APC

By Lawan Adamu Usman

The glimmers of hopes that the country will have a free and fair election in the 2023 general election have been dashed by our senators. Section 52(3) of amendment bill 2021 which will provide room for the electronic transmission of election results from the polling unit, received a kiss of death by the APC senators after a rowdy session in the senate. In 2015, when president Jonathan introduced the card reader machine, which was part of the technology drive to checkmate multiple voting and detect elections fraud and ensure a free and fair election, the APC, which was desperate to clinch to power, commended the bold initiative. There is no gainsaying the fact, APC was the beneficiary of the card reader machine in the 2015 general election. The election victories recorded by the party across the country could be credited to such technological innovation.  

Little wonder, many Nigerians expected President Muhammadu Buhari to maintain the momentum in 2019 by passing section52(3) of the electorate act into laws, which will pave the way for electronic transmission of results. However, President Buhari failed to convince Nigerians why he could not approve the bill, cited short of time as the reason ahead of the 2019 general election. Also, our lawmakers’ lack of political will to unanimously agree and take a common position for the quick passing of the bill is unfortunate. While other African countries have since embraced technology and reformed their electorate process in tandem with the best global practice, some unpatriotic senators are dragging us to the medieval period.

By its name, the Independent National Electorate Commission (INEC) should act independently according to the laws that established it. For the Senate to insist that INEC should collaborate with the Nigeria Communication Commission (NCC) on the possibility of adequate network coverage in the country and seek its approval before it adopts electronic transmission of results raises serious suspicion on its part. 

The million naira questions begging for answers are: why the majority of APC senators voted against the electronic transmission of results? Are they acting on the script of their party to frustrate any genuine efforts to have a credible and acceptable poll in 2023? It is either the ruling party plans to rig the 2023 elections as suspected, or it is jittery that the electronic transmission of results will expose it to serious defeat.

Civil societies organisations and Nigerians should wake up and reject this glaring rape of our democracy. Democracy the world over thrives and flourishes based on free and fair elections. This can only be achieved if INEC is allowed to conduct credible elections and transmitted the results electronically as obtained in other democratic climes.

Lawan Adamu Usman (aka Mr LA) writes from Kaduna State. He can be reached via imustapha650@gmail.com.

By Muhammadu Sabiu

A serving senator and former governor of Nasarawa State, Umaru Tanko Al-Makura, and his wife have been apprehended by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).

Reports have indicated that the ex-governor is being grilled at the EFFC’s headquarters in Abuja over allegations of corruption and breach of trust he is alleged to have enmeshed in during his tenure as the governor of Nasarawa State from 2011 to 2019.

When contacted by Premium Times online newspaper to comment on the development, Wilson Uwujaren, the anti-graft agency’s spokesperson, said he was not updated on the matter.

Also, Danjuma Joseph, the former governor’s spokesman, said he was not aware of the said arrest. He said, “His Excellency left Lafia (Nasarawa State capital) for Abuja this morning. I am not aware of such arrest.”

The EFFC has not released any details concerning the arrest of the ex-governor and his wife. Still, sources in the know of the matter have indicated that it is related to“suspicion of involvement in dirty money flow.”

 As we move closer to 2023, when power may be shifted to the South, social and political events point to a bleak future for the North. The North/South relationship is at its lowest level; tension is growing by the day, the body polity is being heated, and behind the scene, enemies of the country are planting the seeds of animosity. 

A bad omen is set for a bleak 2023 early this month when the Southern governors met in Lagos. Their communique strongly called for a power shift to the South come 2023. The governors had forgotten that leadership rotation was the brainchild of the North, that it was a political concession meant to heal old wounds following the June 12 political turmoil. They also forgot that when President Umar Musa died two years into his first term, the same South flouted the power shift arrangement. Former President Jonathan openly said this section of the country hated him because they said the power shift arrangement be honoured. 

Two recent social unrests define the Noth/South relationship and the political tension that’s setting. First was a disagreement between a Northerner, tomato seller and a Yoruba woman that degenerated into killings and displacement of mostly Northerners in Ibadan. Then came the IPOB’s sit-at-home order in the South East, where ethnic persecution of the Northerners ensued. Many were killed and hundreds displaced.

Recently, there seems to be a collective animosity towards the North and whatever the North represents. The problem with many Nigerians is that they can’t differentiate between elitism, elitist tendencies and the massive social gaps between the two classes. Historically, these same elites from either side of the divide have been known to exert elitist solidarity in perpetuating their own interests, in the process, alienating the masses. 

Most of these Southern grievances emanate from skewed political appointments by President Buhari. They forget that Buhari’s government is the reincarnation of Jonathan’s. Once, Air Marshall Alex Badeh, Major General Minimah, Air Vice Marshall Amosu were chiefs of defence, army staff and air staff, respectively. Only Admiral Jibrin was from another faith. Moreover, the President, Secretary to the Government, Senate President, Speaker of the House of Representatives, Minister of Finance were from the same faith. The same with the ‘Kitchen Cabinets.’ Remember the powerful economic team? Hausas say ‘idan ɗan maye ya manta…’

Granted that President Buhari’s government suffers from poor public relations from the President himself to his public relations team. So also was Jonathan. Towards the end of 2014 and the beginning of 2015, shortly before the general elections, Jonathan and his wife, Patience, went to churches in Abuja and South East preaching the gospel of hatred. I am not condoning nor defending the present arrangement, far from that; I am reminding us about the past lest we forget. 

The recent Afenifere political blunder is a clear pointer that Southerners would politically persecute the Northerners when power is shifted to the South. Afenifere strikes intentionally and timely to cause disaffection. Like Chalie Hebdo, they know that to Muslims, Prophet Muhammad (SAW) is the centre of gravity; he’s the Prophet, the Divine link, the undisputed spiritual leader, the guide, the intercessor, the light, the mercy and blessing to humanity. To the Muslims, Prophet Muhammad (SAW) is the best that could happen to the world. Yet, they intentionally came out to hurt feelings and cause disaffection.

They claimed to be liberals, but where’s the so-called liberalism when you lack empathy? Where’s the so-called freedom of expression when it overlooks inclusion ànd pluralism? Where’s the so-called free press when it can’t draw a line between the intellectual identification of feelings, sensitivity, thoughts of a people on the one hand, and on the other hand, the subjective urge to exhibit petty tribal solidarity?  

What Afenifere does is self-immolation. This is because there’s no ethnic group in Nigeria that’s socio-culturally cohesive, an ethnic group that’s equally infiltrated by the two major religions like Yoruba. Religious consciousness is new to them. Now the Yoruba Muslims would undoubtedly realise that Afenifere doesn’t represent them. Thus, setting an unprecedented social trajectory of an ethnic group stratified along religious faultline. It would be the worst-case scenario, for this would divide families, friends, and social groups along religious lines as is found in the North, the root cause of social unrest.

The North may have a majority in the service chiefs and defence, yet they can’t secure the North from the clutch of marauding bandits. We have the minister of finance who can’t lessen the Noth’s skydiving poverty! 

As 2023 draws closer, it seems, whoever is selected to be president from the South, there may be the tendency of political persecution of the North, and the basis of this would be justified on the failure of the current leadership to stabilize the region. When finally we demand attention, they would respond that our kin couldn’t give us what we demand from them. For now, the sociopolitical trajectories portend a bleak future. But for now, only time will tell.

Salisu Yusuf can be reached at salisuyusuf111@gmail.com.

By Abu Haneef 

It is true that the North and South have rotated the presidency from the inception of the Fourth Republic in 1999 until Jonathan truncated it in 2011 after the demise of Umaru Musa Yar’adua. Many have argued that it was practically challenging to stop an acting president from contesting just because of an unconstitutional gentleman agreement, which was put in place by not-so-gentle politicians to rotate the presidency between the North and the South. Although not a valid justification to scrap that agreement, the argument is not entirely incorrect; who could have stopped Jonathan if he wasn’t patriotic enough to put the country ahead of himself? No one.

All that is now history. But what isn’t history is how all the proponents of the rotational presidency during Jonathan are now speaking against rotation; in the very same manner, those that argued against the rotational presidency during Jonathan are now suddenly making a case for rotation. The way both sides exchanged arguments with the change of personalities proves that those arguments were never in favour of the reasons given in the first place. 

While there are some good arguments for and against the rotational presidency in Nigeria, there will never be a good argument for scrapping it when that benefits you, only to turn around and demand rotation when it does not. This double double-standard is against fair play. 

Now let us analyse the case. While the argument for the rotational presidency is valid on the grounds of national security and stability, there are many things wrong about how we are understanding and approaching the rotation—from its premises to our assumptions thereof and many things in between. 

Anyone who understands Nigeria’s politics knows that religion, rather than ethnogeography, is the biggest faultline, albeit with a bit of ethnogeographic connotations here and there. This explains why since 1999, almost all Northern Christians voted for Southern Christians (except where both contenders were Muslims, and even then, they preferred PDP simply for being “more Christian”), despite sharing the same geopolitical threats and opportunities with the Northern Muslims they rejected. Yet, notwithstanding this apparent reality, we chose to premise our rotation on ethnogeographical consideration rather than religion (I’m not making a case for religion here, I’m only analysing our presidential rotation). 

Now let us ask ourselves, what happens if we rotate the presidency to the South and a Muslim, backed by Northern voters, emerges as the president? He would have been a Southern president who would not give the South a sense of belonging. The same will have been the case if a Northern Christian emerges as president. So our current premise for rotation is faulty, and those responsible for it know this; they are only ashamed to premise our rotational presidency on religion because of the global stigma religion faces today. 

Another critical question we haven’t convincingly answered in Nigeria is population spread across Nigeria’s ethnogeographical constituents and religions. Doing this would have removed the heat generated on the polity by the many unrealistic demands currently put forward by all sections of the country. However, we have so many issues to solve, and the best way to start is to answer all the critical demographical questions we haven’t. Only then will every section understand its proper place in the scheme of things, as there are currently huge delusions by many country sections. 

Another problem with this rotation is our constitution, which does not recognise it. This is problematic because people at the opposite faultline can only surrender power based on trust. There is no guarantee that the other region will yield power according to agreed terms. We had seen that in 2011 when Jonathan contested against PDP’s zoning arrangement. Therefore, the question of constitutionality in rotating the presidency must be answered to address the current distrust in the polity. 

Another valid question to answer on presidential rotation is that of fairness, particularly with the way and manner we have seen many agitations for resource control, which led to the creation of 13% Derivation, Ministry of Niger Delta and Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC). Suppose we agree that they deserve more resources only because God planted those resources in their land. In that case, the North can also argue that they deserve to retain political power because the same God that chose to bless Niger Delta with hydrocarbon decided to bless the North with a larger population. Suppose it is fair for Niger Delta to demand resource control. In that case, it is certainly reasonable for the North to require strict adherence to the democratic principle of majority retaining power at all times. That is one consistency of truth we must not skip in our national discourse. 

Conclusively, I submit that the only thing correct about the rotational presidency we argue for or against is the idea of having or not having it, but everything else has either been misunderstood, refused to be understood or deliberately misrepresented. And in these tiny details and questions we repeatedly miss lies most of the solutions we seek elsewhere. 

Abu Haneef can be reached via imabuhaneef@gmail.com.

I wonder why the APC senators mostly stood against the clause that sought to operationalize the electronic transmission of election results.

I thought APC as a party was supposed to embody the ideals of political progressivism and was not created and sold to the people as a mere alternative political party with almost the same modus operandi as the others. I thought it was supposed to be a positive paradigm shifter and a status quo disrupter. But they have proven us wrong. 

Debates over this issue took a very heated dimension on the floors of both chambers of the National Assembly, and I wonder why. I understand there are certain concerns around issues like the devices to be used in the transmission of the results; how the results would be authenticated digitally before transmission; how the relevant stakeholders(e.g. party agents, observers) would be able to access the original results as transmitted; how accountability and transparency will be entrenched especially regarding public access to results and of course the issue of internet connectivity and inadequate digital infrastructure.

But if we are really determined, are there no answers and solutions to all these questions and concerns? Where is the APC’s commitment to innovation and “change”? 

This is how I visualize the entire process in the simplest terms:

 
Firstly, on registration of party agents (and independent observers, both local and international) for each polling unit by INEC. The commission would take all necessary details, including biometrics and create a profile for each of them on the INEC system. As such, all agents and observers would have access to their profiles on an app developed specifically for the elections. Of course, rigorous training of agents would be done to this effect. All political parties would also have accounts on the platform(perhaps to be operated by the Chairmen of the Parties). 

Secondly, after the elections, the transmission of results can only be done after validation and authentication by all party agents registered(and official observers) in the polling units. This can be done in many ways. One way is by barcode scanning. This way, the agents’(and observers’) mobile application would allow the scanning of the barcodes of the digital results as compiled so that immediately the barcode is scanned, the agents would be sent the result sheet on their mobile app as tabulated for verification(just as we use our XENDER app). On verification, the agents would accept or decline(in cases that warrant such). If accepted, the agents would still, after accepting their devices, go further to verify their acceptance with a biometric scan(thumbprint) on the device of INEC. Only then will the result be transmitted. 

Thirdly, immediately after transmission, INEC will send originally certified and legally admissible copies of the verified and authenticated result to the accounts(profiles) of the party agents and the central party account(profile). The result will also be immediately published on the elections website and projected at the polling unit for public consumption. 

On connectivity, INEC might choose to use the networks of the local service providers operating in Nigeria or partner with reputable international service providers. I prefer the latter because of the argument that almost 50% of the polling units we have do not have internet coverage. The government might partner with companies like SpaceX that provide satellite internet services with the capacity of delivering 150mbps internet speed to any place on the planet via satellite. All that is needed is a small kit at every polling station. There are also many other companies the country can partner with to optimize the device with satellite internet functionality that will guarantee internet connectivity almost anywhere in the world with appreciable speed, for example, companies like Thuraya, Iridium, Inmarsat etc. Of course, under the supervision and protection of the nation’s digital firewall. In this case, all polling units would have the digital infrastructure necessary for this purpose. 

Are these things possible, or they are just too fictional and unrealistic? 

If they are possible, then what is all this noise around e-transmission of election results? Or are we just not yet ready for such a revolutionary change towards more transparency and accountability in our election processes? 

Why is APC hell-bent on amplifying a limitation that they have done nothing to improve as justification for their scepticism towards e-transmission of the election result? Why are they not talking solutions and alternative routes towards achieving e-transmission just as they did vehemently when the PDP postponed elections in 2015 because of the insecurity in the North East? I wonder how they would have reacted if they were still in the opposition, but given their reaction to the issue of card readers while they were, I strongly believe they would have supported e-transmission. 

Some of them argue that even the United States, by virtue of the Protecting American Votes and Elections Act of 2019, use conventional ballot papers for voting. And I ask, is electronic voting the same thing as the electronic transmission of results? Have they ever wondered how they get live election result updates on channels like CBN, ABC, FOX etc.? Don’t they know of the National Election Pool in the US and Edison Research which provide real-time election results? 

Some are sceptical because such a network is susceptible to cyber intrusion. And I ask why the pessimism? Can we not trust the same cybersecurity infrastructure that protects our national security data(in DIA, NIA, DSS etc.) to offer befitting protection to a network that will be used just for electronic transmission of election results? 

So many questions for the APC! 

And here is the subtlety, the initial clause in section 52(3), as presented, already had the practicability condition; “The Commission may transmit results of elections by electronic means where and when practicable.” So this was the original clause. 

Then it was amended to this by both chambers of NASS; “The commission may consider electronic transmission provided the national network coverage is adjudged to be adequate and secure by the Nigerian Communications Commission and approved by the National Assembly.” 

In the amendment, the National Assembly subtly gave itself the exclusive power for approval subject to the NCC assessment and network coverage report. This is in absolute contravention with section 78 and Third Schedule Part 1, F, S.15 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria as amended. Per these extant provisions, the constitution has given exclusive rights and powers to INEC in the matters of the conduct, supervision, undertaking and organization of elections in Nigeria. Hence, the unconstitutionality of subjecting INEC’s powers to the approval of the NCC and the NASS. 

We are ashamed by the actions of the APC towards this issue because we believed that any initiative that holds the potential of improving transparency in election proceedings in this country ought to be unconditionally supported, especially by the APC. But, sadly, that is not the case. 

Abdulhaleem Ishaq Ringim is a political and public affairs analyst. He writes from Zaria and can be reached through haleemabdul1999@gmail.com.

By Amir Abdulazeez

Some weeks ago, I was caught up in a debate involving some people trying to justify the Federal Government of Nigeria’s ban on Twitter and those who opposed it. If I am to be fair to both groups, every side had some very good points, strong enough to sway a neutral person to their side. However, one thing remains fundamental and clear even to the debaters; the Twitter ban will not solve any of our short and long-term problems, including the very ones for which the Federal Government used to justify the ban.

It will not be difficult for any critical observer to note that the Buhari administration had not taken lightly any action that will or can undermine official state authority or that of the President since its coming in 2015. This is perhaps why over 1000 Shiites were allegedly killed in the administration’s early days for blocking the way of the Chief of Army Staff, among other things. It may also be why IPOB and End SARS protesters were not treated with the kid gloves with which bandits and mass murderers of ordinary citizens are apparently treated. Twitter had not offended ordinary Nigerians as much as it had offended the Presidency and hence the ban. Regardless, at least the ban is a strong message that not everything can be tolerated by Nigeria, especially the sort of highhanded arbitrariness on the part of the social media tech giant.  

A few hours before the ban came into effect, I was surfing the platform to catch up with the day’s national and international news when I came across an interesting statement credited to ex-Senator Dino Melaye.  Melaye was reported to have said that any Nigerian that survived this APC’s administration to its end alive deserves a certificate of survival. I don’t know whether he actually said that or not, but the statement is typical of him. Besides, the truth is that ordinary Nigerians are currently receiving the suffering of their lives.

According to the Consumer Price Index report, recently released by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), Nigeria’s inflation rate for May 2021 stands at 17.93%, a slight drop from April 2021, which was 18.12%. Food which is the most critical item, recorded an inflation rate of 22.28% in May. This is the highest since April of 2017. Nigeria ranks 13^th in the global inflation table and 7^th in Africa, making it among the worst worldwide. At less than $80 per month, Nigeria’s minimum wage is one of the poorest in the world. A substantial percentage of the Nigerian population has been reduced to begging. The crime rate in almost every state of the federation is on the increase; income is static, expenditure is growing, no jobs and opportunities.

The Consumer Price Index (CPI) measures the change over time in the prices of 740 goods and services consumed by people for day-to-day living. The index weights are based on expenditures of both urban and rural households in the 36 states. How good a measure it is to quantify our real suffering from this hyperinflation is another question of its own.

Our real problem is that these figures only give us an idea but not an accurate picture of the cost of living in the country. We all know that these figures are mainly hypothetical; we have essential goods and services that have recorded a 100% increase in prices within weeks. Another concern is that other countries facing inflation are somehow doing well relatively. For example, the twelve countries worse than Nigeria in the global inflation ranking are better off in terms of peace and security (except maybe Syria) and prosperity (except perhaps Sudan and South Sudan).

The country faces multiple, unprecedented and overwhelming security challenges from all fronts. With no clear end in sight, many people in some parts of the country live every day in uncertainty while helplessly waiting for the worst. In parts of Katsina, Zamfara, Kaduna and Niger States, people live to tell the daily stories of tragedy while hopelessly waiting to be consumed like their brethren. Survival has become a privilege these days.

The government is overwhelmed and had resorted to foreign debts to keep the collapsing economy working. Nigeria’s External Debt has reached $32.9 billion US Dollars as of March 2021. Roughly, each Nigerian is indebted to the tune of 65,000 to 70,000 Naira at the official exchange rate of dollar to Naira. We have not stopped borrowing; a substantial amount of our current and future budgets still depends on external borrowing. We are not talking of internal debt.

Ordinary Nigerians are finding life unbearable. Are these sufferings temporary? What are we doing to stop this? Why is every previous year better?  How does the future look like for ourselves and our children? How many of us will survive this? Is survival our emerging national culture and priority? People are employing any available means to stay alive, thereby gradually turning societies into jungles where everyone wants to thrive even at the expense of others.

What is the overall implication of all these? Now here comes the real danger. When a greater majority of a country’s citizens are preoccupied with how to survive, no one will be left to create and add the value that will take the country to the promised land. When most people spend 75% of their time trying to fetch their families amidst rising costs and harsh conditions, they can only spend the remaining 25% to rest against the subsequent struggle, leaving them with zero time to think and create anything. When almost everyone lives to attain Dino Melaye’s survival certificate, we will have no other aspirations other than food and shelter. The result will be a backward nation that will remain static for only God knows when.

We cannot say that the current government is doing nothing about all these challenges, but they are doing nothing revolutionary. Measures like N-power, Conditional Cash Transfer and the likes are cosmetic, inadequate and unsustainable. Even their effects in the short term are too minimal to reflect on the general quality of national life. First and foremost, the country must have a comprehensive and exhaustive national development plan with inputs from local, state and federal stakeholders. This plan must be well developed, implemented and not politicized. If needs be, it should be backed by legislation. Government appointees at any time must be people that understand and can implement that plan religiously irrespective of their demography and political affiliations.

The development plan should strengthen sectors like manufacturing, power, infrastructure, security, and justice because such sectors can automatically create and consolidate direct and indirect development. For example, if there is adequate security and power supply, independent businesses would run for 24 hours. When some people who conduct businesses during the day are asleep, some others resting during the day will operate businesses during the night. Nigerian companies will work for 24 hours with no valuable time to waste, thereby hugely increasing productivity. We should be able to produce most of the goods we import.

When power is available, thousands of jobs would be created both directly and indirectly. Therefore, rather than investing in providing direct jobs that cannot satisfy all, let the government strengthen security and power.  We have seen what the telecommunication and entertainment industries have done to our economy through direct and indirect jobs creation with ripple effects. I think that success can be replicated in many other sectors. When this is done, governments will rely on happy and self-employed citizens for taxes rather than the other way round.

Unfortunately, we cannot implement essential solutions now and then because politics has been our number one national priority since 1999. This has made many people lose interest in providing any meaningful input to the Nigerian development discourse. I have received countless messages over the last eight months, including from some newspaper editors over my long break from analytical writing with some enquiring on what must be responsible. I usually didn’t have any consistent answer; sometimes, I’ll only compose any reply that comes to mind.

Whatever will be said has been said many times before. We just lack the will as a nation to take the bull by the horn. Just some days ago, a reader reminded me that it had been a year since I wrote an opinion piece asking why. I doubted and quickly went to my personal online blog only to confirm what he said was indeed true. I was surprised myself; the reader didn’t know that I am currently battling to obtain my own Certificate of Survival.

Twitter: @AmirAbdulazeez

By Abu Haneef

The governors of southern Nigeria held a meeting in Lagos on Monday, July 5, 2021. They, among other things, demanded the return of the presidency to the South in 2023. They also rejected two sections of the recently passed Petroleum Industry Governance Bill (PIGB). While the governors are entitled to their opinion, the return of the presidency to the South will however require much more than a demand from the governors—it will require fielding a Southerner that can win in a free contest. As for the rejection of some sections of the PIGB, their opinion on such a legislative matter is hardly any different from that of ordinary Nigerians and indeed of no legal significance to the implementation of PIGB. Perhaps they need to summon their legislators for an honest discussion. 

Between the 4th and 9th legislative assemblies in Nigeria, the PIGB was stalled for over 20 years due to unrealistic demands by many interest groups. This has led to the inefficient utilisation of our petroleum resources and the inability to open our economy to private investments. Therefore, the passage of this bill brought a huge sigh of relief to many who appreciated the impact its delay had on our development and economy. And today, PIGB is arguably the most debated bill in Nigeria’s history. 

The two sections contended by the governors are the allocation of 3% of NNPC’s profit to host communities (they need more) and 30% of the profit to exploration activities in the basins (they need less exploration elsewhere). 

Although the situation of the host communities is something every Nigerian should be sympathetic to, such sympathy should not mean giving them everything while other regions suffer deprivation. The host communities have 13% derivation, deducted from government revenues (not just oil). They also have a federal ministry dedicated to their needs and another government parastatal, the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC). Although these considerations will not replace what the region has lost (and is still losing) of its livelihood to oil exploration activities, particularly those illegal activities by the locals, it nonetheless does not justify the denial of the country to increase its revenue by exploring the basins. And lest they forget, the oil in Niger Delta was explored through revenues from our erstwhile groundnut pyramids. It also does not justify the disproportionate allocation of the nation’s resources to them exclusively. 

For example, in addition to sums budgeted for the Ministry of Niger Delta and the NDDC, Delta State alone received almost N190 billion in federal allocation in 2020, which roughly equates to what was received by four North-Eastern states of Bauchi, Borno, Gombe, and Adamawa during the same period. And this will be more appreciated when the difference in population and landmass is added to the analysis. 

I’m not mentioning this to suggest that the host states (which now include Bauchi and Gombe States, by the way) do not deserve this patronage. Still, I do so to disagree that the nation has neglected them as always projected when the leaders require additional resources of those communities. And looking at the resources allocated to the host communities in the last decade alone, their leaders, rather than Federal Government, are the ones guilty of this neglect. 

But all this argument and counter-argument can only be a lamentation or justification, depending on what side of the divide you find yourself, as those saddled with the constitutional responsibility of determining the matter have done so, albeit after a very long time. And any effort to undermine the National Assembly is actually a renegotiation of this country through the back door, which any reasonable person should not contemplate at this critical period of our history. 

As for the governors’ request for the presidency to be returned to the South in 2023, they, particularly those amongst them who championed the jettisoning of zoning arrangement in 2011, such as Wike, need to be reminded that if the aggressor forgets quickly, the victim does not. 

In 2011, the South, led by President Jonathan and many of those clamouring for it today, abolished zoning in defiance of all reasons and a gentleman agreement established by the North to protect the South that is unarguably the minority in Nigeria. This is true regardless of how one chooses to look at it—either by landmass or population. 

Now that zoning has been thrown into the bin of our history by the South; the presidency shall remain open to a free contest by all. And even if this zoning arrangement will be revisited in the future, not now, if you ask me; a good lesson needs to be taught and learned on the importance of the sacrosanctity of agreements, or else, we may see a repeat of the logically fallacious arguments tossed left, right and centre in the justification of abandoning zoning by the same actors calling for its return today. 

Abu Haneef can be reached via imabuhaneef@gmail.com.

By Mubarak Ibrahim Lawan

“At least 1,126 villagers killed by bandits from January to June 2020”, reported Amnesty International on 24th August 2020. And only God knows how many people so far killed from that time to date. JUST LAST MONTH as reported by different papers, remember that many are not reported, they killed 48 people in Danko/Wasagu Local Government area of Kebbi State; 93 people in Kadawa village of Zurmi, Zamfara State; 20 people at Zungeru, Niger State; 4 and 11 people in Southern Kaduna; 7 persons including police inspector in Zandam Village, Jibia Local Government of Katsina State; 12 people at Maikujera in Rabah Local Government of Sokoto state, etc. And, how many kidnappings and Boko Haram killings? Still, only God Knows!

So as every sensible Northerner grieves over these killings, banditry and kidnappings in Zamfara, Katsina, Kaduna, Sokoto, Kebbi Niger and Borno, our leaders celebrate Governor Matawalle’s defection from PDP to APC and throw parties in Zamfara against the background of bloodbath in the State. Comparatively, great leaders mourn fewer deaths in their country, resign their position for such tragedies that outsmart them or show doubtless commitment to resolving the mystery behind the deaths, but ours turn a blind eye. I worry that their inhumane unconcernedness is diffusively affecting us as we become less and less shocked by the deaths and savagery of the human beasts around us.

Notwithstanding attacks on traditional rulers and the politicians themselves, like the attack on Ganduje’s convoy on their way back home from the Zamfara party, that particular nonchalant behaviour of the leaders is making us believe that there’s no way out of the “new normal” because of two possible reasons: (1) the ungovernability of those criminals, or, in other words, they are more powerful than the nation and, (2) the nation has decided to relinquish control of their places silently. When the army or police complain, indirectly, of being ill-equipped to win the wars with the criminals; that they are overstretched, and their number is insignificant to address the herculean task, I agree that the second hypothesis above is true, because the nation can do better.

On the inadequacy of the Nigerian army, Samuel Ogundipe of Premium Times wrote, on August 4, 2016, that “Nigeria has one of the lowest military-to-civilian ratio of nine personnel to every 10,000 people, a situation it said was alarming for the country’s security framework.” Still, as of then, Ogundipe asserted that “Nigerian military personnel can be found on active deployment in no fewer than 30 states of the federation, tackling internal security threats that ordinarily should have been left to the police and paramilitary agencies to contain.”

Then there is no need for us to know exactly how many military personnel we have today in the country. But it is good to know that from about 10,000 strong in 1966, General Yakubu Gowon then expanded Nigeria Armed Forces to about 256,000 strong before he was overthrown in 1975. So more than 40 years after, we still have a similar or less number of Armed forces strength.

After continuous retirements, deaths and below-par recruitments in years after Gowon, Buhari, in 2015, met about 205,000 strong and now expanded them to about 220,000. But, unfortunately, military politics and these years of democracy have politically bastardised the military through favouritism, nepotism, corruption, poor salary and allowances, inferior weaponry and morale.  So with the spate of incessant violence from 2010 to date, the Nigeria Army has been made the scapegoat for leaders’ failures.

Nigeria police face similar or worse political bastardisation. We have 371,800 strong in a country of about 200 million people. Still, the governments waste resources on recruiting Hizba, KAROTA, KASTELIA, Amotekun, Civil Defense and the like. If these youths were to be absorbed into the police force, no bandit and kidnapper could wander freely. But, I see the accurate picture of our chaotic country these days when, on lockdown days, I encounter people on roadblocks with different uniforms working for unnecessary organisations. I pity us!

We really need thoughtfully progressive leaders who could reduce nomenclatures, harmonise, expand and sanitise ministries, commissions, boards, services and what have you! We, “the leaders of tomorrow”, should make this a measure for picking a political candidate if he presents us with sound plans, especially on security services. Most police and military personnel are left without seminars, courses, workshops and training that would bring out their best. So we need leaders who will make that possible.

Mubarak Ibrahim writes from the Department of English, Al-Qalam University Katsina.