Opinion

By Nazirah Muhammed,

Before the first note of his debut single, My Time, hit any speaker, Boluwatife Balogun lived in a world deliberately shielded from the glare of celebrity, a rare reality for the firstborn son of Afrobeats icon Ayodeji Ibrahim Balogun, popularly known as Wizkid. To understand his entry into music, you must first appreciate the calm, structured upbringing that shaped him.

Born in 2011, the same year Wizkid’s Superstar album launched him into global recognition, Boluwatife arrived at a moment that reshaped his father’s life. Unlike the public drama that often surrounds celebrity births, his early years were quietly protected. His mother, Shola Ogudu, Wizkid’s former partner and one-time manager, built a bubble of normalcy around him, ensuring that despite his father’s fame, his childhood remained grounded.

Privacy defined Boluwatife’s early life. While fans saw only occasional birthday photos or short videos, Bolu lived what many would consider a normal Lagos childhood. He attended regular schools, played basketball, hung out with friends, and focused on his education. Photos shared over the years showed a cheerful, well-adjusted boy enjoying vacations, milestones, and hobbies far from the spotlight. It was a deliberate effort to let him grow into himself, not into the expectations attached to his surname.

As he got older, one truth became impossible to ignore: Boluwatife is the spitting image of his father. From his eyes to his smile and lean frame, the resemblance earned him the nickname “Wizkid’s twin” among fans. And while Wizkid rarely posts about his children, the love is unmistakable. In a 2020 birthday message, he called Bolu his “twin” and expressed heartfelt affection, a glimpse into a quiet but strong father-son bond.

But beyond the looks, Boluwatife was absorbing another inheritance: music. Growing up around one of the most successful African musicians meant witnessing the creative process up close. The first public hint of his musical journey came in 2023, when his mother shared a video that quickly went viral. It didn’t just show a teenager singing along; it showed Boluwatife in a home studio, headphones on, confidently recording original material.

That clip changed everything. His voice, youthful but melodic and steady, revealed a natural ease with music. It was the moment “Boluwatife the artiste” shifted from speculation to reality.

My Time didn’t appear out of nowhere. It is the product of years spent watching, listening, learning, and quietly preparing. The same boy who hustled on the basketball court and completed assignments is now stepping into the booth with intention. His sheltered upbringing gave him self-awareness; his environment gave him artistry.

His debut marks not just a career launch but the beginning of a new chapter for a young man raised with care, balance, and an understanding of the legacy he represents. The world may just be hearing him now, but Boluwatife Balogun has been getting ready all along.

Nazirah Muhammed is an intern with PRNigeria. She can be reached at nazirahmuhammed01@gmail.com.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

On Saturday, November 1, 2025, U.S. President Donald J. Trump made his famous “guns-a-blazing” remark and described Nigeria as “the now disgraced country.”

On Sunday, November 2, he repeated that the United States could deploy troops to Nigeria or launch airstrikes to stop alleged killings.

In what appears to be a reaction to Trump’s comments, terrorists and bandits in Nigeria have intensified attacks, especially the mass abduction of pupils, students, and worshippers.

On November 17, bandits abducted 25 female students from Government Girls’ Comprehensive Secondary School, Maga, Kebbi State.

On November 18, daredevil gunmen attacked Christ Apostolic Church, Oke-Isegba, Eruku, kidnapping 38 worshippers during an evening service.

On Friday, November 21, gunmen raided St. Mary’s School in the Papiri community of Niger State’s Agwara District, abducting 215 pupils and 12 teachers.

That same day, after Trump appeared on Fox News and declared, “I think Nigeria is a disgrace,” reports emerged that ISWAP fighters had abducted 13 teenage girls working on farmlands in Askira-Uba, Borno State.

Armed groups across Nigeria have long understood the symbolic power of their targets. But the timing and composition of these attacks suggest deeper motives:

Three separate days. Four mass kidnappings. Hundreds of victims. Mostly female victims. This is not a coincidence. This is a strategy.

Observers cite four major reasons:

1.  To escalate the situation and attract international attention. Nothing provokes global outrage like the mass abduction of schoolgirls or worshippers. Terrorists crave visibility, especially when a powerful international figure has threatened intervention.

2.  To instil fear and embarrass the government , psychological warfare, so to speak. Targeting female students and worshippers strikes directly at the heart of communities. Schools and places of worship are supposed to be sanctuaries; when they are violated, society trembles.

3.  To use abducted victims, especially girls, as human shields. If the U.S. were ever to conduct air strikes, the bandits and terrorists understand the protective value of having dozens of young female hostages in their custody.

4.  Ransom opportunities: To exploit heightened international interest as leverage for ransom or negotiation. Heightened American interest increases the “value” of hostages. Criminal groups see an opportunity to negotiate for large payouts.

President Trump’s threats have become a local weapon for the terrorists. To be fair to President Trump, he may not intend it, but his sensational remarks have become ammunition in the arsenal of Nigeria’s armed groups. They interpret his words as an opportunity or a provocation and recalibrate their tactics accordingly.

Also, to be fair to President Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, he or his government cannot control the statements made by foreign leaders. Still, they can control how prepared the country is for the consequences. This moment demands urgency. The Nigerian delegation to the US, led by Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, is engaged in sterling diplomatic work. Thus, apart from local efforts, this visit indicates to the Nigerian leadership that a well-planned diplomatic strategy can prevent reckless foreign commentary from escalating domestic crises.

Local and international efforts must work together!

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Habu Abdu Aminu

Professor Umar Sani Fagge is widely recognised as a leading figure in Islamic scholarship and Arabic studies in Nigeria. His name commands respect not only in academic circles but also among millions of Muslims who follow his lectures, sermons, and community teachings. His life’s journey from the traditional Qur’anic school in the Fagge community to the rank of Professor at Bayero University Kano (BUK) represents an inspiring narrative of humility, perseverance, and the pursuit of divine and worldly knowledge.

Born into a devout, intellectually rich family in the Fagge area of Kano State, Professor Fagge’s educational journey began under his mother’s loving care. Coming from a lineage of knowledgeable parents and grandparents, he was nurtured in an environment where Islamic learning, moral discipline, and respect for knowledge were fundamental values.

His earliest education took place in the Makarantar Allo (traditional Qur’anic school), where he learned to recite the Qur’an. He later advanced to an Islamiyyah school, which broadened his understanding of Arabic grammar, hadith (Prophetic traditions), and fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence). These formative experiences instilled in him a passion for knowledge and an unshakable spiritual foundation.

Subsequently, he transitioned into the modern educational system, completing his primary and secondary education in Kano State. Motivated by a desire to deepen his understanding of Islamic and Arabic studies, he proceeded to Bayero University, Kano, where he obtained a Diploma, a Bachelor of Arts (B.A.), a Master of Arts (M.A.), and ultimately a Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) in Arabic. This remarkable academic progression not only reflects his intellectual capacity but also his lifelong dedication to scholarship.

Professor Fagge’s professional career began at the Kano State Ministry of Education, where he served as a classroom teacher. His outstanding teaching skills and commitment to educational excellence soon drew attention from the academic community. In 1991, he joined Bayero University Kano as a Graduate Assistant in the Department of Arabic, marking the start of an illustrious academic journey.

Over the following three decades, Professor Fagge steadily rose through the ranks, from Assistant Lecturer, Lecturer II, Lecturer I, Senior Lecturer, and Associate Professor, culminating in his promotion to full Professor in 2023. His promotion was celebrated across the academic and religious landscape as recognition of his scholarly distinction, exemplary service, and mentorship of younger scholars.

Throughout his tenure at BUK, he has taught a wide range of undergraduate and postgraduate courses in Arabic language, literature, and Islamic jurisprudence. He has supervised numerous research projects and postgraduate theses, shaping a generation of students and educators who continue to uphold his academic legacy.

Professor Umar Sani Fagge’s influence extends far beyond the university walls. As an Islamic jurist (faqih) and public preacher (da’i), he has become a household name in Northern Nigeria and beyond. He actively participates in Makarantar Soro, Islamiyyah schools, and community-based Qur’anic centers, where he teaches and delivers sermons to diverse audiences.

His da’wah activities reflect a holistic understanding of Islam, addressing both ‘ibadat (acts of worship) and mu’amalat (social and economic interactions). Through his public lectures, radio and television programs, and digital platforms, he promotes moral reform, justice, and socio-economic development in line with Islamic principles. Thousands of people attend his lectures, and his teachings are widely shared on media outlets, where he reaches audiences across Nigeria, Niger, and other parts of West Africa.

Among Professor Fagge’s many contributions to Islamic thought, his interpretation of Zakat al-fitr stands out as a practical and socio-economically relevant concept. In his lectures, he emphasises that Zakat al-fitr, a mandatory form of almsgiving at the end of Ramadan, is a crucial instrument of infaq (voluntary or obligatory charity) that directly addresses food insecurity in Muslim societies.

According to him, Zakat al-fitr is not a mere ritual; it is a divinely ordained social safety net aimed at eradicating hunger among the poor during festive periods. When administered correctly, it ensures that every Muslim, regardless of social or economic status, partakes in the joy and blessings of Eid. He argues that if properly institutionalised, Zakat al-fitr can enhance the living standards of the poor and promote socio-economic balance within the ummah.

Professor Fagge further observes that the real purpose of its implementation goes beyond the spiritual cleansing of the fasting individual. It also reflects the economic justice promoted by Islam, where wealth flows and benefits all parts of society. In his opinion, the proper management of Zakat al-fitr by reputable charitable organisations could significantly reduce hunger, poverty, and inequality within Muslim communities.

Moreover, Professor Fagge’s intellectual reach is amplified through his numerous public lectures, Qur’anic tafsir sessions, and radio commentaries. He is known for simplifying complex religious concepts and applying them to contemporary social issues such as governance, family relations, business ethics, and community welfare. His style is calm, evidence-based, and deeply rooted in classical sources, making his teachings both authentic and accessible.

He has also published academic papers and presented at conferences on Arabic linguistics, Islamic jurisprudence, and ethics. His insights continue to influence scholars, students, and policymakers who seek to align Islamic principles with modern governance and development strategies.

Over the decades, Professor Umar Sani Fagge has mentored countless students, many of whom have become lecturers, jurists, judges, lawyers, politicians, administrators, businessmen, and community leaders. His balanced approach to Islamic jurisprudence, combining intellectual rigour with moral empathy, has earned him a reputation as a reformer who promotes unity, moderation, and social responsibility.

His enduring legacy lies not only in the degrees he earned and the lectures he delivered, but also in the transformative impact he has had on his community. Through his tireless service, he embodies the Qur’anic principle that “those who are given knowledge and act upon it are truly among the most honoured of people.”

Professor Umar Sani Fagge’s journey from the traditional Qur’anic school of Fagge to the professorial chair at Bayero University Kano is a story of resilience, dedication, and divine blessing. His life underscores the timeless value of education as both a spiritual and social enterprise. Through his scholarship and da’wah, he has contributed immensely to moral reform, academic growth, and socio-economic enlightenment in Nigeria.

In an age where many scholars are confined to either the mosque or the classroom, Professor Fagge stands as a rare bridge between both worlds. His teachings on zakat al-fitr and food security reaffirm Islam’s commitment to justice, compassion, and collective welfare. Indeed, his legacy will continue to inspire generations to come—an enduring reminder that knowledge, when guided by faith, is the greatest form of service to humanity.

Habu Abdu is a researcher and social analyst from the Department of Banking and Finance at Kano State Polytechnic, Nigeria. He can be contacted at +2348086252563.

By Lawal Dahiru Mamman

History has shown, time and again, that empires rise and fall. The Roman Empire, one of the most powerful the world has ever known, once ran its affairs through the “cursus publicus”, a state-run courier service that carried official messages, documents, and goods across vast territories. At its peak, that system was the lifeblood of Rome’s political and economic power.

It was through the “cursus publicus” that Rome sustained control over trade, tax collection, commercial regulation, and responses to economic challenges. It kept the wheels of commerce turning, ensured that official supplies — from grains and olive oil to textiles and metals — moved swiftly, and maintained the empire’s hold over its provinces.

But as Rome began to lose its grip on that system, communication faltered. Trade weakened. Taxes dwindled. Economic integration collapsed. What followed was a slow, sprawling decline that signalled the empire’s loss of power and the gradual rise of others.

Today, empires no longer look like Rome. They are defined by global influence, control of international systems, and the ability to shape the world order. The West — especially the United States — has long enjoyed that advantage. But emerging power blocs are redrawing the world map, and anyone can see the global balance is shifting.

It is against this backdrop that the recent noise around an alleged “Christian Genocide” in Nigeria must be understood. Following that allegation, US President Donald Trump redesignated Nigeria as a Country of Particular Concern (CPC). The designation carries several potential consequences: aid cuts, export license restrictions, asset freezes, limited security cooperation, and even American opposition to international loans and investments.

Not stopping there, Trump went a step further, issuing a dramatic threat of military action that would be “fast, vicious, and sweet” if the Nigerian government failed to protect its citizens. His declaration sparked reactions far beyond Nigeria’s borders, raising an important question: What truly motivates America’s sudden aggression?

To understand this, one must consider the broader geopolitical shifts unfolding beneath the surface. In January 2025, Nigeria joined BRICS — a powerful intercontinental bloc formed by Brazil, Russia, India, and China, with South Africa later joining. The BRICS exists largely to counter the dominance of Western institutions like the IMF and the World Bank and to promote a multipolar global economy in which the US dollar no longer reigns supreme. 

With a combined GDP of roughly $30 trillion, the bloc wields real economic weight. Nigeria’s entry strengthens its ties with major economies such as China and India, promising new investments in energy, agriculture, infrastructure, and industrial development. It also opens the door to greater export opportunities, especially in oil and natural gas. 

For a country long boxed into Western-controlled financial systems, BRICS offers breathing space — and alternatives. There is also the Dangote Refinery, with its single-train capacity of 650,000 barrels per day. For decades, Nigeria relied on imported fuel despite its abundant crude oil. That era is ending. Import figures are falling sharply — 24.15 million litres per day in January 2025, 19.26 million in September, and just 15.11 million in the first ten days of October. 

With Dangote planning to expand to 1.4 million barrels per day, Nigeria is on the path to fuel independence, rivalling India’s Jamnagar Refinery, the world’s largest. This development, naturally, unsettles countries that benefit from Nigeria’s dependence — America included.

Then there is Nigeria’s deepening relationship with China. In the past year alone, Nigeria has signed major deals on industrial parks, rail and port infrastructure, mineral exploration, and energy development. China’s economic footprint in Nigeria is expanding rapidly. Meanwhile, Russia’s growing presence across sub-Saharan Africa and Nigeria’s renewed ties with France add to America’s discomfort.

The mineral dimension is equally sensitive. Beyond oil, Nigeria holds rare minerals — including lithium — that power the world’s battery industry. In a world moving toward electric mobility and renewable energy, lithium is the new oil. And China, not the United States, is securing access.

US Senator Ted Cruz once captured America’s anxiety bluntly during a congressional session when he warned: “China is a global threat that must be confronted territory by territory, nation by nation… China is pouring billions into its Belt and Road Initiative… gaining control over cobalt, lithium and other rare earth minerals… refining more than 70% of the world’s cobalt and controlling vast shares of global supply chains.”

His comments speak volumes when placed beside today’s geopolitical tensions. None of this denies the fact that Nigeria still faces grave security challenges. Our leaders must rise to their responsibilities and make the country safe for all. But it is naïve to imagine that America’s sabre-rattling is purely humanitarian. 

The United States may not be threatening a “sweet” military strike out of concern for Nigerian lives. Rather, like Rome losing its “cursus publicus”, America may be reacting to a shifting world order in which its grip is slipping — and Nigeria now sits at the centre of that shift.

Lawal Dahiru Mamman writes from Abuja. He can be contacted at: dahirulawal90@gmail.com.

By Aliyu U. Tilde

International perception of religious conflicts in Nigeria is influenced by a propaganda that is overwhelmingly based on biased naming of their victims and perpetrators. When you search the Internet for the killing of Muslims in Nigeria by Christians, the best result you can get would be very scanty. But when you ask about Christian genocide, killings, etc., the result would be very lengthy. Something is amiss.

It is not that Muslims are not being killed by Christians or fellow Muslims. For twenty years, before Boko Haram and bandits started killing mostly Muslims, wholesale massacres of Muslims have been taking place in Northcentral Nigeria especially. And the mass killings have continued even after 2009 when Boko Haram appeared. However, the Internet turns blind when you search for them. Therefore, international observers hardly remember them and researchers hardly notice them. The reason is in the name.

Same Crime, Different Names

When the victim is a Christian, media reporters, who are predominantly Christians in the country, call them Christians, even in a conflict that may have nothing to do with religion. The headlines will quickly read: Fulani kill Christians, Christian communities attacked, genocide of Christians, etc. The Internet sees only what is posted.

On the flip side, when the victims are Muslim, they are given neutral names: villagers, worshippers, civilians, locals, people, Nigerians, etc. The 25 abducted Kebbi school girls are called “school children”, not “Muslim school children”. Their religious identity is cancelled, deleted or hidden deliberately. So when any scholar or reader searches the Internet on Muslim killings or genocide, he hardly gets much.

Again, if the attackers are Muslim, they are eagerly reported as Islamists, jihadists, Fulani (Muslim) militants, terrorists, etc. The Internet easily apprehends them and hands them over to the researcher who receives them with delight and uses them as the statistics of his own narrative, thus multiplying the spread of the bias.

However, if the perpetrators are Christian-affiliated, they are reported as youths, tribal militias, unknown gunmen, attackers, mob, etc. The Christian identity is deleted, hidden and allowed to escape the policing of the Internet.

Thus, the Internet-dependent world of today, as was the mainstream Christian southern press, is afflicted with the illusion that Christians are always the target, and Muslims always the perpetrators, which is false by history, statistics and morality.

Forgotten Massacres of Muslims

The Internet hardly reflects the following carefully planned and executed war crimes against Muslims by their Christian neighbours:

— Kasuwan Magani (1981) – The first major religious crisis began with the nocturnal attack of innocent Muslims by Christians.

— Kafanchan crises (1987, 1999) – Multiple waves of massacres of Muslims.

— Zangon Kataf (1992) – So horrendous that Christian leaders were convicted and a retired General was sentenced to death.

— Tafawa Balewa recurring pogroms (1991, 1995, 2000, 2001) – Ending in the cleansing of the town of its Muslim founders and majority.

— Plateau crises (2001, 2004, 2008, 2010, 2012) – More than 40 Muslim settlements were wiped out.

— Yelwa massacre (May 2004) – Exceptionally barbaric; the Christian President suspended the Governor and declared a state of emergency.

— Southern Kaduna (2011) – In Matsirga, Zonkwa, Kachia, and many other southern Kaduna towns where over 1,200 Muslims were killed by Christian militias.

— Wukari crises (2013–2014) – Jukun Christian militias carried out mass slaughter of Muslims.

— Taraba/Jalingo/Ardo Kola (2012–2017) – Entire Muslim communities wiped out.

— Mambilla Plateau massacre (June 2017) – 727 Muslim Fulani herders massacred under the supervision and protection of Christian officials of Sardauna LGA and Taraba State Government.

— Numan massacre (November 2017) – Hundreds of Fulani Muslims killed by Bachama Christian militias.

All of the above gruesome Christian-on-Muslim killings are called ethnic clashes, reprisals, intercommunal violence, farmer-herder conflict, youth violence or mob attack. When Muslims attack Christians, often in defence or reprisal, it is called Islamic violence, jihad, Christian genocide or religious persecution. The asymmetry is astonishing and it is not without its reasons and motives.

Reasons

The naming bias exists because Western institutions are Christian, culturally, and so is the Nigerian media predominantly. This tilts their sympathies, metaphors and moral instincts toward Christian victims. A Muslim killed in Kuru is a Nigerian villager; a Christian killed in Jos is a Christian.

The evangelical world and funding structure of NGOs also share a quota of the biased narrative. Organizations like CSW, Genocide Watch, Open Doors, WWW, ICC Evangelicals, name them, are Christian and their reports are the fodder of CNN, US Congress, BBC, and form the basis of Western narrative. Muslims are not blessed with such infrastructure of global lying and propaganda.

Then Christian traders of conflict especially from the Northcentral, IPOB secessionist, and evangelical entrepreneurs feed this inverted narrative for the purpose of gaining NGO sympathy, Western evangelical funding, UN, US and UK political pressure, diplomatic leverage as well as weapons and security alliances. Moreover, foreign governments are easily animated by the mention of religious persecution rather than ethnic conflict.

There is also this strange desperation to prove Christian persecution in Nigeria which, for lack of sufficient data, is compelling many Christian clerics and politicians to claim Muslim victims as Christians. A picture of a Muslim burial is tagged “Muslim murder 25 Christians in latest violence across Nigeria—Pastor killed, churches torched.” In the instance of the kidnapping of 25 girls from a secondary school in Kebbi, even American officials and former Rep. Riley Moore are insinuating that they are Christians. Fortunately, to forestall any false claim, the school has just released the names of the victims: 100% Muslim.

The same thing with the killings in Bama, abductions in Katsina, and so on. We hope they will not claim that General Alkali and Brig. M. Uba are Christians too. Some people sabi lie. A reverend just told the Internet world that he carried out 70 mass burials, some up to 500 people in mass graves—he alone, he claimed. Where are the graves? No answer. Chineke! IPOB have also jumped into the fray. I watched a video showing cattle grazing while a group of masked men, speaking Hausa with a heavy Igbo accent, claimed to be Fulani terrorists ready to kill Christian Igbo.

Finally, let us also not forget the frequency of complaint and the readiness to exaggerate. Muslims hardly complain over and over when they are killed. They shout once, mourn for three days and carry on, “leaving everything to God.” Christians, on the other hand, as a Christian TikTok girl said, see it as an opportunity to complain, at home and abroad, for the reasons I just mentioned. The Internet algorithms will then definitely be in favour of the Christian narrative.

In the end, a false portrait is painted—that Christians are being wiped out everywhere; Muslims are never victims; Christians never kill; and Muslims kill for religion but Christians for “land” and “in clashes.”

Conclusion

A balance even in vocabulary is always important for proper understanding of any situation. Muslims in Nigeria are learning so since President Trump assigned himself the role of Peter the Hermit. They must learn the art of nagging and complain endlessly as their Christian counterparts do. Finally, they must adopt the Nigerian vocabulary of conflict reporting, naming the religious identity of their attackers and victims, whether Christians or Muslims. Only this would open the eyes of the Internet to their suffering, bring their victims to the notice of researchers and catch the attention of the West and global institutions.

With this egalitarian balance of nomenclature, the world would see a better picture of conflicts in Nigeria and assist the country in overcoming its problems. Without it, the narrative will remain one-sided and the Muslims in Nigeria will always be blamed—and punished—for crimes over which they do not have monopoly.

Dr. Aliyu U. Tilde is a political analyst based in Bauchi State Nigeria.

Dear Nicki Minaj,

As the latest spokesperson in America speaking on Nigeria, I must clarify that the script provided to you by internal actors back home in Nigeria and their collaborators in the United States is biased and one-sided. You might not fully understand the complexities of insecurity in my country, and you have been fed false lies about fictitious claims of ongoing Christian genocidal attacks.

Here is the reality:

1. In North West Nigeria, banditry devastates the region, with Muslims frequently killing fellow Muslims.

2. In North East Nigeria, Boko Haram and ISWAP, both Muslim terrorist groups, mainly kill fellow Muslims in Borno and Yobe.

3. In North Central Nigeria—Plateau, Southern Kaduna, Taraba, Benue—farmer-herder conflicts, caused by land disputes, are often wrongly seen as religious wars. These conflicts affect both Christians (farmers) and Muslims (Hausa-Fulani herders).

4. In South East Nigeria—Anambra, Enugu, Ebonyi, Abia—IPOB terrorists, who are Igbo Christians, are killing fellow Igbo Christians in their bid for secession.

Dear Nicki, insecurity in Nigeria impacts Muslims, Christians, traditionalists, and atheists equally. The narrative you received is incomplete and misleading.

Nicki Minaj, the Muslims being killed in Nigeria, and other heinous crimes being perpetrated against them do not get to the headlines of international media for you and others to see and understand. The Muslims back home in my country bury their loved ones killed in silence, for they do not believe in using dead bodies for propaganda or to attract sympathy or donations from international organisations.

If you care about speaking for Nigerian Christians, I urge you also to speak for Black Americans facing police brutality. Just as you highlighted Nigeria’s challenges, you can bring the reality of racial injustice in the US to global attention.

Just like you are calling for global international attention on what has been tagged as ongoing Christians’ genocidal attacks in Nigeria, kindly also call global attention to the silent, ongoing police brutality against your fellow Black Americans and the racial discrimination they are facing.

If Nigerian Christians’ lives matter to you, then let the lives of your fellow Black Americans matter as well.

Thanks.

Mustapha Gembu is a Nigerian citizen and a proud advocate for peace, unity, and harmonious coexistence among my fellow Nigerians.

By Engr. Abubakar Sulaiman

The Amnesty International Nigeria and some Northern Intellectuals were asleep or in a state of limbo when the Kano state government invited Mallam Lawan Shuaibu Triumph to appear before the Shura Committee and defend what some segments of Muslims considered blasphemous or disrespectful. He appeared, defended his statements, and heaven did not fall. He also made it clear that he was open to further discussion or debate.

Waking up from slumber, Amnesty International found its voice only when the ‘anointed’ Yahaya Masussuka (whom some people laughably expect to bring about a ‘revolution’ in mainstream Islam and its preachings) was invited by the Katsina state government to appear before a committee regarding his preachments. That was when they realised someone was about to be stripped of their freedom. The olive branch that wasn’t extended to Mallam Lawal Shuaibu Triumph.

Is it double standards or hypocrisy from the organisation and the so-called intellectuals? It is both. And it is a clever-by-half and calculated attempt to arm-twist a government procedure. But this is a discussion for another day.

That said, I believe state governments should find a way to disengage from organising religious debates. They should enact laws that regulate religious preaching and require JNI or CAN (or any other faith-based body) to license preachers. Whoever has a disagreement or believes a cleric’s preachment is an affront to overriding public interest should approach the court. Based on the enacted laws, the court should determine what constitutes extremism or actions inimical to social stability and thereby de-license a cleric or even sentence them to time in correctional facilities where appropriate.

I think debates on religious ideologies should be organised by faith-based organisations, or anyone who has an axe to grind with another person on religious issues should extend an invitation to a debate. Two Salafi scholars, Shaykh Isa Ali Pantami and the late Shaykh Idris Abdulaziz, extended such an invitation to the Boko Haram leader, the late Muhammad Yusuf, without any state government spearheading or supervising the engagement. Many people later renounced the Boko Haram ideology after listening to that debate. Additionally, Mallam Al-Qasim Hotoro also approached Mallam AbdulJabbar Nasiru Kabara for a debate, though AbdulJabbar used a ‘tactical manoeuvre’ to decline the engagement. The populace will then be the judge of who can present convincing evidence for their beliefs or ideology from such debates.

State governments risk falling into a quagmire if they continue to entertain complaints and organise religious debates without referring them to government-recognised faith-based organisations or a court of competent jurisdiction. It is difficult to digest, given the fear of censorship from our kind of governments, but regulation is key to taming religious hiccups and extreme tendencies while enhancing social integration.

Abubakar writes from Kaduna and can be reached via abusuleiman06@gmail.com.

By Umar Sani Adamu, 

For a long time, Western media outlets, foreign politicians, and advocacy groups have repeatedly described Nigeria as the scene of an ongoing “Christian genocide” at the hands of Muslims, particularly Fulani herdsmen. The charge is serious, emotional, and widely circulated. However, a closer examination of the facts on the ground reveals a much more complex and painful truth: the primary victims of the country’s deadliest insecurity crisis, armed banditry, are overwhelmingly northern Muslims.

Multiple independent investigations have found no evidence of a systematic, religiously motivated campaign to exterminate Christians. A 2024 BBC Global Disinformation Unit report, fact-checks by AFP and Al Jazeera, and even cautious statements from Open Doors, the Christian persecution monitor frequently quoted by genocide advocates, have all warned that the term “genocide” is being misused and exaggerated in the Nigerian context.

The violence plaguing the country is real, but it is predominantly criminal, not confessional. Since 2015, armed banditry, kidnapping for ransom, cattle rustling, village raids and mass killings have turned Zamfara, Katsina, Kaduna, Sokoto and parts of Niger State into killing fields. These states are 90–98 per cent Muslim. Most bandits are ethnic Fulani Muslims who prey primarily on Hausa Muslim farming communities.

Complex numbers tell the story that western headlines rarely do:  

– Zamfara State alone recorded over 1,200 banditry-related deaths in 2023,  almost all Muslim.  

– In the first nine months of 2025, more than 2,800 people were killed by bandits across the North West, according to the Nigerian Atrocities Documentation Project. The vast majority were Muslim.  

– The U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom stated in its 2025 report that banditry “disproportionately affects Muslim-majority areas”.

While Christians have suffered real losses in Middle Belt farmer-herder clashes and church attacks, the scale and frequency pale in comparison to the daily carnage in the Muslim North West.

 When the clergy cross the line

This month, Plateau State Police Command arrested a Catholic priest for allegedly supplying AK-47 rifles and thousands of rounds of ammunition to bandit gangs operating across Plateau, Kaduna and Bauchi. Weapons recovered from the cleric have reportedly been linked to recent deadly raids. He was paraded on November 12.

It is not an isolated case. In February 2025, another Reverend Father, a deaconess and several church members were arrested in Taraba for allegedly running arms to both Boko Haram and bandit groups. Similar arrests of Christian clergy and lay workers have occurred in Benue and Nasarawa.

Social media reaction was swift and furious: “They label every Fulani man a terrorist, yet a Reverend Father is caught red-handed arming the same killers,” wrote one widely shared post.

Why the false narrative endures

Images of burnt churches and grieving Christian widows travel fast on global networks. Footage of torched Muslim villages in remote Zurmi or Tsafe rarely does. Poor, Hausa-speaking northerners lack the lobbying machinery that amplifies Middle Belt voices in Washington and London.

As one northern governor privately admitted: “When they shout ‘Christian genocide’ abroad, the grants go to NGOs in Jos and Enugu — never to the millions of displaced Muslims rotting in camps in Gusau and Birnin Gwari.”

The way forward

Nigeria’s crisis is one of state failure, poverty, climate stress and organised crime not a holy war. Treating banditry as jihad only deepens division and delays solutions. Community policing, economic revival in the rural North, and ruthless prosecution of arms suppliers regardless of collar or turban offer the only realistic path to peace.

Until the world stops peddling a convenient myth, the people bearing the heaviest burden — ordinary Muslim farmers, women and children of the North West — will continue to bleed in silence.

There is no Christian genocide in Nigeria. There is, however, a predominantly Muslim tragedy that the world has chosen not to see.

Umar Sani Adamu can be reached via umarhashidu1994@gmail.com.

By Abubakar AbdusSalam Muhammad (Baban Gwale).

Dr Audu Bulama Bukarti is one of the individuals I admire most in today’s Nigeria.

Recently, during the deeply thought-provoking Zoom discussion organised by Professor Toyin Falola on President Donald Trump’s comments about Nigeria, Bulama once again demonstrated remarkable clarity, courage, and sincerity. His contributions stood out with intellectual depth and honesty, and he represented our nation with dignity and unwavering principle.

Beyond his powerful voice in national discourse, Dr Bukarti is an expert legal practitioner, a meticulous researcher, an exceptional analyst, and a genuine freedom fighter whose work continues to inspire countless Nigerians.

What truly sets him apart is his unshakable commitment to Islam and truth. I recall during an episode of Fashin Baki on President Tinubu’s recent pardons, when he was asked about the case of DCP Abba Kyari and other inmates. His response was firm, principled, and full of integrity:

“I don’t talk on anything that contradicts Islam whatsoever.” These words reflect the heart of a man guided by faith before anything else, a man whose compass does not bend under pressure or public opinion.

A true Nigerian, a proud Muslim, a committed Northerner, a brilliant mind, and indeed a one-man army “KAI KAƊAI GAYYA”

I am deeply proud of him, not only for his intellectual contributions, but for who he is as a true Muslim brother whose sincerity, courage, and patriotism strengthen my love and respect for him.

May Allah preserve him upon goodness, protect him, and continue to make his voice a source of benefit, justice, and guidance for our beloved nation.

By Lawan Bukar Maigana 

The growing hunger among media organisations and young people to publish exclusive news has created a climate where speed is valued more than truth and its consequences. Many rush to break stories without verifying details, flooding the digital space with noise and carelessness.

This reckless chase is more dangerous than it appears. Insurgents and criminal groups quietly monitor social media ecosystems. They sit behind screens, study posts, and gather intelligence that was never meant for them. A single careless update becomes an open door for those who wish to harm the nation.

The tragedy of Brigadier General Mohammed Uba stands as a painful reminder of how information can be weaponised. His initial capture, his escape, and the later recapture that ended with his execution reveal how ruthless these criminal networks have become. While many sympathised with his ordeal, few understood how online chatter influenced the events.

These groups constantly scan conversations, comments, and reactions. They interpret patterns and extract clues from citizens who treat every issue as content. The story of General Uba should teach the country a life-saving lesson. Silence is sometimes safer than speed. Enemies are listening and active online, and every careless post strengthens their hand.

They learned from social media chatter that he was still in the bush after escaping. Thoughtless updates provided them with clues. They mobilised fighters, tracked him again, recaptured him, and executed him. This is the heavy cost of posting without restraint.

Security matters require silence more than spectacle. Media organisations must recognise that operational secrecy protects lives. Sensational updates during crises do not inform, but they endanger. The right to know cannot outweigh the need to safeguard ongoing operations. 

This protection is not just for soldiers but also for citizens. Insurgents study community movements, market patterns, celebrations, and tragedies. Careless information helps them identify the weakest points. 

If anyone must share information during sensitive times, the only safe place to do so is with the authorities. Security spokespeople exist to process information responsibly. They verify claims, filter sensitive information, and ensure that outsiders cannot track anything that could compromise national security.

Despite these realities, many still chase virality with reckless boldness. A recent incident exposed this trend when a fabricated story circulated about a young lady in  Gubio Local Government Area of Borno State, who allegedly took her life because she was forced into marriage. Influencers shared it widely without verifying a single detail from her family or the authorities.

The emotional weight of the story carried it across timelines. People blamed parents, culture, and religion. The story was false, yet the damage was already done. The truth moved more slowly than the lie. Later, those who invented the news were arrested, and they confessed that they had shared the information without any verification after a whole LGA had been demonised.

This incident reflects a troubling social habit. People now prefer drama to accuracy. They prefer emotional reactions to factual clarity. They prefer virality to responsibility, at the expense of people’s lives, especially among northern netizens. 

This culture feeds insecurity and weakens the nation’s sense of truth. When false alarms dominate the digital space, real warnings become harder to identify. When emotion overshadows fact, society becomes vulnerable.

Young people must understand that social media is no longer a playground; it is a battlefield for attention and a monitoring ground for criminals, organisations, and individuals with exclusive access who read everything posted online.

Editors and influencers must rise above the chaos and set a standard. They must insist on verification before publication and accuracy before speed. Their platforms should become places where truth is valued and rumours are filtered out. If they uphold responsible reporting, their followers will learn to do the same.

They must also use their influence to educate the public. People should understand that clicks are not worth the life of a soldier or a citizen, and shares are not worth the shame of an innocent family. Only through responsible reporting can society rebuild trust, strengthen security, and protect the dignity of those whose stories are too important to be mistreated or used to strengthen news agencies’ visibility.

Lawan Bukar Maigana wrote via lawanbukarmaigana@gmail.com.