APC

By Kabir Musa Ringim

Since the return of democracy in Nigeria in 1999, Jigawa state has been governed by three governors: Sule Lamido, Ibrahim Saminu Turaki and the incumbent, Muhammad Badaru Abubakar. They all did their best to change the face of a once castigated state that used to come last in all human capital developmental indices. But Sule Lamido stands tall among them and marks his name as ‘the Father of Modern Jigawa’.

Lamido’s eight-year reign oversaw what many described as aggressive transformation in human, economic and infrastructural development. He changes the face of Jigawa from the poorest, least attractive and least-known state to one of the prettiest states where humans live a decent life. To use his own words, Lamido described Jigawa, under his leadership, as a state with new human species where things are done differently.

Lamido’s administration from 2007 to 2015 transforms every sector, ranging from education, agriculture, infrastructure, economy, etc. Hence, the administration was ranked as one of the best, if not the best, ever seen in any state in Nigeria since 1999.

In 2015, when the All Progressives Congress (APC) overtook power from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) from the federal level down to every elective position in Jigawa, Lamido and his men were left in ruins, crying over their downfall. The worst of it was the defeat of Aminu Ibrahim Ringim, the PDP’s and Lamido’s gubernatorial candidate in the election, and the victory of Muhammad Badaru Abubakar of the APC as the governor.

In 2019, as the incumbent, Badaru Abubakar, sought re-election, Aminu Ringim reemerged as PDP and Lamido’s gubernatorial candidate to wrestle power from the APC led administration. Aminu Ringim lost again, and things started to get rough between him and Lamido. Blames were traded between the two camps, and allegations became severe. The once amicable relationship got frosty. But, there was no love lost between the two in the end.

As the 2023 elections draw nearer, Aminu Ringim and his supporters have decamped to the new and fast-growing party, New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP). This has left the main opposition party, the PDP, under Lamido incapacitated as several supporters have followed Aminu Ringim to NNPP.

One of the allegations made by Aminu Ringim’s camp before their defection was that Lamido planned to impose his son, Mustapha Sule Lamido, as the gubernatorial candidate. They claimed that Lamido never really wanted Aminu Ringim to govern Jigawa. According to them, Lamido deliberately scuttled Aminu Ringim’s ambitions to prepare for his son’s candidature at the end of Badaru Abubakar’s tenure in 2023.

As the saying goes, whatever is covered up will be brought to light. Aminu Ringim left PDP for NNPP, and Mustapha Sule Lamido bought nomination and expression of interest forms to contest for 2023 gubernatorial elections under PDP. PDP’s prospects in Jigawa have dwindled with the departure of Aminu Ringim and the strength of the ruling APC. Lamido’s ambition heats the atmosphere of Jigawa politics. People felt insulted, maligned and downgraded by the Lamido family.

Moreover, Mustapha Lamido is an inexperienced man with no single record of public service or political experience. He knows close to nothing about the state he aspires to lead, and people accuse him of having no human relations and lacking respect for the elders, especially the poor. It is well-known that he is just a spoilt kid who got extremely rich when his father was the governor. He has never held an administrative position in local, state or federal governments. Neither has he ever held any position in any political party. His only political experience is that he contested for Senate in 2019 and lost.

In another twist, recently, former Jigawa state governor Ibrahim Saminu Turaki joined forces with Lamidos to revive his diminishing political enterprises. The trio were spotted recently at a political gathering, and it was gathered that Turaki is eyeing a return to the Red Chamber. Whatever the calculation, Mustapha Lamido’s gubernatorial candidacy will not be sold to the Jigawa populace. Turaki is already past his glorious days, as Jigawa people see him as a drowning man trying to get his relevance back. Therefore, his addition to Lamido’s camp will never convince the average person in Jigawa to rally behind, support or vote for Mustapha Lamido as the next governor.

The worst of it all for Lamidos is that the Jigawa people consider their (Lamido’s) dynasty as another face of modern-day slavery. They are condemning Sule Lamido’s moral decadence, from being the champion for the emancipation of the poor and downtrodden under the tutelage of late Mallam Aminu Kano to a dictator trying to impose monarchy in democracy by making his son a governor. Perhaps, after Mustapha’s reign, Lamido will choose another son to succeed him, and the cycle will continue with the Jigawa people under the permanent leadership of Lamido’s family.

But the burden is on the shoulder of all the Jigawa people. The state is not under monarchy or dictatorship; we’re under democracy, and leaders will emerge through our votes. So we should fight for our rights and the freedom of our children, remain true to ourselves and take better actions that will bring about a better tomorrow for the next generation.

We will fight this imposition and keep Jigawa under true democracy where a son of nobody can be somebody. We will neither relent nor surrender because no one else can mislead us and trump upon our liberation. Our choice is clear: we can’t allow monarchy in our democracy. We have several competent people with good character and track record of public service coupled with experience and exposure, capable of leading our state to greater heights.

Kabir Musa Ringim wrote from Hadejia via ringimkabir@gmail.com.

By Ahmad Deedat Zakari

Bashir Bakari, a final year student of the Faculty of Law, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, has picked the ruling All Progressives Congress’s (APC) expression of interest and nomination form.

Bakari picked the form on Friday, May 6 2022, to vie for the position of a member in the Taraba’s State House of Assembly.

In an interview with The Daily Reality, Bakari disclosed that his decision to contest is not unconnected with the ASUU strike. He explained that the strike had given him enough free time to campaign and participate actively in partisan politics. 

“We are at home, and there is time for campaign and active participation. If not for the strike, I would have been thinking about exams, projects and the Law School. But the strike avails an opportunity,” he said.

When asked about his chances of getting the APC’s ticket, he said any victory was from Allah.  

Bakari wishes to defeat three other aspirants in a primary election on May 27 to clinch the APC’s ticket.

By Ahmad Deedat Zakari

The Governor of Borno State, Babagana Umara Zulum, said he was not desperate to be the running mate of anyone who emerges as the ruling party’s presidential flag bearer. 

Zulum disclosed this on Saturday, May 21, while playing host to former Transportation Minister, Rotimi Amaechi, who was in Borno to meet party delegates and canvass for their votes ahead of the All Progressives Congress (APC) presidential primary election. 

This is sequel to permutations that Zulum will be a likely running mate if the APC’s presidential flag bearer emerges from the Southern region of  Nigeria. However, in refuting the rumour, Zulum said his primary concern at the moment was to see Borno regain her lost glory. 

“I want everyone here and the people of Borno State to know that I have only one ambition which is to see that Borno state regains its lost glory. I am not begging anybody for the position of the Vice President of the federation. God gives power to whom he wants, and when it comes, nobody can say no,” he said.

Zulum applauded the impressive credentials of Amaechi but stated it is against his principle to endorse anyone, as God is the ultimate decider of who will emerge as the president and who will not.

“Many aspirants have come to us, and many more would come, but my prayers and wish are that Nigeria should always get a new president. I can’t mention the name of any particular or preferred person.” He added. 

On the other hand, Amaechi made mouthwatering promises to delegates and the people of Borno State. He said he would secure lives and properties and improve and grow and grow agriculture, amongst other things, if they elect him.

By Salisu Yusuf

When President Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida created Katsina State in 1987, we were full of hopes and euphoria that this fledgeling state would fastly grow and prosper from the grips of a complex Kaduna State. The late singer Mamman Shata aptly captured this mood in his popular song “Allah raya Jihar Katsina.” Fortunately, successive military administrations of Governors Abdullahi Sarki Mukhtar (1987/88), Lawrence Onoja (1988/89), and John Madaki (1989/92) gave us the belief as Katsina became the envy of its neighbouring states. But then the curse of anointment sets in.

During the 1991 general elections, Alhaji Sa’idu Barda of NRC (who controversially became the governor) contested against Alhaji Umaru Musa Yar’adua of SDP. The latter was so popular that no candidate could beat him in a free and fair poll, thanks to the social leverage his older brother, Alhaji Shehu Musa Yar’adua, wielded. 

Alhaji Umaru Musa Yar’adua was about to win the contest when President Babangida intervened and asked the electoral commission to declare Sa’idu Barda the winner. 

President Babangida had a grudge against Shehu Musa ‘Ya’adua. Hence the annulment of the first presidential election in which the late ‘Yar’dua of SDP was leading. The rest, they say, is history. Even though Governor Sa’idu Barda was anointed, he was a gentleman though he lacked ideas and focus. 

From November 1993 to May 1999, during the rules of General Sani Abacha and General Abdulsalam Abubakar, there were three military governors: Emmanuel Acholono (1993/1996), Sama’ila Chama (1996/1998) and Joseph Akaagerger (1998/1999). They ruled but performed less than the first three crops of the military.

Governor Umaru Musa Yar’adua (1999/2007) was the only unanointed governor Katsina has had yet. Although he had his weak links, he was the people’s darling. Public service was politicised as PDP membership guaranteed the executives, political appointees and thugs to go beyond the ethical and the conventional.

Governor ‘Yar’adua (un)knowingly nurtured those politicians who introduced political brigandage in Katsina political space; late Abba Sayyadi Rumah, the immediate past secretary to the Katsina State Government, Alhaji Mustapha Inuwa, etc., were his political disciples. 

However, Governor Yar’adua spearheaded the transformation of the modern Katsina State. He built the famous Umaru Musa Yar’adua University, the new Katsina master plan, College of Legal, Daura, State Secretariat, Katsina Eye Center, Turai Hospital, etc. His legacies are numerous to mention.

Around 2014 when President Obasanjo singlehandedly anointed Late Governor ‘Yar’dua to contest the presidential seat during the 2015 General Election, he further asked ‘Yar’adua to field an unknown figure in the person of Alhaji Ibrahim Shema to contest the governorship seat. ‘Yar’adua had rooted for Alhaji Aminu Masari, the then speaker of the House of Representatives. Umaru had no choice but to oblige because he was also a product of anointment. Obasanjo was also settling a political score because, in 1999, Speaker Masari had vehemently opposed Obasanjo’s tenure elongation. 

Though Governor Shema too performed miracles, it was during his term that corruption was institutionalised. His subsequent trials under the EFCC concerning the Local Government Joint Account fund are a testimony. Shema was so arrogant and daring that he called those outside the PDP cockroaches who deserved to be killed if they interfered with election matters. 

Governor Masari was also a product of anointment though he was also a victim of anointment. During the 2014 APC primaries, the late Senator Kanti Bello was about to win the governorship ticket when the exercise was hijacked in favour of Masari by the so-called Abuja politicians. These people pressurised then General (retd.) Muhammadu Buhari to intervene. Subsequently, the election was skewed in favour of Masari. Late Senator Kanti could not forgive Masari until his sudden death in 2017. 

Legacies are hard to point out in the seven years of the current APC government. So many people taunt the government that its only legacies are the refurbished traffic circles (roundabouts) in Katsina and the painting of schools in APC colours. Katsina State is today indebted to the World Bank and the IMF.

However, one salient advantage of Masari’s government is political tolerance. The government has given the people the right to political affiliation, which was lacking during the PDP.

For Katsina, the anointment curse continues as Governor Masari points to Alhaji Abba Masanawa, the immediate past Managing Director of the Nigerian Security Printing and Minting Company, Abuja as his anointed successor. 

Only time will tell when Katsina will be free from the grips of anointment.

Salisu Yusuf wrote from Katsina via salisuyusuf111@gmail.com.

By Uzair Adam Imam 

Another political crisis is rocking the Kano chapter of All Progressives Congress (APC) as the endorsed deputy governorship candidate, Murtala Sule Garo, is reportedly mulling over defection to the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP).

Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje endorsed Garo to pair with the current deputy governor, Nasiru Yusuf Gawuna, as governor in the 2023 gubernatorial election.

However, Garo was said to have felt slighted following a peace parley between Governor Ganduje and his political arch-enemy, Senator Barau Jibrin.

Recall that Ganduje had reconciled with Barau and agreed to step down for him for the Kano North senatorial ticket after the senator abandoned his gubernatorial ambition. 

According to a source who preferred not to be named, Garo plans to discuss the issue with his associates for a final decision.

He said, “he is planning to meet with his associates and make [a] concrete decision, but he is still very sad about the development (Barau back in the fold), but he has not defected or abandoned the ticket,” one source, who asked not to be named, said.

By Ibrahim Mustapha Pambegua

After an initial denial of rumours that he would join the ruling party, the former Nigerian president, Goodluck Jonathan, has finally ditched his party. However, after long speculations, his defection to APC has continued to elicit mixed reactions in the country.

Before his defection, many signals emerged that the former president had stopped attending activities organised by his former party. The Bayelsa state’s gubernatorial election conducted in 2020, whose former party lost to APC before a court ruled in its favour, suggested Jonathan’s indifference to PDP affairs. Does Jonathan’s defection have to do with how the party treats him during and after the 2015 general elections?

While the former president might have lost the 2015 election due to the zoning arrangements of PDP, which he disregarded and refused to abide by, the betrayal and backstabbing that ensued among trusted party loyalists led to his resounding defeat remains fresh in his mind.

The emergence of a new PDP split group led by Atiku Abubakar, Bukola Saraki, Aminu Waziri Tambuwal and other heavy party juggernauts who abandoned him at the tail end of the party’s convention had wreaked great havoc on his re-election bid. With these politicians who deserted him returning to PDP, Jonathan would not feel comfortable staying with them.

As a former president, Jonathan should be the party’s leader. However, Nelson Wike, Rivers State governor, has hijacked the party and has since been calling the shot. Wike and his surrogates have firmly controlled the party and failed to consult or engage the former president on the party’s decisions.

The inability of PDP to respect or recognise Jonathan as their leader must have dampened his morale and forced him to change his mind. One imagined how the former president, who was a governor, a vice president and president under PDP, could suddenly ditch his benefactor.

The former APC national chairman, extraordinary convention committee, Mai-Mala Buni, must take credit for Jonathan’s defection. The Yobe state governor, during his stint as chairman, visited and subsequently wooed him to APC. Do Malam Buni and his co-travellers sign a pact that they would throw their weight behind his presidential ambition if he joins the party? Jonathan did not only join the ruling party but also bought nomination form through the northern youth group.

Goodluck Jonathan’s presidential ambition has raised some critical questions. First, is the ruling party toeing the dangerous path of PDP by jettisoning its zoning arrangement? With Buhari completing his tenure, one will advise for equity and justice. There is a need for power to be shifted to the South.

Also, during its recent convention, APC opted for Abdullahi Adamu, a northerner, as the National chairman. This development has further buttressed that the South will produce the next president. Moreover, with Jonathan joining the presidential race, what will be the future of southwest politicians, especially Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who sees his contest as a lifetime ambition. It is no understatement to say that President Muhammadu Buhari’s victories in 2015 and 2019 are to the credit of Tinubu and other southwest politicians.

If APC fields Jonathan, the southwest politicians will unite and reject the party. To them, having played second fiddle in the previous elections, the 2023 ticket should be exclusively reserved for them. But, on the other hand, if the ticket is not given to them, there is every tendency of anti-party, as these politicians will ally with either PDP or Kwankwaso’s NNPP to ensure APC loses the election in the region.

Second, who and who are dragging or promoting Jonathan’s presidency and their motives? It was reported that Jonathan’s presidency had two northern governors’ tacit support. One from the northwest and the other one from the northeast. If their plan works as scheduled, Jonathan promised to pick one of them as running mate.

The legal technicalities that may await the former president will unarguably discourage APC from giving him its ticket. Jonathan took an oath of office twice.  If he is allowed to contest and luckily wins the poll, Jonathan will take his third oath of office, which is unconstitutional. This will open up serious court litigations.

What will happen if the opposition PDP finally settles for Atiku Abubakar as their candidate? Will APC stick to Jonathan’s presidency? The former president had received accolades globally for conducting a free and fair election in 2015. Jonathan was the first African president who conceded defeat and called and congratulated the winner even before the result was announced.

Since he left office, his diplomacy performances have endeared him to many Nigerians. However, the former president should have kept a low profile, continued his diplomacy engagement, and advised the country where necessary. With the former president throwing his hat in the ring, what will be his fate during and after the 2023 general elections?

Ibrahim Mustapha Pambegua wrote from Kaduna state via imustapha650@gmail.com.

By Ahmad Deedat Zakari

Shehu Sani, a former Senator representing Kaduna Central, has decried extortion of aspirants in political parties ahead of the 2023 elections in Nigeria.

On Wednesday, May 18, 2022, Shehu Sani took to his verified Twitter handle to subtly express his displeasure regarding the extortion of aspirants in his party, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and others.

“Pay for Form. Pay for Submission of Form. Pay for Screening. Pay or “contribute” for venue and logistics for Primaries. Pay delegates. I’m not supposed to write this, but I have to; Extortionist Tollgates or Checkpoints to power,” Sani tweeted. 

In January, the former senator declared his interest in contesting for the Kaduna State governorship seat. He has consequently obtained his nomination and expression of interest forms.

By Muhammad Sabiu

The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) has begun a quiet probe into the finances of the country’s 18 political parties and presidential candidates.

This came after applicants vying for various political posts in the parties paid exorbitant fees for expressions of interest and nomination papers.

As a result, in a letter, with reference number CB.3383/EFCC/HOPS/HQ/VOL.1/28, titled, ‘Investigation activities’,  the anti-corruption organization has requested that the Independent National Electoral Commission provide it with the bank accounts and other financial information of political parties.

It also demanded that the managing directors of Access Bank and Polaris Bank disclose information on the 14 accounts held by the All Progressives Congress, the Peoples Democratic Party, and another group suspected of being linked to the opposition party.

The ruling APC sold presidential forms for N100 million, while the main opposition party sold them for N40 million. In addition, APC governorship candidates paid N50 million, while those declaring for the Senate, House of Representatives, and state legislatures paid N20 million, N10 million, and N2 million, respectively, for their nomination and declaration of interest forms.

The PDP, on the other hand, sold gubernatorial forms for N21 million, Senate forms for N3.5 million, House of Representatives forms for N2.5 million, and state Houses of Assembly forms for N600,000.

While the minor parties paid lower rates for their forms, many Nigerians were outraged by the hefty nomination fees required by the two leading parties, which Transparency International described as a kind of money laundering.

Last week, on Channels Television’s Politics Today, EFCC Chairman Abdulrasheed Bawa hinted that the agency will monitor campaign finances, particularly the authenticity of monies used to acquire nomination forms ahead of the 2023 general elections.

Ibrahim Nasidi Saal

The Presidency has stepped into the ongoing crisis in the Kano chapter of All Progressives Congress (APC) between Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje and Senator Ibrahim Shekarau, The Daily Reality reliably gathered.

A source familiar with the development said the Presidency dispatched a jet Friday night from Abuja to Kano to convey Ganduje and Shekarau for an emergency meeting towards resolving the crisis.

The meeting is said to be a major part of the plan to forestall the planned decamping of Shekarau to the new but fast-growing New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP).

The NNPP is led by another former governor of Kano and leader of the Kwankwasiyya Movement, Dr Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso.

Many bigwigs of the APC and the opposition People’s Democratic Party (PDP) have been joining the party. Shekarau was expected to formally announce his decamping to the party on Saturday.

However, late Friday evening, Governor Ganduje visited the former governor at his Mudunbawa Kano residence in what sources said was a last-minute attempt to stop the planned decamping.

Sources said it was after the closed-door meeting that they started making arrangements to jet off to Abuja.

People in Kano State are keenly observing all the political moves of the giant political gladiators and are desperately waiting for the 2023 elections.

By Sumayyah Auwal Usman

As the 2023 elections draw near, the two big parties, the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP), parade several contenders for the Kaduna South Senatorial seat. 

Being one of the strongest senatorial zones for the PDP since 1999, the aspiration of APC bigwigs from the zone is challenging PDP’s dominance. As a result, political pundits opined that next year’s senatorial election in the zone will be a fierce contest between PDP and APC.

For the APC, political observers believe that the expression of interest of Honourable Bulus Banquo Audu is receiving a massive boost in the zone. He’s believed to be one of the most experienced and most politically savvy APC politicians in Southern Kaduna that could defeat other contestants and amass votes for APC in the forthcoming election.

As a grassroot politician, Bulus played a critical role when APC won the seat of member House of Representatives in Kachia/Kagarko Constituency in 2019. Recently, his political influence paved the way for a more remarkable outcome for APC in the last local government elections. He wields enormous influence among the Christian communities in the zone.

Investigations revealed that the recent mass defection of members of the PDP to APC in the zone is not unconnected with Hon. Bulus’ senatorial ambition. One major determinant of which party wins an elective position at the end of the day is the choice of the party candidate. With the changing political atmosphere in Southern Kaduna, any party that makes the mistake of presenting a weak candidate or person with questionable character will undoubtedly lose the election.