Opinion

By lbrahiym A. El-Caleel

As I mentioned elsewhere, Nigeria’s educational system is not actually that bad. We need to understand that Nigeria has many good systems in place; the only problem is that these systems are either abused or not functioning efficiently. For instance, in our banking sector today, credit and debit alerts are nearly instantaneous. If I send you money now, you will be credited immediately and receive an SMS alert. This is made possible by the investments Nigerian banks have made in technological infrastructure, such as the Nigeria Inter-Bank Settlement System (NIBSS).

Many people, including myself, were shocked by the revelation that in Germany, there is a one-day lag in effecting transfers. This means that if I send you money today, you will only receive it in your account tomorrow. This was the system we had in Nigeria about 15 to 20 years ago. Germany is still stuck there despite being a G8 nation. At least, this is what we read from Dr. Muhsin Ibrahim in 2021. Germany is lagging behind Nigeria in banking efficiency. Who could have foreseen that? I am making this point so that we understand that Nigeria is not lacking systems. Many things in this country have established systems.

Now, let’s discuss our university system. Nigeria understands the need to bridge the gap between industry expectations and what is being taught to graduates in classrooms. Nigeria recognizes that graduates need to develop skills beyond classroom teaching. These are the relevant skills that will assist them in their careers when they graduate. Therefore, as far back as 1973, Nigeria established the Students’ Industrial Work Experience Scheme (SIWES), commonly called “Industrial Attachment/Training” or simply IT. This program is nationally facilitated by the Industrial Training Fund (ITF) directorate, with headquarters in Jos, Plateau State.

The objective of SIWES was to address the problem of tertiary institution graduates’ lack of appropriate skills for employment in Nigerian industries. When was this problem first addressed? In 1973. A very long time ago—51 years ago! So, who said Nigeria’s educational system isn’t aware of the graduate skill gap? This is something it established 51 years ago and is still running.

Now, what is supposed to happen during SIWES?

At this stage, let me quote directly from the ITF’s Policy Document No. 1 of 1973, which established SIWES. SIWES is to:

1. Provide an avenue for students in Institutions of higher learning to acquire industrial skills and experience in their respective courses of study.
2. Prepare students for the Industrial Work situation they are likely to experience after graduation.
3. Expose students to work methods and techniques of handling equipment and machinery that may not be available in their Institutions.
4. Make the transition from school to the world of work easier; and enhance students’ networks for later job placements.
5. Provide students with an opportunity to apply their knowledge to real work situations, thereby bridging the gap between theory and practice; and
6. Enlist and strengthen Employers’ involvement in the entire educational process; thereby preparing the students for employment in Industry and Commerce.

These are the objectives of SIWES. Do they sound familiar with all the yearnings we hear about “skills, skills, skills”? Now, does a Nigerian degree expose a student to skills acquisition or not? Well, it does! SIWES is a full semester in the Nigerian degree curriculum.

Students in SIWES have a logbook where they are expected to record their activities in the organization every single day of the entire 6-month program. Nigeria pays lecturers to travel across the country to supervise these students, ensuring they are doing what the curriculum expects. Furthermore, these students write a “project” at the end of SIWES to explain what they’ve learned. The country pays them ₦15,000 (at our time) just for participating in this program.

Therefore, we only need to call the attention of students to make the best out of their SIWES. Students from the Faculty of Education should take their “Teaching Practice” seriously. They should go to a standard school where they can develop professional teaching skills, not just select a secondary school in their neighborhood because they don’t want anyone to “disturb” them. After learning about lesson note and lesson plan, Teaching Practice will give them an opportunity to do it practically as it is done in the teaching industry.

The law graduate should take his Nigerian Law School seriously. He should get a reputable law firm during his externship programme and appear in court to maximally learn what he needs to know. This takes him from simply memorizing acts, to practically using them in the law industry. The same goes for the medical graduate and his housemanship, as well as the pharmacy graduate and his internship. Come on, these things are part of our educational system. Graduates are simply not making the best use of these opportunities, and that’s why it’s easy for any pundit on Facebook to tell them degree certificates are no longer what should be sought after. Skills are the go-to area.

A degree is a comprehensive package of both academics and skills. In your pursuit of a bachelor’s degree, you will gain skills that will give you competitive advantage in your postgraduate life—whether you choose to go purely academic, or go to industry practice.

The degree will train you to think for yourself and determine what you should do with your life, rather than simply following the crowd. You will be able to critically evaluate yourself to understand what suits you better- going academic, or going the industry way, or even starting up a business.

Degree develops your mental agility to do all these things. This is why if you’re running a degree programme, I will tell you to take it seriously.

And very importantly, pray for Allah’s blessings in this. You will see wonders.

Ibrahiym A. El-Caleel writes from Zaria and can be reached via caleel2009@gmail.com.

By Saifullahi Attahir

After I read many books and essays about the life of the Late General Sani Abacha, including the famous Soldiers of Fortune by the brilliant historian Max Siollun, I was able to draw out some key lessons I wanted to share with my readers, hoping it would serve as a guide toward their leadership, professional, and other life aspirations.

A famous Hausa saying goes, ‘In ka ji wane ba banza ba’, meaning (every popular, great, or successful person has a hidden story behind it).

Sani Abacha was born in Kano in 1943 to a Kanuri businessman. He attended Kano Provincial College (later called Rumfa College) before proceeding to Nigeria Army training in Kaduna. He was commissioned into the Army and could participate in various trainings and engagements within and outside the country.

Abacha was destined to be among the few soldiers to become Nigeria’s Head of State during his career. Little was known about this young man before the 1983 coup that brought General Muhammadu Buhari to power. It was stated that only three times during a span of over three decades did Abacha ever appear to make any official public statements. He was a master of silence and maintaining a low profile.

For an ambitious and very calculated person like Abacha to achieve his dream within the cycle of influence in the elite Nigerian army, it must call for some behaviours and attitudes that he possessed either inherently or learned that he was fortunate to use, and quite predictably, these were the strongest weapons he used during his time.

 I am not advocating military rule or any form of ruthless use of force to lead people. In contrast, my article is about what characters can learn from great individuals regardless of where they hail from or their human mistakes. I hope this will be a guide to our youth who aspire to lead a responsible and impactful life.

Below are the lessons I wanted us to learn: 

1) Concealing intention

Abacha may have read Robert Greene’s 48 Laws of Power or mastered the art even before the book was written. Whether Abacha had already harboured the intention to rule Nigeria was another subject of debate, but his ability to remain unpredictable to the extent that even his boss, General Ibrahim Bahamas Babangida (IBB) stated that he never for once thought Abacha had any intention to become Head of State. This concealment of intention shielded him from the attraction of his colleagues with similar ambitions. Also, he was able to escape the trap of Boss/protégé conflict. 

Had Abacha publicly started showing any intention of replacing his boss, their relationship might have gone sour. This key lesson of never outshining your master and never publicly sharing your dreams and goals with anyone except the needful ones is a very important strategy for achieving your goals in life. Keep your enemies busy and maintain an air of unpredictability.

2) Patience

The importance of this assertive attitude can never be overemphasised. The art of patience, deliberation, and taking things without a rush is one of the best attributes for lasting success and achieving life goals.

When you are patient, life-changing opportunities will eventually come your way. Both Abacha and Bukar S. Dimka were contemporary ambitious young soldiers, but Dimka rushed his ambition by conniving with others and making his intention known. He eagerly executed an ill-prepared coup against Murtala. The tragedy ended up destroying both Dimka and his collaborators.

On the other hand, Abacha was more patient and allowed his ambition to buy time until 20 years later when he became an indomitable force to reckon with. He eventually became the Head of State. 

3) Know when to decide

 It’s not advisable to remain patient and inactive all your life. You are supposed to know when to act when to strike and when to attack. Whenever the long-awaited opportunity presents itself, you must seize it and act decisively quickly. At that point, you are not likely to procrastinate even for a while. When the country plunged into crisis, and the Interim National Government (ING) under Shonekan could not control the situation, Abacha saw this as both necessary and an opportunity to exercise his power. The rest is history.

These art and qualities require training and mastery by every person from any walks of life.

May Allah forgive his shortcomings and let his gentle soul rest in peace, ameen.

Saifullahi Attahir, a Medical Student of Federal University Dutse, wrote via saifullahiattahir93@gmail.com.

By Abdurrazak Muktar Makarfi

A home that lacks peace is a prison. This statement resonates deeply with the human experience, highlighting the fundamental need for tranquillity and harmony within one’s living space. Ideally, the home is a sanctuary where individuals can retreat from the chaos of the outside world to find solace and comfort. When this essential peace is disrupted, the very essence of the home is transformed into a confining and oppressive space akin to a prison.

In a home bereft of peace, the walls that should offer protection and security become barriers, trapping the inhabitants in a cycle of stress and unease. The once-welcoming rooms turn into cells devoid of warmth and joy. Instead of being a refuge, every corner of the house becomes a reminder of the discord and strife that permeates the environment. This transformation is not merely symbolic; it has tangible effects on the well-being and mental health of those who dwell within.

Consider the psychological toll of living in such an environment. Constant exposure to conflict and tension can lead to chronic stress, anxiety, and even depression. Starved of peace, the mind becomes a battleground where thoughts of escape and a longing for freedom from turmoil dominate. This relentless pressure can erode relationships, fray tempers, and diminish the overall quality of life. In its truest sense, the home is lost, replaced by a space that suffocates rather than nurtures.

Moreover, the absence of peace disrupts the natural rhythm of daily life. Simple pleasures, like sharing a meal or enjoying a quiet evening, are overshadowed by underlying tensions. Conversations are strained, and the genuine connection between family members is fractured. The home fails to serve its purpose as a haven of intimacy and love and instead becomes a site of emotional incarceration.

In contrast, a home imbued with peace is a fortress of strength, providing its residents with the stability and support needed to face external challenges. It fosters a sense of belonging and security, where each individual feels valued and understood. In such an environment, love and respect flourish, creating a positive feedback loop that reinforces the home’s role as a sanctuary.

To transform a house that feels like a prison back into a peaceful home requires conscious effort and commitment from all inhabitants. Open communication, mutual respect, and a willingness to resolve conflicts amicably are essential. Cultivating a calm home is not merely about the absence of conflict but the presence of understanding, empathy, and shared purpose.

In conclusion, a home without peace is a prison, trapping its inhabitants in a relentless cycle of discord and discomfort. The importance of a peaceful home cannot be overstated; it is the bedrock of personal well-being and harmonious relationships. By prioritising peace and fostering a nurturing environment, a home can fulfil its role as a sanctuary, offering respite from the outside world and enriching the lives of those within.

Abdurrazak Muktar Makarfi wrote via prof4true@gmail.com.

By Najeeb Maigatari

The recent Zionist Israeli regime’s serial attacks on defenceless Palestinians in Rafah, a city in the Southern Gaza Strip, is an issue of serious concern that should never be swept under the carpet. The gory pictures making the rounds on social media platforms are horrifyingly disturbing, to say the least.

What was once a shelter for homeless Palestinians- courtesy of the Israeli regime’s act of terror on the former- is now turned into a slaughterhouse. According to the Director of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), all the 36 shelters established for Palestinian refugees in Rafah are now empty. People have either been killed or fled.

Since the beginning of this heinous act, the hashtag #AllEyesOnRafah has been trending and has been shared by millions of people across social media platforms to highlight the imperative of putting an end to the continued suffering of the Palestinian people.

The attack on Rafah is a continuation of a decades-long act of usurper terrorism and settler-colonialism aimed at pushing for the heinous agenda of Zionist Imperialist expansionism right at the heart of Palestinian land, a holy place for Muslims, Christians and Orthodox Jews alike. Since July of the previous year, the illegitimate state of Israel has ruthlessly intensified its attacks on the defenceless Palestinians, this time in particular targeting hospitals, schools, worship centres, and refugee camps.

The United Nations Office on Palestinian Affairs has put the death toll from this heinous crime to around 34,000 people. However, according to a report from the Gazan Ministry of Health (MOH), no fewer than 36,756 have been killed since the beginning of the operation. Nevertheless, the figures underscore the true extent of the ongoing Israeli genocide in various Palestinian territories.

According to another report from UNICEF, children account for over 40% of the mass casualties. This is to say for every 100 people killed, over 40 of them are children. Indeed, Palestine is a grave for women and children. Nowadays, few children live to witness their first birthdays, courtesy of the murderous Israeli regime.

It is worth noting that the deafening silence of the international community on this issue of magnanimous human rights violations is a shame on us all. Under our watch, the Illegitimate state of Israel is waging an all-out war against innocent Palestinians – on their own land – in a bid to expand their settler-colonialist agenda.

We all have a responsibility toward the oppressed people of Palestine. Now that the Israeli regime has shown that it has no regard for international laws, as it continued its terrorist operations in complete disregard for all known such laws and provisions, here are some ways we can help the people of Palestine:

We can engage in demonstrations/rallies/sit-ins in our workplaces, worship centres, schools, streets, etc., to show our solidarity with the oppressed people of Palestine. This should also send a clear message to the Israeli regime and its allies that the teeming world of humanity is watching them and will no longer sit idly as innocent Palestinians are massacred in cold blood.

In addition, we can demand and mount pressure on our governments to cut all diplomatic ties and stop all economic dealings with the murderous, illegitimate Israeli regime; and to officially recognize the regime as the terrorist state that they truly are! Our countries should borrow a leaf from such countries as Spain, Norway and Ireland, who have recently followed the footsteps of other dozen countries that cut off all ties with Israel and officially recognize the Palestinian state.

We can also demand that the International Community impose sanctions against Israeli officials for their unspeakable war crimes against innocent Palestinian civilians. In the same vein, an economic blockade should be enforced on the very organizations that fund the activities of the terrorist Israeli Defense Forces (IDF).

Furthermore, we can boycott all products produced by Israel and the companies that support or fund their act of terrorism. This will cause a huge economic blow to the murderous regime and will hamper their ability to locally produce or buy arms which they use to kill innocent and defenceless Palestinian civilians.

At the individual level, we can contribute to the Palestinian struggle for freedom and the right to self-determination by sending relief aid either directly (through reliable #GoFundMe projects) or through their representatives in various countries. We can also help raise awareness by joining campaigns on social and print media regarding the flight of the Palestinian people.

What is happening in Palestine is arguably the worst humanitarian crisis of our time. Our silence is giving way to more Israeli genocide. We are enablers of this very crime against humanity until we wake up and do the needful. As the South African anti-apartheid movement leader Nelson Mandela rightly puts it during his Presidential inaugural speech in 1994: “We know too well that our Freedom is incomplete without the freedom of the Palestinian people”.

Najeeb Maigatari wrote via maigatari313@gmail.com.

By Mubarak Usman

“The sign of a good Friday can be determined by a promising Wednesday.” – Hausa adage

It has been over one year since Senator Uba Sani was sworn in as the governor of Kaduna State. The honeymoon days are over, and it is time to start interrogating Governor Uba Sani’s policies, decisions, actions or inactions.

Spin doctors, sycophants, party members, and admirers are all at work trying to outdo one another in celebrating Governor Sani, which is the best thing to have happened to Kaduna state since the invention of sliced bread. Strategic locations within the Kaduna metropolis are not left behind, with erected billboards showcasing real and ‘audio’ projects or achievements.

In his acceptance speech after being declared as the winner of the 2023 gubernatorial election of Kaduna state, Senator Uba Sani thanked the people of Kaduna for voting him into power and promised to “get straight to work on sustaining and strengthening the development path that our beloved leader Malam Nasir El-Rufai has so brilliantly opened for Kaduna State. I thank Malam Nasir El-Rufai and his executive team for their collective efforts since 2015 to build the foundations for a new Kaduna State. Power is sweet, but it comes with responsibilities!

When people expect Governor Uba Sani to hit the ground running, his lacklustre approach to governance begins to manifest. He is just absent. He could not just sit to spearhead the State Executive Council meetings regularly. In his defence, his spin doctors claimed that the government does not revolve around him alone. Bello Galadanchi, the skit creator, made a witty skit about this absentism.

The governor called for a stakeholders’ engagement meeting to explain the state of affairs. He complained about the debt profile left behind by the previous administration and how it has been hindering his progress or performance. This is a ruse!

Governor Uba Sani did not explain how he contributed to the state’s massive debt profile. Politicians like him would think the populace is suffering from amnesia, so the collective intelligence of the good people of Kaduna state can be insulted.

First, the former governor of Kaduna state, Nasir el-Rufai, sought foreign loans to finance projects in the state. The loan was denied courtesy of the three (3) senators from Kaduna state during the 8th National Assembly. El-Rufai deployed all his arsenals to ensure none of the three senators returned to the 9th Assembly. And only Senator Danjuma Laah survived El-Rufai’s political onslaught.

Senator Uba Sani was drafted into the 9th Assembly to secure the now problematic loan. Responding to questions thrown at him during an interview, he said: “I am extremely happy and proud of the role some of us played in securing this loan for Kaduna State.” He did not stop there!

He said, “I, Senator Uba Sani, be held liable if the Governor [El-Rufai] fails or disappoints.” Will he now claim he did not know who El-Rufai was when entrusted with public funds? What is his share of the blame in the quagmire Kaduna? When Governors were praising the floating of the Naira by President Tinubu, did Governor Sani realise the implications of such a policy on the loans he helped secure? It is a classic case of shooting oneself on foot, double standards and hypocrisy characterised by politicians.

Secondly, a government complaining about a huge debt profile should not be seen engaging in non-priority projects like building a banquet hall in Sir Kashim Ibrahim House. The Government House has a council chamber for its functions, and so does the deputy governor’s office. Where the chamber isn’t enough for a state function due to population, the Umaru Musa Yar’adua Hall in Murtala Mohammed Square can serve the purpose in whatever capacity. This is not to mention the hall domiciled in General Hassan Usman Katsina House.

This new banquet hall is being built while many abandoned road projects in Zaria and Kaduna metropolis yearn for serious attention. These roads have caused untoward discomfort, accidents, and health hazards to commuters. Keen observers are still in the dark regarding the bidding or procurement processes leading to the award of such a misplaced project. Where is the transparency and accountability? Are we now experiencing the birth of another version of the now scandalous Ronchess and CCECC?

Despite the many mistakes of the previous administration, the Kaduna State Geographical Information Services (KADGIS) was more effective and efficient in handling customers’ queries or problems. Receiving certificates of occupancy (CofO) wasn’t a difficult task. Under the current administration in one year, people are becoming hopeless as hushed and loud voices or conversations within and without the agency have it that the governor is globetrotting and doesn’t have enough time to append his signature on certificates. One shudder to think how a government crying about debt profiles will take the affairs of such a revenue-generating agency lightly. There is more.

When appointing the head of the agency, KADGIS, the governor bucked the KADGIS Law and employed someone who did not meet the requirements as provided by the Law. This cluelessness was also exhibited in the appointment of other agencies. One would wonder where the state House of Assembly members are in all these. Are they the typical rubber stamp legislators? Your guess is as good as mine.

Loans upon loans. The Kaduna state government targets loans of about N150 billion in the 2024 state budget. I hope the State House of Assembly will diligently carry out its oversight functions as the governor moves to the rural areas. We have been witnessing groundbreaking ceremonies here and there, but the procurement processes, from advertisement to contract awarding, are unclear. The State House of Assembly should save the state, the next legislature, and the Kaduna people the stress of probing this current administration some years from now by carrying out their oversight functions. Can they? Time will tell.

Furthermore, running tap water is still a luxury in the state. Many in the metropolis now roam the streets searching for water to drink or bath, not to mention more people living outside the metropolis. Clairvoyant analysts suggest that some of these monies expended in the name of palliative should have been channelled to Kaduna State Water Corporation to make tap water available in people’s homes. Therefore, the House of Assembly should also shed light on these issues and the N11.4 billion disbursed in the name of palliative interventions. Who were the beneficiaries? What are the expected outcomes? How many people were lifted out of poverty caused by inflation and the APC-led government policies?

Again, Kaduna state has the lowest-paid medical doctors and health practitioners and a difficult and depressing working environment. These conditions have made these professionals quit their jobs for better offers in neighbouring states. Junketing out of the state at the slightest opportunity and under the guise of wooing foreign and local investors will not change these stark realities. This media show should end with the governor’s predecessor and now estranged boss.

The problems highlighted above are just a dot in the circle of nagging issues disturbing the good people of Kaduna state. Obviously, the governor only gets to meet praise singers, so he is not popular beyond sycophants, his appointees, and hungry rented crowds. There are more reasons why discerning citizens should write more articles about Kaduna state to remind them of the public perception of his government.

Finally, Governor Sani has the opportunity to sit up, evaluate his current team, and make adjustments before he and his team find themselves in a web of scandals after his administration. The good people of Kaduna need responsible and purpose-driven leadership, not excuses and the hazy governance that has characterised his 365 days in office.

Mubarak Usman writes from Unguwar Muazu, Kaduna.

By Bilyamin Abdulmumin 

Last Tuesday, the Federal Executive Council approved several development projects. One of these projects is Malando-Wara-Ngaski Road in Kebbi State. Ngaski Local Government hosts GB Foods Africa, Africa’s largest integrated tomato paste processing facility.

Earlier this year, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, represented by Minister of Agriculture Senator Abubakar Kyari, inaugurated the 2,400-tonne GB Foods tomato farm and concentrate factory. The project employed about 2,000 people, and another 5,000 outgrowers were trained and engaged. This is the height of impact that the industry can achieve in a state. 

This project was started during the second term of the industrious visionary leader, the current minister of budget and national planning. The project is now sealed with the firm support of the president and his successor, Dr Nasir Idris. 

The success of this project has gone a long way, vindicating one of my articles. When the Nigerians voted for Tinubu in the last general presidential election, I pointed to the imperative of voting for Dr Nasir Idris to succeed Senator Atiku Bagudu in Kebbi State. Imagine if the opposition party had secured the leadership of Kebbi State; it would have been much more difficult for both leaders to cooperate and much more challenging for the president to champion the project. Political scheming can never be overruled, even in developmental projects.

Another equally significant project undertaken by the former Kebbi State governor is the bioethanol plant. The project is also located in the Kebbi South, Danko/Wasagu local government; the project is even said to be more ambitious than the GB Food, as about 47,000 hectares of cassava are needed to supply the plant. If GB Food needs farmland of only about 1500 hectares to secure 7000 jobs, now do the math to figure out how many jobs the plant that, at full capacity, will require output of 47,000 hectares can create.  

During one of my seminar presentations, a professor decried the government’s lack of commitment to the B10 policy (a policy that envisaged the use of 10 per cent ethanol in petrol). Having the privilege of insider information, as one of the team of my supervisors is a consultant to the policy, I eased the Prof worry, explaining that the policy in Kebbi State is receiving a green light. The pilot plant has already been test run, about 5000 hectares of cassava have been cultivated, and the consultant’s hands are on the desk fishing out final torches of feasibility studies.

The rice revolution was the first industrialisation to be bagged through the Bagudu vision. The minister’s interest in industrialisation coincided with the then federal government’s interest in agriculture, so the appointment of Bagudu as chairman of the presidential task force on rice and wheat production proved to be a success story. Thanks to the mega to small-scale rice processing plants in the state, Kebbi has since become synonymous with rice production in Nigeria. One factor that points to the success of the rice revolution is the improvement of IGR in Kebbi State, which accrued from rice processing activities. When Bola Ahmed Tinubu, a successful business magnate who appeared to identify with competence, saw this uncommon performance, he could not help but delegate the responsibility of the Ministry of Budget and National Planning to the ace economist.

Industrialisation was a fit for purpose and value for money in Kebbi State, as farming was the bedrock economic activity of the state. All these industries rely on the farmers’ output to process their products. GB food processes tomatoes, bioethanol plants use cassava and sugarcane as raw materials, and rice processing plants need paddy rice.   

Nevertheless, dear Minister, while the success of the GB Foods tomato and rice industries can never be overemphasised, similar achievements need to be replicated in the bioethanol sector (the pace of bioethanol development seems to progress slowly), ensuring your continued vision of diversification of Kebbi’s industrial base.

By Dr. Hamisu Adamu Dandajeh

It is not a conundrum that Nigerian STEM-based postgraduate students often perform incredibly well when they find themselves in foreign universities despite going through an “obsolete” curriculum. Nigerians are mostly on top of their classes abroad and compete favourably with other best students from all around the world who were taught with the so-called “up-to-date” curriculum. Some of us are witnesses to this anomaly, and the reason for this is simple! 

The Fundamental Principles of Engineering Science, such as gravity, thermodynamics, and fluid mechanics in most curricula in the world are inherently similar. What is markedly different are not only the methods, areas, and propensities of cutting-edge applications but also the relative mastery, tools, delivery, understanding and environment of the instructor. The key concepts are meant for you to think about. When these concepts are fully truly understood, one can solve any complex problem from one’s domain of expertise, starting from the first principle.

I have worked with the Mechanical Engineering curriculum of University College London (UCL), Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) and some modules at Cambridge University. These are the best universities in the world. I audited and developed curriculums in two MIT courses (2.005 Thermal Fluids Engineering and 2.60 Fundamentals of Advanced Energy Conversions), engaged 2nd and 3rd year UCL undergraduates in thermodynamic laboratories and developed engine laboratories similar to that of Cambridge. My experience is that because all the resources needed were readily available and the pedagogical learning outcomes were clear and student-centred, these fundamental concepts were used to derive and solve unbelievably sophisticated equations whose physical meanings and applications were well intended. I always call these universal, natural, and settled concepts, but their usage and applications depend on the goal they are meant to achieve.

Cambridge University has an integrated “Department” of Engineering, NOT ‘Faculty” for a reason. Undergraduate students are required to study general engineering in their 1st and 2nd years and then specialise in their preferred engineering discipline in their 3rd year. The first two years are expected to groom students with most engineering science principles for interdisciplinary problem-solving capabilities. My MSc project supervisor (Emeritus Prof. Chris Lawn) at Queen Mary University of London was a Cambridge graduate. I marvelled at how he developed, from first principles, thermo-fluid equations representing instantaneous mesoscale combustion processes.

A typical Nigerian Engineering curriculum is diverse, rich, and multi-disciplinary. For example, a graduate of Mechanical Engineering at Ahmadu Bello University is expected to take courses like Communication, History, Development Economics, Law of Contracts, Moral Philosophy, Financial Management, Statistics, Quality Control, Linear, complex, and Applied Mathematics. These are in addition to the core courses of thermodynamics, Control, Strength of Materials, Fluid-Mechanics, Hydrodynamics, Aerodynamics, Machine Design, Heat Transfer etc. The mathematics-heavy curriculum has the necessary analytical rigour to prepare and adapt candidates to any academic climate. This is why a third-class graduate from a Nigerian would successfully graduate with a First Class (Hons) in a TOP-UP degree from a UK University.

The fact that students from these global best institutions excel and are industry-ready, despite the common key fundamental principles with the Nigerian curriculum, is not surprising. These institutions further advance fundamental concepts with contemporary grant-ready research, and they establish a vibrant ecosystem that fosters innovation and growth, hence easily attracting the best minds (students and staff) from all corners of the world. Meritocracy is their criteria for admission and employment of manpower. No wonder Boston, Massachusetts, where MIT is situated, is an attractive centre for start-ups and scale-up Biotech companies. 

Nigerian universities can also translate these fundamental concepts to meaningful research and innovation, and for this to happen, the quadruple helix of Academia-Industry-Government-Society should not continue to stand on only one leg of the theoretical “academia” as the status quo. We should refrain our students from memorising and regurgitation of facts via testing “book knowledge” only; instead, we should produce thinkers and re-skilled graduates who would use these fundamental concepts to solve local and global problems.

My prior idea after my Fellowship at MIT was for the current STEM courses to be decentralised to produce the programs of the future. For example, instead of studying the bulk of “Renewable Energy” as a sub-course of an Engineering program, courses like “Wind Engineering”, “Solar Engineering”, and “Science & Engineering of Climate Change” should be redeveloped as separate programs. 

Computer Science could be split into minor courses such as “Data Science”, “Artificial Intelligence”, “Cybersecurity”, “Computational Linguistics”, and “Drone Technology”. Mechanical, Electrical, Biology and Electronics can produce courses on “Robotics and Biomedical Engineering”. 

Based on our experience with COVID-19, “Epidemiology” can also be developed as an independent program. We must all recognise that however excellent these suggestions may be, their success story would also rely heavily on the understanding and delivery of the fundamental principles of STEM.

Dr. Hamisu Adamu Dandajeh is currently a Senior Lecturer in Energy, Thermo-Fluid and Climate Change at the Ahmadu Bello University Zaria. He can be reached at hadandajeh@gmail.com.

By Salihi Adamu Takai

This will take us on a nostalgic – National Association of Nigerian Students in Uganda – NANSU’s heyday that exited in the time when Nigerian Students studied in Uganda, enjoying the value of the Naira currency from 2013 to present.

National Association of Nigerian Students in Uganda (NANSU) was a strong association that showcased its values, with the Ugandan Shilling being significantly weak compared to Naira currency. This has led to the braggadocio in the association, attracting other nationalities to the financial value of the Naira.

Yesterday, I was listening to a brother, who was a student at IUEA from 2013 to 2015, discussing about how Naira’s value was in those days; “I was recieving 60 thousands Naira monthly from home, and that amount was equivalent to 1.5 Million Shillings”, said by him. He added that “I used to deliberately go to shop, buy foodstuff, and I don’t collect my balance regardless of the amount”.

Some of the Nigerian students don’t sleep at night, frequenting clubs, lavishly flowing money for show-off. They were like British men in Uganda, when going to some places, people used to be around in order to get their shares. Someone was reminiscing about his life then, unveiling how he was attractive to Ugandan ladies; “I used to receive calls of around 20 different ladies in a day”, he said.

He added that also, “I didn’t cook myself. I used to buy from the first class restaurants in Kampala”. They used to withdraw money with their MasterCard from Ugandan Banks, and, they were being paid in official rates. One thousand Naira (₦1000) was equivalent to 15 thousand Ugandan Shillings (15,000).

As time kept going, it reached to a time when the then President, Godluck, was defeated, and Buhari came in, and, upon his swearing in, different policies were made, affecting the value of Naira.

The first policy, was the directive to block the use of MasterCard overseas. This led certain difficulties, which started facing Nigerian Students. In just a year, Naira dipped woefully, and Shillings started bouncing. Towards the end of Buhari’s tenure, the rate was so shocking.

Tinubu was sworn in last year. Upon the swearing in, he made a statement over the fuel supsidy removal, and this was the first recipe for the first hardship in Nigeria. Fuel prices increased by more than 200 percent compared to how it was prior to the statement. Tinubu didn’t stop there, he also directed for the removal of the Dollar subsidy. This was the first time when Dollar lost control in Nigeria, Naira keeps devaluing against Dollar.

International Nigerian students have been stranded, waiting for a time when Naira will bounce back to its value. This has led to the deferral for studies by many Nigerian students studying abroad. They can’t afford it with the current rate. They have been used to it when it was affordable to them, but now, the rate is very bad. Those who can live hand to mouth are very few as hundreds can’t afford simple meal twice in a day while staying overseas.

As few are managing to cope with the situation smoothly despite the skyrocketing of exchange rates, which is, of course, determining the comfortability of the students. Whenever the exchange rate goes down, students afford many things, and if it goes up, it messes up everything. Students are now pessimistic about their studies. Many of them are now admitting that, if things keep going like this, they will definitely lose their ways here.

By Prof. Abdalla Uba Adamu

Recently, an extremely prestigious academic journal requested that I review a film made by a Nigerian. I was surprised, as that is Muhsin Ibrahim’s forte. Further, I really don’t watch Nigerian films, aka Nollywood, personally preferring African Francophone directors. Nevertheless, I agreed to do the review. 

However, the link they sent for the film was password-protected. I informed them, and they requested the filmmaker to send the password. Being a request from a highly prestigious journal, he sent the code, and I was able to get on the site and watch the film online. I was surprised at what I saw and decided to delve further into these issues. Before doing that, I wrote my review and sent it off. The film, however, set me thinking. 

Like a creeping malaise, Nollywood directors are rearing their cameras into the northern Nigerian cultural spaces. Again. The film I reviewed for the journal was “A Delivery Boy” (dir. Adekunle Adejuyigbe, 2018). It was in the Hausa language. None of the actors, however, was Hausa, although the lead actor seems to be a northerner (at least from his name since an online search failed to reveal any personal details about him). 

Nothing wrong with that. Some of the best films about a particular culture were made by those outside the culture. Being ‘outliers’, it often gave them an opportunity to provide a more or less balanced and objective ‘outsider’s perspective’ of the culture. Alfonso Cuarón, a Mexican, successfully directed “Harry Potter and the Prisoner of Azkaban” (2004), while Taiwanese director Ang Lee did the same with “ Brokeback Mountain” (2005), even earning him an Oscar. 

In 2006 Clint Eastwood, an American, directed “Letters From Iwo Jima.” The cast was almost entirely Japanese, and almost all of the dialogue was in Japanese. It was very well-received in Japan, and in fact, some critics in Japan wondered why a non-Japanese director was able to make one of the best war movies about World War II from the Japanese perspective. Abbas Kiarostami, an Iranian filmmaker, directed his film, “Certified Copy” (2020) in Italy, which contained French, Italian, and English dialogue starring French and British actors. 

British director Richard Attenborough successfully directed Ben Kingsley in the Indian biopic Gandhi (1982). The film was praised for providing a historically accurate portrayal of the life of Gandhi, the Indian independence movement and the deleterious results of British colonization of India. It took away eight Oscars. American director Steven Spielberg’s “Schindler’s List” (1993) on a German, Oskar Schindler, was equally a powerful portrayal of an auteur genius by a “non-native”. The film won seven Oscars. 

In each of these examples, the directors approached their subject matter with a clean, fresh and open mind that acknowledges the cultural sensitivities of the subject matter. My point is that a person, outside of a particular cultural context, can make sensitive films that portray the culture to his own culture as well as other cultures. That is not, however, how Nollywood plays when it focuses its cameras on northern Nigerian social culture. Specifically Muslims. 

I just can’t understand why they are so fixated on Muslims and the North. If the purpose of the ‘crossover’ films (as they are labelled) they make is to create an understanding of the North for their predominantly Southern audiences, they need not bother. Social media alone is awash with all the information one needs about Nigeria—the good, the bad and the ugly. You don’t need a big-budget film for that. Or actors trying and failing to convey ‘Aboki’ accents in stilted dialogues that lack grammatical context. 

Yet, they insist on producing films about Muslim northern Nigeria from a jaundiced, bigoted perspective, often couched with pseudo-intellectual veneer. To sweeten the bad taste of such distasteful films, they pick up one or two northern actors (who genuinely speak the Hausa language, even if not mainstream ethnic Hausa) and add them to the mix, believing that this will buy them salvation. For southern Nigerians, anyone above the River Niger is ‘Hausa’. 

They started in the early 2000s, and people just ignored them. The directors then included Oskar Baker (Ɗan Adamu Butulu, Abdulmalik), Yemi Laniyan (Makiyi, Uwar Gida), Tunji Agesin (Halin Kishiya), Matt Dadzie (Zuwaira), I. Nwankwo (Macijiya) and many others. These came on the heels of the massive success of “Sangaya” (dir. Aminu Muhammad Sabo, 1999) when this particular film opened up the northern Nigerian film market. 

Those Nollywood producers jumped into cash on the popularity of Hausa films and made their own for northern markets. For the most part, these early ‘crossover’ films that I refer to as ‘Northern Nollywood’ were fairly mild and evoked no reaction. They were still rejected, as the Hausa can be the most discriminatory people you can come across. If you are outside their cultural universe, you remain there. Forever. 

The few Kannywood actors eager to be seen on the ‘national stage’ allowed themselves to be used to deconstruct Islam and Muslims on the altar of filmmaking in subsequent Northern Nollywood films. Let’s not even talk about character misrepresentation, which Muhsin Ibrahim has written extensively about. In these scenarios, the usual tropes for northerners in Nollywood films is that of ‘Aboki’ (a term southern Nigerians believe is an insult to northerners, without knowing what it means), ‘maigad’ (security), generally a beggar. If they value an actor, they assign them an instantly forgettable role rather than a lead. Granted, this might be more astute and realistic marketing than ethnicity because it would be risky to give an unknown Hausa actor a significant role in a film aimed at southern Nigerians. 

A few of these types of portrayals in Nollywood included Hausa-speaking actors in films such as The Senator, The Stubborn Grasshopper, The World is Mine, Osama Bin La, Across the Border and The Police Officer. 

When Shari’a was relaunched from 1999 in many northern Nigerian States, it became an instant filmic focus for Nollywood. A film, “Holy Law: Shari’a” (dir. Ejike Asiegbu, 2001) drew such a barrage of criticism among Hausa Muslims due to its portrayal of Shari’a laws then being implemented in northern Nigeria that it caused credibility problems for the few Hausa actors that appeared in it. With neither understanding of Islam nor its context, the director ploughed on in his own distorted interpretation of the Shari’a as only a punitive justice system of chopping hands, floggings, and killings through foul-mouthed dialogue. As Nasiru Wada Khalil noted in his brilliant essay on the film (“Perception and Reaction: The Representation of the Shari’a in Nollywood and Kanywood Films”, SSRN, 2016) “the whole story of Holy Law is in itself flogged, amputated and killed right from the storyline.”

“Osama bin La” (dir. MacCollins Chidebe, 2001) was supposed to be a comedy. No one found it funny in Kano. Despite not featuring any northern actor, it was banned in Kano due to its portrayal of Osama bn Ladan, then considered a folk hero. The film was banned to avoid a reaction against Igbo merchants marketing the film. I was actually present in the congregation at a Friday sermon at Kundila Friday mosque in Kano when a ‘fatwa’ was issued on the film. Even a similar comedy, “Ibro Usama” (dir. Auwalu Dare, 2002), a chamama genre Hausa film, was banned in Kano, showing sensitivity to the subject matter. 

The reactions against crossover films seemed to have discouraged Nollywood producers from forging ahead. They returned in the 2010s. By then, northern Nigeria had entered a new phase of social disruption, and Nollywood took every opportunity to film its understanding of the issues—sometimes couched in simpering distorted narrative masquerading as social commentary—on society and culture it has absolutely no understanding of. 

In “Dry” (dir. Stephanie Linus, 2014), the director developed a sudden concern about ‘child marriage’ and its consequences. Naturally, the culprits of such marriage, as depicted in the film, are sixty-year-old men who marry girls young enough to be their granddaughters. The director’s qualification to talk about the issue (which was already being framed by child marriage controversy in the north) was that she has ‘visited the north’ a couple of times. With the film, if she could get at least “one girl free and open the minds of the people, and also instruct different bodies and individuals to take action, then the movie would have served its purpose.” The ‘north’ was living in darkness, and it required Stephanie Linus to shed light on ‘civilization’. 

 “A Delivery Boy” (dir. Adekunle Adejuyigbe, 2018) that I reviewed was about an ‘almajiri’ in an Islamic school who was kidnapped from the school, to begin with and repeatedly raped by his ‘Alamaramma’ (teacher). The almajiri somehow acquired sticks of dynamite to create a suicide vest and vowed to blow himself up—together with the teacher. The Alaramma in the film lives in an opulent mansion, far away from the ‘almajirai’. In this narrative universe, the ‘almajiri’ do not learn anything and are unwilling rape victims of their teaches who actually kidnapped them and forced them into the schools. 

“The Milkmaid” (dir. Desmond Ovbiagele, 2020) evokes the idealistic picture of a Fulani milkmaid and became a basis for a Nollywood film. Instead of focusing on the political economy of the Fulani milk trade, the film focused on the trope of terrorism. “The Black Book” (dir. Editi Effiong, 2023), touted as ‘Nigeria’s John Wick’ shoots a significant portion in ‘the north’ – with ‘Islamist’ hijab-wearing females touting assault rifles hidden underneath their hijab. “Jalil” (dir. Leslie Dapwatda, 2020) visits the recurrent theme of kidnapping for ransom. In the north, of course. 

Then came the latest, “Almajiri” (dir. Toka McBaror, 2022). Claimed to be a true-life story (although it is not clear whether it happened to specific people or based on what the director believed to be a common event), it featured muscle-bound badass types of thugs with guns and dreadlocks as Almajirai. The film reinforces the southern Nigerian trope of any beggar in the north being an Almajiri. Such ‘almajiris’ are kidnapped and sold into virtual slavery and horribly abused. The idea is to blame the parental irresponsibility of northerners. 

For southern Nigerians, especially the Nollywood crowd, an ‘Almajiri’ is a beggar, a product of a failed education system, a terrorist, a bandit, and an ‘aboki’. They use concocted figures bandied about by alphabet soup agencies to proclaim ‘over 10 million almajiri are out of school’ and, therefore, twigs of the terrorism inferno. How can someone who has been part of a system of education for over half a century be considered out of school? But for Nollywood, if it is not ABCD, then it is not education. 

“Northern Nollywood” films are the precise reasons why there will ALWAYS be different film cultures in Nigeria. Kannywood talks to its publics, happily churning out now TV shows that address issues it deems relevant—in its own way. Both the northern and southern parts of the country (covering the three major languages) were actively engaged. However, they were mutually non-legible to each other. This was essential because they operate on virtually opposing cultural mindsets – making the emergence of a truly “Nigerian cultural film” impossible. 

Quite a few writers seem to suggest that Kannywood is a ‘subset of Nollywood’, and indeed, many would prefer for the term Kannywood (created in 1999 by a Hausa writer) to be dispensed with and replaced with Nollywood (created in 2002 by a Japanese Canadian writer). It is to protect our cultural representation in films that I stand as a lone voice in advocating for a ‘Hausa Cinema’ to reflect the cultural universe of the Hausa.

Professor Abdalla Uba Adamu can be reached via auadamu@yahoo.com.

By Aliyu Dalhatu Adamu

Kano people are known as peace-loving, as inculcated by the longest-serving Emir of the kingdom, Alhaji Ado Bayero,who led for over 50 years. His charisma and love for his people made him unique among all African traditional rulers. 

Kano people were traumatised by His Highness Alhaji Ado Bayero’s demise in June 2014, and the loss remained irreplaceable until 2020 when His Highness Alhaji Aminu Ado Bayero became the Emir of Kano. His emergence renewed the hope of the Kano people because he exhibited the same characteristics as his father. This makes him earn the love that people have for his father, which no one has in Kano.

The recent development of the Emir and reinstatement of the deposed Emir Sunusi Lamido Sunusi have seriously disrupted peace and stability in the state. This has opened doors for hooligans and thugs to widen their operations in the state.

It is a known fact that hooliganism and thuggery threaten the security of lives and property in every society. Hence, leaders are saddled with the responsibility of maintaining law and order to prevent potential offenders from engaging in such acts. 

It is unfortunate to say that the current administration of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf has begun to do the other way around, as hoodlums and thugs are allowed to take over the Kano palace in the name of protecting the selfish and politically motivated interest of his political godfather. This has become a serious threat to the peace and safety of people in Kano as the hoodlums are harassing and intimidating people at will within the vicinity of the Kano Emir’s palace, all in the name of imposing Sunusi on the throne, which is facing outright absolute rejection by the good people of Kano.

This unbecoming attitude is becoming an eye-opener for young children who are now growing to witness this evil as a condoned behaviour. This may contribute to making hooliganism a wider phenomenon, a useful symbol, and a social obsession in the future tradition of the Kano Emirate traditional system.

Since the reinstatement of Sunusi Lamido Sunusi to Gidan Dabo, the palace and areas such as Kofar Kudu, Kano Municipal, Gwale, Dala, and the surrounding areas become the headquarters of thugs. Even medical workers at Hasiya Bayero Paediatric Hospital were attacked on the 27th of May, 2024. The Nigerian Medical Association (NMA) issued a statement condemning the barbaric development. Many other people living in the neighbourhood are not spared either.

This situation arose when the city’s public spaces were “swarming” with thousands of newly armed groups mandated to “protect” and pay allegiance to Emir Sunusi. These groups were recruited by the Kano state government only to praise their political master at the detriment of public safety.

Indeed, Gov Yusuf’s incompetence, ineptness, and clueless leadership style are undoubtedly taking Kano back to square zero. The pickle of the Kano emirship brawl is a cessation of Kano peace and stability as a courtesy to Senator Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso, former Governor of the state Kwankwaso, by Governor Yusuf and the former Emir Sunusi Lamido Sunusi, in a bid to drag Kano to the state of anarchy. 

Hooligans also came to represent the dangers inherent in loosening constraints on society. Even when hooligans victimised people far from their concerns, the increase in their numbers, the apparent pettiness of their motives, and the savagery of their actions within Gidan Dabo suggested that certain members of the lower classes were either very beastly or very angry and that the mechanisms of state’s control were no longer in place to checkmate this.

Now, what we ask is, does the state government prioritise praising its political godfather over protecting the blood of theKano people?

Ironically, hooliganism and thuggery that previous administrations fought have now been revived by the present administration as the number 2IC in the government triggered the infiltration and indoctrination of youth into hooliganism and thuggery.

On this note, we are calling on the federal government, security agencies, intelligence communities, Nigerian Bar Association (NBA),  northern traditional rulers, religious leaders and all other relevant authorities to intervene. They should also advise the Kano state government to obey the court order restraining them from reinstating the deposed Emir Sunusi Lamido Sunusi and dissolving the remaining four Emirates in the interest of the good people of Kano. This will bring an end to hooliganism, public disrespect, defiance, chaos, and violence that are capable of destabilising the peace and security of Kano State.

Aliyu Dalhatu Adamu wrote from the Federal University, Dutsinma, Katsina State, via

aliyudalhatuadamu@gmail.com.