The NYSC stands as a strong pillar that advocate for  good government policy.  Despite the economic hardship and the challenges we face, the NYSC continues to instill a sense of optimism and duty among the youth. 

The NYSC’s role in promoting government policies, such as the change of the national anthem, is crucial since the youth are a very important tool for the promotion of government policy, and through the NYSC, people learn to practice the values of unity, peace, and justice, which are embedded in the anthem and are essential for national development.  

Recently, I watched an interview asking people in the diaspora about the laziest African flags, and some chose Nigeria, does our tendency to take our nation’s issues with a grain of salt and not take them seriously as a people have any thing to do with their choice? Should that be the case? They forgot that our flag’s colors represent something meaningful: the two green stripes symbolize natural wealth, and the white symbolizes peace and unity. We should be proud of our flag because it is our symbol that truth and justice reign. Let us strive to improve on truth and justice for our nation’s growth so that we can hand over a banner without stain to the next generation.

There is a saying that a river that forgets its source will dry up. Let us be hopeful that going back to our source anthem will be a turning point for Nigeria. We should continue to pray with this saying: “Oh God of creation, grant this our request, by helping us to build a nation where no man is oppressed, and so with peace and plenty, Nigeria may be blessed.”

Let us hope that in this era of renewed hope, we are on the path to greatness and prosperity in our dear country. Promoting togetherness, avoiding tribalism and religious nepotism, and coming together as one nation are essential. There is a glimpse of hope that Nigeria will be great again, but it starts with each of us doing our part, not by condemning others. The NYSC scheme fosters this spirit of togetherness and national pride, reinforcing that change begins with us at the individual level. 

Nigeria’s journey to greatness begins with every citizen committing to unity, peace, and justice. By working together and supporting each other, we can ensure that the labor of our heroes past was not in vain and build a prosperous future for generations to come. May Nigeria be blessed!!

Haroon Aremu Abiodun is a youth corp member with PRNigeria center, Abuja and wrote in via exponentumera@gmail.com.

By Bilyamin Abdulmumin 

Last Tuesday, the Federal Executive Council approved several development projects. One of these projects is Malando-Wara-Ngaski Road in Kebbi State. Ngaski Local Government hosts GB Foods Africa, Africa’s largest integrated tomato paste processing facility.

Earlier this year, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, represented by Minister of Agriculture Senator Abubakar Kyari, inaugurated the 2,400-tonne GB Foods tomato farm and concentrate factory. The project employed about 2,000 people, and another 5,000 outgrowers were trained and engaged. This is the height of impact that the industry can achieve in a state. 

This project was started during the second term of the industrious visionary leader, the current minister of budget and national planning. The project is now sealed with the firm support of the president and his successor, Dr Nasir Idris. 

The success of this project has gone a long way, vindicating one of my articles. When the Nigerians voted for Tinubu in the last general presidential election, I pointed to the imperative of voting for Dr Nasir Idris to succeed Senator Atiku Bagudu in Kebbi State. Imagine if the opposition party had secured the leadership of Kebbi State; it would have been much more difficult for both leaders to cooperate and much more challenging for the president to champion the project. Political scheming can never be overruled, even in developmental projects.

Another equally significant project undertaken by the former Kebbi State governor is the bioethanol plant. The project is also located in the Kebbi South, Danko/Wasagu local government; the project is even said to be more ambitious than the GB Food, as about 47,000 hectares of cassava are needed to supply the plant. If GB Food needs farmland of only about 1500 hectares to secure 7000 jobs, now do the math to figure out how many jobs the plant that, at full capacity, will require output of 47,000 hectares can create.  

During one of my seminar presentations, a professor decried the government’s lack of commitment to the B10 policy (a policy that envisaged the use of 10 per cent ethanol in petrol). Having the privilege of insider information, as one of the team of my supervisors is a consultant to the policy, I eased the Prof worry, explaining that the policy in Kebbi State is receiving a green light. The pilot plant has already been test run, about 5000 hectares of cassava have been cultivated, and the consultant’s hands are on the desk fishing out final torches of feasibility studies.

The rice revolution was the first industrialisation to be bagged through the Bagudu vision. The minister’s interest in industrialisation coincided with the then federal government’s interest in agriculture, so the appointment of Bagudu as chairman of the presidential task force on rice and wheat production proved to be a success story. Thanks to the mega to small-scale rice processing plants in the state, Kebbi has since become synonymous with rice production in Nigeria. One factor that points to the success of the rice revolution is the improvement of IGR in Kebbi State, which accrued from rice processing activities. When Bola Ahmed Tinubu, a successful business magnate who appeared to identify with competence, saw this uncommon performance, he could not help but delegate the responsibility of the Ministry of Budget and National Planning to the ace economist.

Industrialisation was a fit for purpose and value for money in Kebbi State, as farming was the bedrock economic activity of the state. All these industries rely on the farmers’ output to process their products. GB food processes tomatoes, bioethanol plants use cassava and sugarcane as raw materials, and rice processing plants need paddy rice.   

Nevertheless, dear Minister, while the success of the GB Foods tomato and rice industries can never be overemphasised, similar achievements need to be replicated in the bioethanol sector (the pace of bioethanol development seems to progress slowly), ensuring your continued vision of diversification of Kebbi’s industrial base.

By Uzair Adam Imam

The Federal Government and the organised labour have reached an agreement on the minimum wage, ending the strike action that started on June 3, 2024.

The agreement was signed on Monday night after a meeting that started at 5:00 pm and ended at 11:00 pm.

Although the details of the agreement are not yet public, the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, George Akume, confirmed that the government is committed to paying a minimum wage higher than N60,000.

He also assured that no worker would be victimized for participating in the strike.

The national tripartite committee on minimum wage will meet daily for the next week to finalize the details of the agreement.

The labour leaders and government officials expressed optimism that the agreement would bring an end to the strike and restore normalcy to the country.

The strike, which started on June 3, had paralyzed economic activities in the country, with many businesses forced to shut down.

The agreement is seen as a positive development, and many are hoping that it would bring an end to the strike and restore normalcy to the country.

By Bilyamin Abdulmumin

To commemorate Workers’ Day on May 1st, FG announced the long-awaited salary increase from 25% to 35 %. However, hours later, the NLC president, Joe Ajaero, kicked against the increase and instead stuck to the 615,000 they proposed as minimum wage.

Although this total figure looks astronomical, it suddenly looks normal, putting the breakdown that Ajaero gave into perspective, especially with the current high inflation. At least that amount should reflect the salary of anyone receiving 100k or more before Tinubu came to power. In other words, the breakdown might be exaggerated to the bottom-line salary earners but not the middle ones.

When several pundits shared their analysis on National Assembly wages, the Ajaero recommendation suddenly became realistic again. The National Assembly’s daily take-home is more than the recommended minimum monthly take-home. So, the argument is that if NA daily wages are so high, the minimum monthly salary asked by NLC should not be too much. This is quite plausible.

But from the interview Abdulaziz Abdulaziz gave, it could be discerned that the highest minimum wage the government is ready to pay is double the current minimum. Abdulaziz first clarified that the current salary increase is temporary, pending when the tripartite committee under the former head of service concluded their assignment. However, as a committee member, he said unlike the 25 to 35% increase, the minimum wage may go up to 50 to 60k. He also emphasised that the federal government is bidding for the highest among the three parties: federal, state, and private.

An argument accompanying the discussion of salary increases is the plight of non-governmental citizens. The argument is that if FG increases government workers’ salaries, what about the rest of the citizens? To buttress this point, government workers are said to be just about 10% of the total population. This argument appears to carry substance, but it is misleading by flipping the coin because the more money on the government workers, the more money on every one.

The people who should be rather pitied are the state and LG workers. Because some of these tiers of government still receive the 1999 salaries benchmark. A friend who works with the local government health sector summarises their predicament. He said a decade ago, when he married, a mudu of foreign rice was 450 naira, and they only used half of it. Now the mudu costs five times, and because their family has increased, they need the whole mudu, but the pathetic part is that the salary hasn’t only increased since, but several bogus deductions have eaten deep into it.

At this time when the FG and labour are arguing about high salary increases to meet public expectations due to high inflation, there is no better time to remind ourselves of the famous “Udoji award” than now.

As a fan of Dan Anache, I heard one of his songs mention “Udoji.” I understood that he was mocking someone, but I didn’t know what it meant, so I took it at face value and enjoyed the song. The lyrics read: “Kai baka soja, kai baka dan sanda, kattsaya jiran Udoji. To Udoji in dai sadaka ce muma araba abamu.” It wasn’t until I came across Mahmud Juga’s article titled “UPE, WAI and Udoji” that I realised what it meant. 

In the article, Jega concluded, “Why has there been no Adebo and no Udoji in this country since 1974? Any young person who does not know what that means should please ask the elders.” So, with the right name in hand, I did what everyone does when faced with a burning question—I turned to search engines.

The Middle East, the world’s oil bank, is known for conflicts and unrest, so anytime one arises, just like the current one is on the card, the global oil price experiences a meteorological rise. One of the most popular oil price rises occurred during the Arab-Israeli War and the Iranian revolution in the 1970s. This was when Nigeria had had an oil boom, and there appeared to be no idea what to do with excess money, so the Udoji Award was. 

Jerome Udoji chaired the committee focused on the effectiveness of public service. One of the committee’s recommendations was to increase the salary twofold, which was implemented by the military head of state, Yakubu Gowon. The salary increase was so popular that it became known after Udoji. Please, someone should tag the current chairman of the minimum wage committee, Bukar Goni Aji.

There is no oil boom now, but there is a subsidy removal boom. So, to paraphrase Jega, Please FG, why has there not been a Udoji Award since 1974?

By Bilyamin Abdulmumin

Since 2007, when the two-term tenure of Fourth Republic governors ended, one godfather crisis or another has occurred. The outgoing clung on to the anointing for several reasons: influence in godson administration, protection from their misgovernance, or, last and least for many godfathers, continuity (although it is the most important factor for good governance). 

The surprising succession crisis brewing recently involved Uba Sani and Nasir El-Rufai. It was unexpected because El-Rufai did not appear to be interfering with the Kaduna government. Unlike Wike, El-Rufai, known for reading and writing books, might have learned the lesson from previous cases, but Sani took the fight to his door. 

Uba Sani shook the table when, in a town hall meeting (apparently held to burst the bubble), he lamented the burden of loans he inherited and decried the lack of money not only for infrastructure development but also for threatening the state’s ability to meet its current expenditures.

That outburst was followed by mixed reactions. Some commentators point to hindsight, stating that it was their prophecy that came to pass. But for some, it was a big trouble for Uba Sani because, according to this category, he was given the green light to become a senator for one thing: to pave the way for getting the loan. So, this category sees Uba Sani as an accomplice rather than a victim. They unearthed his videos eulogising El-Rufai, which trended. 

The double trouble for Sani was that the effect of the loss was visible in Kaduna state, so wowing the public became an uphill task. However, the current dollar-to-naira exchange rate compared to when the loan was secured is rather unfortunate.

 One primary beneficiary of this situation is Shehu Sani. The former senator of Kaduna Central used the situation to settle scores. He took the case on social media, profiling himself vindicated. 

On the contrary, a Nigerian figure who will be taken aback by the looming political crisis in Kaduna state is his eminent Sanusi Lamido Sanusi. During the KADINVEST 7.0, SLM extols marvellous achievements in Lagos state thanks to the continuity. 

Bola Ahmed Tinubu laid the foundation for the modern Lagos state, which Fashola built upon. When Ambode came continued, but when he wanted to digress, it cost him his second term ticket (this can happen in Lagos, where a serving governor failed a primary election); the fruit of continuity is just bearing fruit in Lagos state under Babajide Sonwo-Olu. 

Uba Sani was shown nodding his head in belief during the SLS lecture. I told myself that Kaduna is lucky because if Uba Sani could only service the debt and continue with some uncompleted buildings, Kaduna would be great. 

El-Rufai remained quiet in the saga, unlike his disquieted son Bashir El-Rufai, who was a junior to Bello El-Rufai. Several commentators confuse Bashir with Bello- the current serving house Rep. The latter was cut between the devil and the deep blue sea, he recently gave an interview in which he eulogised Uba Sani as his mentor, mentioning how Sani paved the way for him, not his father. He even mentioned something philosophical: if anyone wants to go far, he can’t dare join issues with his master; someone aware of this philosophy must be tied down between supporting his father or his boss.

A theory explaining Sani’s outburst with El-Rufai was that the former was being cajoled by the presidency. With no love lost between El-Rufai and the presidency, he must part ways with his boss.  

Apart from the godfather himself, loyalties are a major factor fanning the flames of discord. The outgoing lieutenant’s influence will be hanging in the balance while the new government loyalties stampede to establish their loyalty to the new government. It becomes a struggle for survival. 

In the reactionary salvo that Kaduna state women leaders fire on Uba Sani, reading in-between the line, one could easily figure out self-serving because she decried how Sani has not been responding to her requests.

 The leaders involved in such a situation are in a delicate balance. They need deliberate effort to piece together the puzzle (provided that it is not too late); otherwise, the matter will blow out of proportion.

Bilyamin Abdulmumin wrote via bilal4riid13@gmail.com.

By Lawan Bukar Maigana 

The sagacious former Governor of Kaduna State, Malam Nasir El-Rufai, is once again in the news with his usual controversial stance on government policies and decisions. 

Last week, after granting journalists an interview about his presentation at a capacity-building training for Borno’s top government officials in Maiduguri, he became the hot story on every national daily, both online and offline. 

According to him, the Nigerian government has reconsidered returning fuel subsidies, mentioning that President Tinubu’s administration secretly pays billions of Naira for fuel subsidies.

As a journalist specialising in fact-checking, I needed to investigate his claim because there were no credibility elements in his statements. I quickly ran a keyword search, and the result revealed that the Minister of State for Petroleum Resources (Oil), Heineken Lokpobiri, has refuted the claim and described it as ‘wrong.’

The trouble with El-Rufai started when the Senate withheld his confirmation over security checks during the ministerial screening in August 2023, even though he is a seasoned politician who used to be a minister. 

Since then, he left Nigeria to go abroad, failing to attend his son’s wedding ceremony, Bello Nasir El-Rufai. After his return from abroad, he was seen visiting strong politicians from the opposition party, which was said to be a political plot against the 2027 presidential elections. 

This was justified by his son, Bello El-Rufai, in a podcast interview with Seun of Channels Television, where he mentioned that his father and the President have never been on good terms, citing exchanges of unfriendly remarks in the past.

It is human nature to leave when discomforted or offended; therefore, Malam has the right to not only leave the All Progressive Congress (APC) but also form a new party, let alone merge with cult-like parties like the Labour Party (LP). 

El-Rufai is an outspoken politician whose relevance has passed because he couldn’t deliver his state to the APC, indicating he is now politically weak. It’s clear that politics transcends outspokenness. 

Another trouble facing El-Rufai now is with his successor, Governor Uba Sani. At a town hall meeting, he said that he inherited a huge debt burden of $587m, N85bn, and 115 contractual liabilities from the immediate past administration of Nasir El-Rufai, complaining that the huge debt has eaten deep into the state’s federal allocation. 

This has necessitated the formation of a committee by the Kaduna State House Assembly to probe El-Rufai’s administration, even though he has always proudly challenged the people of Kaduna to uncover any financial wrongdoing by him.

Allegedly, Bello El-Rufai, who proudly identifies himself as a replica and a clone copy of his father in politics, has thrown the public into scepticism regarding his father’s integrity. He was said to have sent insulting words and threats to the Speaker of Kaduna State Assembly, Hon. Yusuf Liman, since the establishment of the committee to probe his father’s administration that drowned Kaduna in debts, amounting to billions of Naira.

If I were El-Rufai’s son, Bello, I would appreciate the Kaduna State Government’s efforts to uphold justice and accountability in the state. I would privately intervene respectfully, if necessary, without being jittery about the outcome of the investigation.

Lawan Bukar Maigana writes from Maiduguri and can be reached via lawanbukarmaigana@gmail.com.

By Uzair Adam Imam

Minister of State for Defence, Bello Mohammed Matawalle, has strongly condemned the Northern Elders Forum (NEF), labeling the group as a divisive force in Northern politics that fails to represent the region’s true interests.

In response to recent comments by NEF spokesperson Abdul-Azeez Suleiman expressing regret over the North’s alleged support for President Bola Tinubu, Matawalle dismissed the NEF’s stance as shortsighted and detrimental to political harmony.

Matawalle asserted that the NEF’s threats against President Tinubu were “reprehensible and naive,” accusing the group of attempting to wield undue influence for their own political gain.

He criticized the NEF for undermining the democratic process and exacerbating disunity among Nigerians.

Furthermore, Matawalle contended that the NEF’s attempts to delegitimize Tinubu’s electoral victory in 2027 were baseless and lacking in merit.

He emphasized the need for constructive dialogue and cooperation to address the challenges facing Northern Nigeria, rather than engaging in divisive rhetoric.

Matawalle urged the NEF to refrain from actions that undermine the unity and progress of the nation, emphasizing the importance of fostering inclusive political discourse for the benefit of all Nigerians.

By Sani Bello Hamza

Mr. President, before I delve into my concerns, it is indeed important to lay a proper foundation. As an aspiring lawyer and an opinion leader in my own capacity, I am not unaware of the challenges and intricacies of leadership. The stress, strain, and challenges are sometimes daunting and discouraging.

However, Mr. President, even your enemies and those from the opposition party can not doubt your capacity to lead and your unique style of leadership. Your ability to lead and manage successful politicians, industry men and academics leaves us in awe and surprise.

Your ability to understand and provide lasting solutions to national issues ought to be given careful consideration and serve as an exercise for students at various levels. Your unique style of leadership is indeed worthy of emulation and study. The Asiwaju school of thought!

Dear President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, It has been a year since Nigerians qued in mass to support you and the renewed hope agenda. They voted for you and supported your candidacy. Nigerians, from every nook and cranny of the country, shun the nay-sayers and triumph to support you and the APC to make sure you make it to the Villa. It has now become history and forms a special part of the Asiwaju school of thought! 

Mr. President, sir, Before you declared your intention to run for president in early 2022, Nigerians were lost in search of a trusted and reliable leader, a qualified politician capable of steering them to the promised land. The APC seems to be falling after eight years of sheer disappointing tenure, and the PDP was not an option to be considered, given its 16-year tenure.

The resurgence and emergence of the renewed hope agenda and the “emilokan” slogan gave Nigerians a sigh of relief and hope that the table would turn around. That is, it’s time to reap what they sow and enjoy the fruit of their labour and hard work. 

Mr. President, I wish I could write this letter and deliver it directly to your mail or doorstep. Sadly, it’s not possible. I still wish I could be featured on national television to address you and beg you for one thing, yes, just one thing, Mr. President. 

If I were given the opportunity to meet you, the president, in a one-on-one conversation, I wouldn’t talk much. I promise to make the conversation short, brief, and succinct. Who will give me this golden opportunity? 

Anyway, the popular Hausa adage; “guntun gatarin ka ya fi sari ka bani” meaning your short axe is better than cut and give me” is what kept resounding in my skull. I will use the little I have to achieve what I don’t have. I will send this letter out, hoping that one day it’ll reach you, Mr. President. In a one-on-one meeting with the president, I will tell him to put aside anything that has to do with salary increases for the working class and concentrate on bringing back to life the already dead Naira. A stronger Naira is the only option.

Okay, back to the subject matter: Nigeria is indeed a blessed country with abundant natural resources (Minerals and Humans). Yet, our economy keeps dilapidating day in and day out. It always seems that yesterday was better than today, last month was better than the current month, and we wish to be taken back to the previous administrations. 

Why is this happening? What is the problem with Nigeria?

I was tempted to share a post on my Facebook timeline from March 2015 (nine years ago) in which the writer lamented how the prices of commodities skyrocketed during the fasting period. The only price that caught my attention was the price of spaghetti, which rose from 60 – 70 naira. Man! How much are you buying spaghetti now? They’ll say the dollar has risen.

Mr. President, back then, in 2014, the exchange rate of dollar to naira was 60-70 per dollar. The minimum wage then was 18,000 naira, which is enough for an average Nigerian to buy a bag of rice and other commodities to sustain himself throughout the month.

Fast forward to 2024, 10 years later, the Naira hit an all-time record of 1900 to a dollar, and the minimum wage has graciously increased from 18,000 to 30,000. The 30k will not be enough for the average Nigerian to buy half a bag of rice, not to talk of other daily life struggles.

Mr. President, I strongly believe a salary increase will only increase the amount of money in circulation, thereby making inflation the front seat of our economic discourse. They say more money, more problems. 

Mr President, sir, a good road network connecting rural to urban areas spiced up with increased exports will benefit the country more than an increased salary for less than five per cent of the country’s population. 

Dear President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, I equally believe the renowned economists in your midst understand the intricacies of our economy and where it’s heading to. With your continuous support, dedication and unwavering commitment to the progress of our nation, Nigerians will one day smile and say Alhamdulillah!

Sani Bello Hamza is a Law Student at Ahmadu Bello University Zaria. He writes from Zaria and can be reached via sanibellohamza@gmail.com.