Politics

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The Minister of State for Defence, Dr. Bello Matawalle, has expressed confidence that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu will secure a decisive victory in the 2027 presidential election.

Matawalle made this statement on Saturday while hosting guests at his residence in Abuja. He urged Nigerians and political leaders across the country to rally behind the Tinubu administration and support its reform agenda.

According to the minister, the President’s leadership approach and policy decisions are already placing Nigeria on the path to economic recovery, institutional strength, and national cohesion. He cautioned politicians against early power struggles and political manoeuvres aimed at weakening the present government, which he said could damage the nation’s democratic process.

He said, “President Tinubu has taken bold steps to stabilise the economy and strengthen national institutions.

“Those plotting to unseat him are motivated by personal interests rather than the public good. If allowed to complete his reform programme, I am confident the President will win convincingly in 2027.”

Matawalle stated that the impact of the administration’s policies is becoming visible across the country. He noted that the northern region has recorded notable improvements, particularly in governance reforms, security measures, and institutional growth.

He also called on political stakeholders to embrace dialogue and cooperation instead of division. The minister stressed that national interest should take precedence over personal ambitions.

Matawalle further appealed to citizens to support government programmes aimed at achieving sustained economic growth, improved security, and stronger unity among Nigerians.

“Rather than engaging in rancour and short-term political calculations, we should focus on solutions that deliver jobs, security, and stronger institutions for Nigerians,” he said.

By Professor Abdussamad Umar Jibia

The year 2023 was a remarkable year in Nigeria’s history. Just like the year 1993, an election was held that generated a win for a Muslim candidate with another Muslim as his running mate.

In both 1993 and 2023, the presidential candidates were warned against choosing a Northern Christian as a running mate. Christians constitute not just a tiny minority in the North, but many of them have also proven to be very bad neighbours in their relations with their Muslim compatriots.

Wherever Christians constitute the majority, they display an unforgivable hate and marginalisation against their Muslim neighbours. A handy example is Plateau state, the home state of the current APC Chairman. The way Muslims are sidelined in Plateau state is enough to show what we should expect if Christians were the majority in Nigeria.

His Excellency Peter Obi was misled into believing that a combination of Igbo and Northern Christians could make him the President, and he moved from one church to another to campaign, only to end up in third place. 

The 2023 election was thus a religious census in disguise that showed the numerical superiority of Muslims over Christians in Nigeria. 

But no sooner had Bola Ahmed Tinubu won the 2023 presidential election than he began to sideline Muslims, the very group that brought him to power, in his appointments. Last year, we saw him personally going to the Vatican with what the state house described as a “bragging right of 62% Christian appointees”. 

We watched as he appointed a Northern Christian as the SGF. Of course, President Muhammadu Buhari did the same. President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua appointed a Northern Christian to lead the National Assembly. They did not deserve any of these, given their small number. However, Muslims gave them out of magnanimity. Or is it foolishness? They would never do the same if they were in our position. 

Many of us became disappointed when we saw a Northern Christian being chosen to lead the ruling party. This means two of the most important positions at the federal level have been given to Christians from the North Central, a geopolitical zone that is overwhelmingly Muslim. Worse still, our politicians in and outside the ruling party, our emirs and Islamic scholars are silent. When have we become animals who only care about eating food and sleeping with women?

As if that is not enough, speculation is that the President wants to drop his VP and choose a Northern Christian as his running mate in next year’s election. I commend the Honourable Minister of Culture, Hajiya Hannatu Musawa, for publicly telling the truth to Mr President. But it shouldn’t have reached this level. The decision of the President to appoint Northern Christians as SGF, Party Chairman and INEC Chair should have been opposed in the first place.

We are still expecting Mr President to correct the imbalance that favours the very tiny Northern Christians. North Central is predominantly Muslim. The only Christian majority states, where, of course, Muslims have been marginalised, are Plateau and Benue. Niger, Nasarawa, Kogi and Kwara are Muslim states. That Muslims in those states have been left out by Mr President in the above-mentioned strategic appointments is unfortunate.

Professor Abdussamad Umar Jibia wrote from the Department of Mechatronics Engineering, Bayero University Kano, via aujibia@gmail.com.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

Former National Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Dr. Umar Abdullahi Ganduje, has announced that Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf will enjoy full backing of the party ahead of the 2027 governorship election in Kano State.

Ganduje made the declaration while formally receiving Yusuf back into the APC. He stated that all other aspirants interested in the governorship seat had agreed to step aside in favour of the governor.

According to him, “I can categorically tell you that you are going to wins 2027 with a landslide because all those contesting for the same seat have agreed to allow you alone go for it.”

He described Yusuf’s return as a historic moment for the party. “To us, leaders of the APC, this is a memorable occasion we are all waiting for. I strongly welcomed Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf back to his home,” Ganduje said.

The former party chairman recalled the governor’s earlier exit from the APC and expressed appreciation over his return. He said, “We were in APC together with you, it was formed with you, but later on because of some political differences, political redirection, you left the party to NNPP. But now we are thankful that you are back to our party and your home.”

Ganduje also praised Yusuf’s leadership style and governance approach. “You as our brother, the Governor of Kano State, you are a progressive politician from your utterances, your policies and the implementation of those policies,” he added.

He stressed that within the APC structure, Governor Yusuf now occupies the position of party leader in Kano State. Ganduje noted that the declaration was meant to end speculation and internal disagreements over the party’s leadership in the state.

He further spoke on President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, describing him as a leader who does not discriminate. Ganduje said the president treats Nigerians equally, without regard to religion or ethnicity, and expressed confidence that Yusuf would secure victory in the 2027 election.

In his remarks, the Deputy President of the Senate, Senator Barau Jibrin, praised Governor Yusuf for his decision to return to the APC. He maintained that the move was firm and irreversible.

The development has continued to draw attention within political circles as preparations gradually begin ahead of the 2027 polls.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The Governor of Kano State, Abba Kabir Yusuf, has officially joined the All Progressives Congress (APC), ending weeks of political speculation over his party affiliation.

Yusuf completed his defection on Monday during a formal ceremony held at the Coronation Hall of the Kano State Government House. Senior figures of the APC received him at the event.

Among those present were former APC National Chairman and former Kano State Governor, Abdullahi Ganduje; the Deputy President of the Senate and Senator representing Kano South, Barau Jibrin; and the Minister of State for Housing and Urban Development, Yusuf Abdullahi Ata. Other top party leaders and officials also attended the ceremony.

Addressing the gathering, the governor explained that his return to the APC followed his desire to work more closely with the Federal Government under the leadership of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, with the aim of speeding up development in Kano State.

Yusuf won the 2023 governorship election on the platform of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP). He later resigned from the party alongside several members of the Kano State House of Assembly and the House of Representatives, a move that cleared the path for his re-entry into the APC.

More details are expected to emerge as reactions continue to trail the development.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The All Progressives Congress (APC) has dismissed reports suggesting a possible replacement of Vice President Kashim Shettima as President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s running mate ahead of the 2027 general elections.

In a press statement issued and signed by the APC National Publicity Secretary, Felix Morka, CON in Abuja on January 26, 2026, the ruling party said it had observed increasing media attention around what it described as unfounded claims concerning the vice president’s position on the party’s future presidential ticket.

The APC noted that while the reports initially appeared subtle, they later escalated with the mention of specific individuals alleged to be under consideration as replacements for Vice President Shettima.

Reacting to the development, the party stated that “the stories are purely speculative, untrue and utterly baseless.”

The APC warned media organisations against providing platforms for what it called rumour merchants and unreliable sources, urging journalists to exercise caution and responsibility in their reporting. According to the party, such narratives were designed only to create tension and confusion within the political space.

The statement further reminded the public that political activities remain restricted under existing laws and electoral guidelines. It stressed that the party’s current priority is governance, with full support for President Tinubu and Vice President Shettima as they pursue the administration’s Renewed Hope Agenda.

The APC said its focus remains on policies and reforms aimed at economic transformation, national prosperity, and improved living standards for Nigerians.

The party also advised ministers, senior government officials, and party leaders to avoid comments or actions that could fuel unnecessary speculation. It urged them to concentrate on effective service delivery and to strengthen public confidence in the achievements of the Tinubu-led administration.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

A powerful winter storm sweeping across the United States has claimed at least 10 lives and caused widespread disruption, with authorities urging residents to stay off roads as freezing conditions continued into Monday.

According to a report by Al-Jazeera, at least 20 states, along with the US capital, Washington, DC, declared states of emergency after snow, sleet and freezing rain knocked out electricity to nearly a million people. Power outages, flight cancellations and dangerous travel conditions affected large parts of the country.

As the storm moved east and south, forecasters warned that a trailing Arctic air mass could push temperatures to dangerously low levels for several days. The US National Weather Service (NWS) said Americans should expect similar conditions to continue into Monday morning.

In New York City, Mayor Zohran Mamdani confirmed that five people were found dead outdoors over the weekend during subzero temperatures. While he did not directly link the deaths to the storm, he told reporters there was “no more powerful reminder of the danger of extreme cold”.

Texas authorities reported three deaths, including that of a 16-year-old girl who died in a sledding accident. In Louisiana, the state’s Department of Health said two people died from hypothermia.

PowerOutage.com data showed that more than 840,000 customers were without electricity as of Sunday night. The worst-hit areas were mostly in the southern United States, where the storm strengthened on Saturday. Tennessee recorded more than 300,000 homes and businesses without power after ice brought down power lines. Louisiana, Mississippi and Georgia each reported over 100,000 outages.

Officials warned that the loss of electricity posed a serious risk, especially in the South, where extreme cold is less common and temperatures could break records, according to the NWS. Residents were advised to remain indoors due to hazardous conditions.

Air travel also faced major disruptions. Several major airports in New York, Philadelphia and Washington, DC, cancelled nearly all flights scheduled for the day.

Meteorologists explained that the storm resulted from a stretched polar vortex, a system of cold, low-pressure Arctic air that can expand and send frigid temperatures across North America. Scientists said such events may be linked to climate change, although natural climate variability also plays a role.

The NWS warned that heavy ice could lead to “long-duration power outages, extensive tree damage, and extremely dangerous or impassable travel conditions”, particularly in states not accustomed to severe winter weather.

Authorities also cautioned that life-threatening cold could persist for up to a week after the storm, especially in the Northern Plains and Upper Midwest. Forecasts show wind chill temperatures dropping to as low as -45 degrees Celsius (-50 degrees Fahrenheit), levels that can cause frostbite within minutes.

By  Ibrahiym A. El-Caleel

Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso should be competing on the national stage with contemporaries such as Senator Bola Tinubu, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, and other Class of 1999 political actors. By pedigree, experience, and longevity, Kwankwaso has clearly outgrown Kano politics, and he does not need to prove it again in 2027. However, he appears stuck in state-level politics. 

Kwankwaso is at odds with the two successive Kano governors after him, both of whom are his protégés: Dr Abdullahi Ganduje and the incumbent, Engr Abba Kabir Yusuf. He says they have “betrayed” him. There was a show of electoral force at his residence in Kano this afternoon. A large number of people trooped into his Miller Road residence in what he later called a “solidarity visit”.  

These developments indicate that Senator Kwankwaso is once again positioning himself for state-level dominance rather than advancing a national ambition in 2027. Ideally, Kwankwaso should defeat Governor Abba through a candidate he anoints for #KanoDecides2027. But a deeper question remains: should the 2027 ambition of a politician of Kwankwaso’s stature be focused on unseating a “betraying” godson at the state level, when Kwankwaso’s contemporaries have either honourably retired from politics or are positioning themselves for the presidency? 

Who exactly would Kwankwaso replace Abba with, and what assurance does he have that a newly installed godson would not eventually “betray” him, just as Ganduje and Abba did? At this point, there is little reason to believe the outcome would be different. The current godsons around him are likely to use his influence to rise and then assert their independence once in office. There is no clear indication that they would be more submissive than their two elder political siblings, Ganduje and Abba. How do you keep doing the same thing repeatedly while expecting a different result? 

There is also a genuine political risk. What if Abba Yusuf, like Ganduje before him, survives the onslaught and secures a second term? This is not an endorsement of electoral malpractice, but a recognition of Nigeria’s political realities. Kano’s 2019 gubernatorial election demonstrated how powerful interests can intervene decisively; Dr Ganduje ultimately retained office despite glaring indications that he lost at the polls.

If a similar outcome were to occur in 2027 and Governor Yusuf were to proceed to a second tenure, would that not constitute a second public humiliation for the godfather? What explanation would suffice then? That yet another protégé has matured enough to build political alliances strong enough to neutralise Kwankwaso’s influence? At that point, the narrative shifts decisively: from betrayed mentor to diminishing power broker.

On the other hand, if Senator Kwankwaso succeeds in unseating Governor Yusuf and installing another loyalist, what exactly would he be celebrating at the end of the day? That Kwankwasiyya has simply replaced Kwankwasiyya? That a godfather has prevailed over his own godson? Such victories may satisfy the logic of control, but they do little to expand political influence, strengthen institutions, or advance democratic culture. At best, they amount to an internal power rotation within the same political family, offering no clear gain to the broader society.

Ultimately, this debate goes beyond personalities. Do we really need a political model anchored on godfathers, covenants, and lifelong loyalty to patrons? Has Buhari’s repeated endorsement of anointed candidates meaningfully improved governance or political culture in the North? Has Tinubu’s entrenched godfatherism in the South West translated into measurable social or institutional progress? Until we seriously examine the long-term costs of political baptism, loyalty tests, and patronage politics, it remains difficult to argue that godfatherism is the most viable model for a modern democratic society.

 Ibrahiym A. El-Caleel wrote via caleel2009@gmail.com.

By Zayyad Mohammed 

As Nigeria inches closer to the 2027 general elections, the political temperature across the Northeast is steadily rising. Of the six states in the region, the All Progressives Congress (APC) currently governs four, Borno, Gombe, Taraba, and Yobe,while the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) controls Adamawa and Bauchi. For the APC, reclaiming Bauchi is not merely a state contest; it is a strategic necessity in consolidating dominance in the Northeast.

Political analysts often remind us that all politics is local. Nowhere is this truer than in Bauchi State, where history, identity, and grassroots connection frequently outweigh elite credentials and federal influence. As the race for 2027 gathers momentum, the central question is not just whether the APC can win Bauchi, but who within the party has the capacity to deliver that victory.

Within the Bauchi APC, the contest is shaping up as a high-stakes battleground involving heavyweight figures: Minister of Health, Professor Muhammad Ali Pate; Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ambassador Yusuf Maitama Tuggar; Senator Shehu Buba Umar of Bauchi South; and former NAPIMS Managing Director, Alhaji Bala Wunti. Each brings distinct strengths, yet Bauchi’s political history suggests that not all strengths translate into electoral success.

Bauchi’s politics is unique, even by Nigerian standards. Since 1999, power has changed hands regularly after eight years, as seen in the transitions from Adamu Mu’azu to Isa Yuguda, and later to Mohammed Abdullahi Abubakar. This swinging pattern reflects a politically conscious electorate shaped by the enduring NEPU legacy, the sensitive Katagum–Bauchi balance, and an unwavering demand for grassroots leadership.

While Professor Ali Pate boasts international exposure and technocratic depth, his political challenge lies at home. Among many Bauchi voters, he is perceived as distant from local political struggles, earning the nickname “Wakilin Turawa”, a subtle but powerful reflection of weak grassroots resonance. Similarly, Alhaji Bala Wunti is widely regarded as competent and capable, yet Bauchi APC’s recent history with political newcomers raises red flags. In 2023, Air Vice Marshal Saddique Abubakar emerged suddenly to clinch the party ticket, only to suffer a resounding defeat at the polls. A similar pattern played out in 2015 when M.A. Abubakar rode the Buhari wave to victory but failed to secure a second term in 2019.

Ambassador Yusuf Maitama Tuggar, though a seasoned political actor, faces another challenge which is common in Bauchi politics: perceived aloofness from the grassroots. In a state where political success depends on daily engagement with local realities, distance; real or imagined, can be costly.

Against this backdrop, Senator Shehu Buba Umar stands out as a politically grounded contender. Several critical factors tilt the scale in his favour. Notably, all Bauchi governors since 1999 have emerged from Bauchi South, aligning squarely with Senator Buba’s constituency. The enduring Katagum–Bauchi political factor further strengthens his position, as does his deep-rooted grassroots network across the state.

More importantly, Senator Buba is widely viewed as the only aspirant within the APC with the political reach and local acceptance required to confront and defeat an incumbent party. His long-standing engagement with party structures, traditional institutions, and grassroots actors has earned him the quiet support of many political stakeholders. In Bauchi, where elections are often won long before polling day through alliances and local trust, this advantage cannot be overstated.

It is therefore unsurprising that many observers believe the APC leadership, at state, national, and presidential levels, may ultimately rally around Senator Buba Shehu Umar. In a highly competitive state like Bauchi, emotion must give way to strategy, and strategy demands choosing a candidate who aligns with the state’s political realities.

For the APC, winning Bauchi in 2027 is part of a broader objective: securing all six Northeast states in both the gubernatorial and presidential elections. Achieving this requires a deliberate, state-by-state approach that prioritizes grassroots candidates and addresses genuine local agitations. In Bauchi, the choice of governorship candidate will not only determine the fate of the state election but could significantly influence the party’s presidential performance.

As history has repeatedly shown, Bauchi does not reward political experiments. It rewards familiarity, structure, and  grassroots connection. In that equation, Senator Shehu Buba Umar appears not just as a contender, but as the APC’s most viable pathway to victory in 2027.

Zayyad Mohammed writes from Abuja, 08036070980, zaymohd@yahoo.com

By Ahmed Usman

Away from political noise and headline-grabbing theatrics, Jigawa State under Governor Umar Namadi is pursuing a disciplined development path; one that prioritises agriculture, human capital, and long-term economic foundations.

In Nigeria’s political culture, analysts have long relied on improvised metrics to judge elected officials: the first 100 days, the first year, or the widely appealed 18-month threshold, said to be the point when a new administration needs to settle, understand its responsibilities, and develop its own identity separate from the previous government. Yet in practice, Nigerian governments often have only two effective years to deliver results before politics and electioneering reclaim the agenda. 

The remaining two years are usually taken over by political campaigns, party struggles, and early preparations for the next election. By that measure, the administrations sworn in May 2023 have crossed the decisive midpoint, and any government unable to clearly articulate its policy direction, measurable outcomes, and long-term vision at this stage must confront uncomfortable questions about competence and priorities.

This moment offers a useful lens through which to reassess Jigawa State, a place often dismissed by outsiders as economically marginal or politically inconsequential. For decades, Jigawa was viewed through a narrow lens of poverty rankings and limited industrial activity. With agriculture providing livelihoods for nearly two-thirds of households and with relatively low levels of urbanisation, critics frequently argued that the state lacked the structural foundations to become economically competitive. Such narratives, however, ignore a fundamental truth about development: transformation often begins quietly, long before it becomes visible in national headlines. Under Governor Umar Namadi Danmodi, Jigawa is now presenting evidence of such a shift, deliberate, methodical, and quietly disruptive.

I do not write as a political pundit but as a citizen who cares deeply about his locality, a state too often stereotyped and misunderstood. Jigawa has long been caricatured as peripheral, yet today it provides an unlikely case study in how disciplined governance can chart a new economic course. What makes this transformation compelling is not bombast or political spectacle, but the understated way the administration communicates, through actions, policies, and investments rather than theatrics. The government speaks not in rhetoric but in results that are gradually reshaping the state’s economic and social landscape.

That message is clearest in the administration’s approach to agriculture. Recognising that Jigawa’s comparative advantage lies in its fertile land and large smallholder base, Danmodi has pushed aggressively to modernise the sector. Irrigation expansion, improved access to inputs, and strengthened value chains are already raising yields and market access. Given that Jigawa possesses nearly 150,000 hectares of land suitable for irrigated agriculture, this strategy is not only rational but transformative, positioning the state as a future food production hub in northern Nigeria. These efforts may not dominate front-page news, but they represent the kind of foundational work that changes economic destinies.

That same quiet logic underpins reforms in education, perhaps the most consequential area for a state where literacy remains below the national average. From classroom renovations and teacher training to curriculum enhancement, these interventions reflect a long-term commitment to human capital rather than a search for quick political points. In a region where poor educational outcomes fuel cycles of poverty, ignoring such structural issues would be far more costly than confronting them.

Equally important is the administration’s effort to build an economy that is less dependent on federal allocations. In a country where many states survive almost entirely on monthly revenue from Abuja, Jigawa’s pursuit of internally generated revenue, industrial growth, and investment-friendly reforms reflects an understanding that true development requires financial independence. The state’s infrastructure push, spanning rural electrification, road construction, and urban renewal, is designed to support this transition. Reliable electricity, particularly, is indispensable for revitalising small and medium enterprises, which account for the lion’s share of non-oil employment in Nigeria.

These economic initiatives intersect meaningfully with reforms in healthcare and social protection. For a state grappling with high maternal and infant mortality, investments in primary healthcare centres, vaccination programs, and emergency response systems signal a welcome shift toward preventive, not reactive, governance. Jigawa’s emerging life-cycle social protection model, supporting individuals from pregnancy through childhood, youth, and old age, offers an unusually holistic approach in a country where social safety nets are often fragmented or nonexistent. Together, these policies communicate a consistent message: development is possible only when people are healthy, educated, and economically empowered.

Taken as a whole, the administration’s work sends a subtle but powerful signal. It suggests a government not merely managing day-to-day affairs but intentionally laying the groundwork for what the state could become. This is the essence of Jigawa’s quiet revolution: a governance model that prioritises structure over spectacle and competence over performative politics. It is a reminder that some of the most meaningful transformations are neither loud nor dramatic; they are steady, disciplined, and anchored in long-term vision.

For years, sceptics argued that Jigawa lacked the capacity to catch up with more industrialised states. But development rarely follows a straight line. It accelerates when leadership aligns with strategy, when investments target the roots rather than symptoms of underdevelopment, and when political ambition is tempered with economic realism. 

Under Danmodi, Jigawa is beginning to suggest that its future will not be determined by its past reputation but by its present choices. These choices, rooted in economic transformation, human capital development, and institutional stability, show a state no longer content to survive but ready to shape its own future.

This is why the story of Jigawa today matters. It is a reminder that progress does not always announce itself with fanfare. Sometimes, it emerges quietly, through the steady accumulation of policies that, taken together, signal a shift too significant to ignore. Under the right leadership and with the right priorities, even a state long written off by pessimists can begin to rewrite its place in the Nigerian economy. And in Jigawa, that rewriting has unmistakably begun.

Ahmed Usman wrote via ahmedusmanbox@gmail.com.

By Muhammad Abubakar

Abba Atiku Abubakar, son of former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, has joined the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) to mobilise support for the re-election of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

Abba Atiku was received Thursday evening in Abuja by the Deputy President of the Senate, Barau Jibrin, and the APC National Vice Chairman (North East), Mustafa Salihu.

He also announced the renaming of his political group to Haske Bola Tinubu Organisation, a body originally founded in 2022 as the Atiku Haske Organisation.

Reacting, Atiku Abubakar described his son’s decision as entirely personal, noting that such choices are normal in a democracy, even within families.

While reaffirming his democratic principles, he criticised the APC over what he described as poor governance and worsening economic and social conditions, pledging to continue working with others to offer Nigerians an alternative path to relief, hope, and progress.