Opinion

By Bilyamin Abdulmumin, PhD

Whenever I am in my community, I usually go to Kebbi State College of Health Technology, Jega, for computer business services. But suddenly, this Thursday, I encountered violent rioting students, blocking the road with what usually signals tension: burning tyres. When I noticed the school gate ablaze, I realised the situation was out of hand.

Later in the evening, I learned about even more harrowing stories, as the house and vehicles of the school provost, Haruna Saidu-Sauwa, were destroyed beyond imagination. The provost was barely said to have escaped lynching. This is the part of the country where even a peaceful demonstration is culturally and morally avoided, so bringing such riots of this magnitude called for reckoning.

The students reached the breaking point when they felt utterly swindled by the school management. According to some of them who spoke with correspondent of Radio Nigeria Equity FM Birnin Kebbi, they were admitted to study various newly introduced courses for national diploma, boldly indicated by their admission letters. But, unknowing to them, they would be given certificates because their courses were not accredited. What made the matter bitter was spending two years waiting for a ship that never came and the ultimatum to meet the deadline for registration fees or miss the national exam, so through the sweat of their brows, they cough up the 65k examination fee. One student’s story paints the extent of their predicament. According to this student, his father was due for an eye operation, but because of this dateline, the operation had to be delayed.

Penultimate to the incident, the students have been giving excuses, especially by the person they channel their anger the most: the school provost. When one-on-one with him, having exhausted all possible excuses, he allegedly steered up the honest net: “We have nothing to do for you; you can do your worst if you cannot accept certificates (instead of national diplomas). 

Why the student could not settle for state certificates? According to one graduate of the school, only the national diploma gets recognition countrywide, and the state certificate is the lowest pecking order, which is looked down upon even within Kebbi State. When the first set was introduced for employment this year, they were told such certificates didn’t exist.  Thus, one student bore his frustration about this turn of events: the management just wanted, at all costs, to reduce us to roadside hawkers by giving us state certificates.

This turn of events was not all the reason behind the escalation of the matter, just the straw that broke the camel’s back. The school students’ cries have been echoed offline for a long time, and only a few courageous people have taken their cries to social media. The situation of running the school was dire; the light availability, water supply, and environmental sanitation were all allegedly pathetic—these factors, together with the latest lack of accreditation, combined to culminate into the time bomb.

This matter escalated because loyalty wins over competence. Another allegation was that the current provost of the school was chosen over Sadiq Noma, an upright, principled scholar who upholds due process. He was appointed for several days, and even a Walima (eating party) took place to celebrate his appointment. However, the appointment was suddenly terminated in favour of the current provost.

But reading about the predicament of other schools and colleges of health, especially through Dr Muhsin Ibrahim’s posts and the trove of comments that followed them, I realised that the malaise in health colleges in Nigeria is widespread. The sale of admissions has been normalised; benefits for grades are rampant, and now a new layer of irregularity has been introduced: ghost courses.

Health-related courses have the tradition of graduating self-employed students, so unarguably, the reason behind desperation to get admission in such institutions at all costs. Unfortunately, this is the weakness that the officials exploited across the country. Therefore, it is imperative for his excellency, the Kebbi State governor (and, of course, over Nigerian governors) Dr Nasir Idris, as an educationist, to arrest the situation to avoid losing the benefits that come with health-related schools: providing sought-after health staff in the state as well as serving as a source for self-employment.

Bilyamin Abdulmumin, PhD, wrote via bilal4riid13@gmail.com.

By Muhammed U. Hong

Nearly six decades ago, the practice of external borrowing for many developing countries could be linked to two major International Financial Institutions (IFIs): The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). These institutions became the most significant source of finance for many third-world economies, particularly in Africa, where countries owe both institutions a large portion of their external debts. However, towards the end of the 1990s and the beginning of the 2000s, the IMF experienced a decline in lending activities in the region. 

The institution was becoming almost irrelevant as most countries were reluctant to borrow from it due to its policies and programs, notably the Structural Adjustment Program, which worsened economic and social conditions rather than improving them. As a result, the IMF’s reputation was severely damaged, and countries began to seek alternatives.

In the last two decades, China emerged as a major bilateral lender, gaining prominence for its infrastructure and economic development projects in African countries through three of its most prominent institutions: The China Exim Bank, China Development Bank, and China Agricultural Bank. This led to the rise of many other private sector entities that helped cater to the fiscal needs of developing countries.

Between 2013 – 2022, African countries’ total external public debt stock, as reported by the World Bank’s International Development Association (IDA), rose from US$109.63 billion in 2013 to US$223.74 billion in 2022. China disbursed loans over the same ten-year span, increasing from US$24.11 billion in 2013 to US$62.89 billion in 2022. As of March 2022, 34% of Africa’s total external debt was owed to multilateral creditors, such as the World Bank’s IDA and the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD), while 23% was linked to bilateral creditors, including China and Germany. Private creditors, like Bondholders from the United Kingdom, accounted for the remaining 43%.^[1] Only a modest portion of Africa’s total external debt stock is owed to China.

External or foreign borrowing is not inherently negative for countries, including African ones. It is widely understood that virtually no country can sufficiently fund its budget by relying solely on its yearly revenue. Thus, governments resort to public debt to fulfil fiscal obligations, especially when running a deficit or intending to spend more than their revenue. In Africa, external borrowing has served as a necessary tool to fund critical domestic infrastructure projects that aim to generate developmental and social gains.

However, the criteria for borrowing—such as the type of debt, its purpose, repayment terms, currency of repayment, and borrowing conditions—play a crucial role. One key metric that lenders assess is the Public Debt-to-GDP ratio, which indicates what a country owes in relation to what it produces and thereby reflects its ability to repay the debt. The higher the Debt-to-GDP ratio, the greater the risk of default. The World Bank established that a threshold of 64% for emerging markets (such as African countries) and 77% for developed economies is where public debt may begin to impact economic growth negatively. ^[2]

Interestingly, some of the world’s leading economies, including Japan, the United States, and the United Kingdom, have the highest public debt-to-GDP ratios—241%, 114%, and 79%, respectively—while African nations such as Cabo Verde, South Africa, and Nigeria have ratios of 117%, 47%, and 20%. ^[3] This demonstrates that African countries adhere more strictly to their public debt-to-GDP limits than their Western counterparts. Nonetheless, high public debt does not necessarily indicate weak economies, as some countries can rely on other sources of revenue to offset their liabilities.

So, why does Africa find China more attractive as a lender than IFIs? The World Bank and IMF initially offered loans with favourable terms to African countries in need but came with high interest rates and stringent conditions. African governments were often required to implement reforms designed by these institutions, and the loans were subject to strict environmental, social, and governance standards. Not all African countries were willing or able to comply with these requirements, which diminished their appetite for loans from IFIs and increased their interest in China’s concessional loans, which had fewer conditions. Their “no strings attached” model made Chinese loans more accessible and did not require adherence to governance or environmental standards while offering prospects for debt moratoriums.

For example, new data shows that China’s total lending to Zambia stands at $5.05 billion, equivalent to 30% of Zambia’s external debt. About 80% of China’s loans come from low-interest, concessional finance from China’s development banks, like the China Exim Bank, with the remaining $948 million held by commercial entities such as ICBC and Huawei.^[4]  However, there are widespread reports of opacity in Chinese lending practices. African governments have been largely silent about whether loans are used for capital or recurrent expenditures, which makes it difficult for citizens to determine the health of their countries’ debt paths.

This lack of transparency raises concerns about inflated project costs, kickbacks, or the financing of white elephant projects ahead of crucial elections. The China-Africa Research Initiative (CARI), a Washington-based team of independent researchers, is one of the few reliable sources for data on Chinese loans, as it gathers information from loan contracts, interviews, and its global network.

Why do some believe Chinese loans are different from IFI loans and are designed to trap low-income countries into surrendering their natural resources? 

Public-private partnership (PPP) arrangements and the Build-Operate-Transfer (BOT) model, in which Chinese firms manage projects without fully taking over, have been common in Chinese contracts. However, African countries have begun to default on their loan commitments, leading China to adopt the more controversial resource-backed lending model. This model has been used in Africa as a fundamental way to finance many economic and social infrastructure projects like railways, telecoms, mining, construction, power, etc. 

The principle behind the resource-backed lending or resource-financed infrastructure (RFI) model, as they call it, is to allow the borrower country to commit its future revenues derived from the sale of its natural resources to pay for loans provided by the Chinese creditors. Under the RFI model, Chinese lenders have financed an average of 71 projects per year in Africa, at an average value of US$ 180 million since 2010. Between 2000 and 2019, only 26 per cent of Chinese lending in Africa has been tied to the future revenue from natural resources, with Angola taking a sizeable portion of 18 per cent alone. The remaining 8 per cent is evident in loan commitments of US$ 500 million made to Nigeria for its Abuja light rail project in 2012 and 2011 to finance new phases of its airport projects and the Lekki Port’s Free Trade Zone. Others have been used for the US$ 475 million loan in 2011 for the Addis-Ababa light rail project, and in Egypt, for a US$ 1.2 billion loan for their light rail projects.^[5] The primary risk of the RFI model is that commodity prices are volatile, which could undermine debt sustainability. 

According to CARI, in 2019, Chinese borrowings to African governments began classifying the countries that were perceived as ‘less risky’ due to concerns about debt sustainability. This is because most countries borrowing heavily from China have been identified to have histories of IMF bailouts, making new such borrowings from China unsustainable. CARI examined the situation in 17 African countries that are either in debt distress or at high risk of debt distress due to the high lending volume, which has forced China to address the issue of debt sustainability. 

Countries like Ethiopia, Mozambique, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Djibouti were all denied fresh loans in 2019. Others like Kenya, Cameroon and Zambia were given relatively small loans. Angola, the continent’s largest borrower of Chinese loans, with an average of US$ 4 billion per year between 2010 – 2018, experienced a decline to about US$106 million in 2019. This is despite securitising Angola’s future revenue from its oil exports. Nigeria, which surpasses as the continent’s largest crude oil exporter with a history of debt sustainability since 2000, had only been granted a loan commitment of around US$500 million. ^[6]

The issue of debt sustainability gained further attention during the COVID-19 pandemic, leading to widespread calls for debt relief. China responded by offering debt relief packages (debt cancellation) and an (undisclosed) deferment of interest payments due to the pandemic. In 2020, China joined the G20 to create the Debt Service Suspension Initiative (DSSI) framework to alleviate the economic suffering imposed by the Coronavirus pandemic on African countries. By the following year, China was reported to have suspended debt worth over US$1.3 billion for 23 countries, out of which 16 are African countries.^[7] In a similar vein to tackling the Coronavirus pandemic, the IMF was also reported to have approved $500 million to cancel six months of debt payments for 25 countries, with 19 of them in Africa – which is almost one-third of what China had been able to offer to African governments.^[8]

According to Jubilee Debt Campaign UK, now referred to as Debt Justice, a UK campaign organisation to end exploitation of debt by more affluent countries, China remains the largest suspender of debt with a whopping $5.7 billion in debt repayment). ^[9] The China Development Bank – which is a major lender to African countries – had also since 2021 provided US$1.168 billion in debt relief to these countries as a way of cushioning the impact of the pandemic.^[10]

What makes China engage in “debt-trap diplomacy” with its African borrowers? — An allegation that Chinese firms intentionally lend to financially irresponsible governments that will be unable to repay loans to take possession of assets.

Many unsubstantiated claims about the Chinese takeover of major state assets in developing countries exist. The most cited case for reference is the Hambantota port in Sri Lanka. The Sri Lankan government secured 2007 finance from China’s Export-Import (EXIM) Bank to develop the port. In 2015, however, Sri Lanka had to arrange a bailout from the IMF even though the Chinese loans only accounted for some 10% of the debt. The government sought to raise cash by privatising state-owned assets, including a significant stake in Hambantota port. Then, a Chinese company got wind of it and successfully bided and bought 70% of the shares. The Sri Lankan government used the proceeds to pay for Chinese loans and other debt services. ^[11] However, no definitive evidence suggests a similar practice is prevalent in Africa.^[12]

Ultimately, it is hard to think that Chinese loans to Africa are meant to inextricably trap them for their rich oil and other natural resources. Over the past decades, Africa’s growing need for infrastructure has led China to fill the void created by Western financial institutions, offering easier access to capital with fewer stipulations. 

Although the African continent has managed its debt well, there are still significant risks and challenges associated with Chinese loans, particularly in governance and transparency. It is also true that China’s approach to lending has evolved from being more lenient to becoming more cautious, especially in response to concerns about debt sustainability. This is why it tries to mitigate the risk of defaulting by primarily resorting to the resource-backed financing model, and this has only been linked to a meagre percentage of all its loan commitments to the continent– with the exception of Angola. While resource-backed lending seems pragmatic, it is not necessarily predatory or equate to an intent to exploit or trap countries, especially given China’s history of debt relief. China’s participation in debt relief efforts is consistent with its broader strategy of maintaining long-term relationships with African countries rather than exploiting them.

Africa must halt the practice of raising money at the Eurobond markets—where a range of investors trade bonds—because these bonds come at steep commercial rates and are subject to the dictates of the international financial markets. African countries must also be discouraged from seeking bailouts from financial institutions like the IMF and World Bank to offset existing loans, which excessively pile up debts that lead to unsustainable liabilities. 

African governments must ensure prudent financial management while refraining from depleting their foreign currency reserves to pay high interest on those loans. The utilisation of these loans for their intended purposes, whether in infrastructure, social or economic, is crucial for Africa to foster sustainable development, bolster its revenue growth, and improve the quality of life for its citizens. Loans that yield commensurate economic benefits.

Muhammed U. Kong wrote via muhammedu.hong@gmail.com.

By Hassan Idris

Honestly, I’m tired of Wadata Community, Makurdi. I have spoken out and written several articles and been published in various newspapers, yet things continue to worsen. The incessant killings in the name of cultism are exhausting and appalling. Every day, we wake up to the sound of continuous heavy gunshots. And with each shot comes injury or death.

Some weeks ago, there were serious gunshots at night. I had to close my gate tightly and hide inside my room. Not less than ten bullets were fired into the sky. Last night, I was startled awake by gunfire in our Wadata Community again. Sadly, these disturbances aren’t uncommon, so I tried to go back to sleep despite feeling uneasy.

This morning, as I rushed to the Islamiyya where I teach, eager to start the day with my students, I saw people around the area. I was told that the gunshots I heard last night killed Nurah and injured another young man. Bullets had pierced through Nurah’s neck while he was having tea and bread at a Mai Shayi joint. Nurah was rushed to the hospital but died instantly, while the other young man, who was shot in the leg, is still receiving treatment.

This is a stark reminder of the grip cultism has on our community. Like many others, this young man paid the ultimate price due to our collective negligence—parents, society, and the government alike. As I stood there this morning, I couldn’t help but imagine the pain and fear he must have felt in his last moments.

Cultism in the Wadata Community, Makurdi, is a tragic cycle of violence that has claimed too many young lives, leaving families devastated and dreams shattered. It’s tempting to blame parents, society, or the government, but the reality is more complex. Cultism thrives in neglected and indifferent communities, preying on vulnerable young people. It’s a symptom of deeper issues—a lack of opportunities, guidance, and protection for our children.

As I stood before my students, unable to find the words to teach, I felt a deep sense of urgency. We can’t keep losing our young people to cultism. It’s up to all of us—parents, teachers, leaders, and policymakers—to come together and tackle this problem head-on.

May we find the wisdom and courage to act decisively, to protect our children’s future, and to heal the wounds caused by senseless violence. Only then can we restore the promise and potential lost to the darkness of cultism.

Hassan Idris wrote via idrishassan035@gmail.com.

By Abbas Datti

As citizens of Kano State, we have witnessed the power of effective leadership in fostering youth empowerment and curbing youth restiveness. Under the fair representation of former House of Representatives Member, Rt Hon Aminu Sulaiman Goro of Fagge Federal Constituency, there was a clear commitment to improving the lives of young people. 

We call on the incumbent Fagge House of Representatives Member, Barr. Muhammad Bello Shehu to step up and continue the vital work that his predecessor began. There is an urgent need to reinvigorate efforts to fight youth restiveness through job creation, vocational training, and mentorship programs. 

Similarly, women must be given the tools and opportunities to succeed through economic empowerment initiatives, access to loans, and business development programs.

Ex-Rep Aminu Sulaiman Goro was a youth and women’s empowerment champion, leaving behind a legacy of initiatives that addressed the pressing needs of both groups. Through programs aimed at reducing unemployment, promoting skill acquisition, and empowering women economically, he provided pathways to prosperity for many, contributing to a more stable and thriving environment.

Since the end of Aminu Sulaiman Goro’s tenure, the challenges of youth restiveness and the marginalisation of women have resurfaced with greater intensity. Many of our young people are again feeling the weight of unemployment and lack of opportunities, leading to increased frustration and social unrest. Therefore, we call on Barr. M. B. Shehu to emulate the footsteps of his predecessor by implementing impactful youth empowerment initiatives and women empowerment programmes 

M. B. Shehu needs to focus on job creation, scholarship, and skill-building programs tailored specifically for young people. These efforts can reduce youth restiveness and position the younger generation as crucial contributors to economic progress, instilling a sense of hope and optimism in our community.

The well-being of our youth and women is central to the prosperity and peace of the Fagge Federal Constituency. As a community, we urge M.B. Shehu to prioritise these issues and make youth and women’s empowerment a central part of his legislative agenda. It’s our collective responsibility to ensure that the most vulnerable are given the support they need to thrive. 

Abbas Datti wrote from Kano via comradeabbasdatti@gmail.com.

By Abdulrazak Abdulrauf Mudi

No words can truly capture the bond between brothers, but for me, my younger brother was more than just a family member; he was my closest companion, a light in our home, and someone who always had a smile for everyone. Full of life and optimism, he never failed to see the good in others, even when it wasn’t deserved.

Sadly, one of his closest friends since childhood, someone he grew up with and trusted, would eventually be the cause of an unimaginable tragedy – a grand betrayal. It was a life cut too short.

Aminu Abdulrauf was born in Rugu-Rugu in 1999, a small community in Tudun Wada Local Government Area of Kano state. He was a kind, hardworking, and respectful young man loved by everyone in our family and known for his joviality.

Aminu wasn’t just a brother to me; he was inspirational. He led a peaceful, trouble-free life and enjoyed spending time with his friends, who he considered family.

Aminu completed his education at Rugu-rugu Central Primary School and graduated from Government Senior Secondary School Faskar Ma’aaji in 2018. From all indications, Aminu’s future seemed bright. He had built a house and was preparing for his marriage. But everything changed all of a sudden. 

One fateful Monday afternoon in 2022, around 2:30 pm – a typical afternoon for Aminu, who was sitting with his friends, chatting and playing at their usual meeting point just opposite my house, he borrowed a knife from one of his friends who sold sugarcane, intending to fix a stick he was holding. As he worked on the stick, Mudassir Ashura, one of their childhood friends, had the other end. In a tragic accident, the knife Aminu was using slipped and cut Mudassir’s hand, leaving a minor injury.

Aminu was horrified at what had happened and immediately tried to help. He offered traditional medicine to stop the bleeding and even pulled out ampicillin from his pocket to provide some first aid. But Mudassir denied any help, instead muttering words of revenge.

Neither Aminu’s friends nor my brother himself took Mudassir’s threat seriously. They thought it was a passing comment born out of frustration.

But Mudassir’s anger wasn’t fleeting, so he rushed home, grabbed a sharp knife, and returned to confront Aminu. Without hesitation, he stabbed Aminu on the right side of his stomach. The air was filled with my brother’s cries for help as blood began to flow rapidly from the wound.

In the chaos, Mudassir fled the scene, leaving Aminu in the pool of his blood and gasping for breath.

We rushed Aminu to Tudun Wada General Hospital, where he was immediately admitted to the emergency ward. As soon as our father heard the news, he went straight to the Tudun Wada police station and filed a report. Inspector Aminu Shuaibu entertained the case, and an order was given for Mudassir’s immediate arrest.

For two agonising days, we stayed by Aminu’s side at the hospital, praying for his recovery. Despite the tests, treatment, and even the scan to assess the depth of the knife wound, his condition worsened. On Wednesday, he passed away, leaving us shattered and consumed with grief and anger.

The following day, Aminu was buried amidst hearts. We offered prayers in an attempt to find solace in our faith. Our father assigned me the responsibility of following up the case against Mudassir. The authorities charged him with murder,and we spent weeks going back and forth between the police station and state headquarters in Kano.

One of the most heartbreaking aspects of this process was how the system treated us. The police demanded money from us to fuel their vehicle to transfer the case, a painful reminder that justice can be costly even in tragedy.

After a week of efforts, the case was finally filed at court number 7 at No Man’s Land, Kano. I met with the court registrar and was informed that we would bring three witnesses to the trial.

When I returned home to update my father and family members, he made a decision that took me by surprise. With a heavy heart, he told me it was enough that no amount of struggle or court proceedings would bring Aminu back to us. He believed we should leave the matter to Almighty Allah, the ultimate judge.

In the end, my brother’s death left a permanent scar, not just in the heart of our family but also in the hearts of all who knew him. Aminu’s passing taught us painful lessons about the fragility of life, the unpredictability of those we called friends, and the dark consequences of unchecked anger.

As much as we wanted justice, my father’s decision to leave everything in the hands of Allah reminded me of the importance of faith and trust in divine wisdom, even in the face of heart-wrenching tragedy.

Abdulrazak Abdulrauf Mudi wrote from the Department of Mass Communication, Bayero University, Kano.

By Olanike Ometere Bolaji 

Just like every other gender base violence against women and girls, femicide is a problem that affects every other country across the globe.

Femicide is the act of killing women or girls because of their gender, and it can take place in different ways, such as the murder of a woman by her intimate partner or the torture or slaying of women and girls in the name of honour.

According to the research carried out by the United Nations Women’s Organization in 2022. It shows that Africa recorded the largest number of female intimate partner and family-related killings with an estimated 20,000 victims, followed by Asia with 18,400, then America with 7,900, in Europe 2,300 and 200 in Oceania. This report also shows that these women or girls were mainly killed by their partners, close friends or other family members.

Nigeria is not left out on the issue of femicide or gender-based violence. We mostly wake up with such news that makes the headlines in many newspapers. An example of this is the issue of Adeleye Ayomide, a 23-year-old 200-level philosophy student at Olabisi Onabanjo University Ogun State. He kidnapped and murdered his friend Christianah Idowu, a student at the Federal University of Technology Abeokuta.

From the investigation carried out by the police, Christina was declared missing on 19 August 2024. Adeleye demanded 3 million from her family members. They negotiated with him, and then he reduced it to 1.5 million. After paying the sum of  350  thousand naira into his betting account, the police authorities were able to track him down. But he had already killed the girl and buried her in his family compound in the Ikorodu area of Lagos.

An X user with the username @adetejumi gave an in-depth narrative saying the young serial killer killed his ex-girlfriend in 2018 and his blood sister in 2020, which his parents were aware of. His cousin testified to this because they were part of those who secretly exposed him to the police. Though his parents refused to cooperate with the authorities, after he was arrested, he confessed to committing the crime. According to the report, he committed his first murder at the age of 17, the second at age 20 and the third at 23 precisely.

Another example is the case of Gracious David West. This 40-year-old man was sentenced to death by hanging in Port Harcourt by Justice Adolphus Enebeli for killing nine women from July to September 2019. He was caught at a bus stop while he was trying to escape to Uyo after the police circulated his pictures, which were taken from a CCTV camera of the hostel where he killed his last victim.

Curious audiences have raised a lot of questions and comments on femicide cases about how some of these serial killers are able to live normally without being caught easily. Some of the causes  given by experts are:

1. Borderline disorder (the fear of abandonment or rejection).

2. Anti-social personality disorder: a mental health condition which makes people not show regard for right or wrong and ignore the rights or feelings of others.

3. Family background or Childhood experience.

4.  Misogynistic (Hatred for women).                        

5. Schizotypal personality disorder is when an individual has unconventional beliefs, which causes them to act strange.

   Doc Scott Bonn, a criminologist, author and public speaker, mainly said all serial killers or femicide have psychological compartmentalization, which means the ability to completely separate an aspect of one’s life that seems contradictory. They can successfully be good to people and sadistic without anyone noticing.

From the articles I read online, health personnel advised that those with the above disorder should seek help from doctors or therapists. Though these disorders can’t be cured completely, they can be appropriately managed.  The issue of femicide cannot be wholly eradicated, but with certain measures like implementing policies for gender equality and creating rehabilitation programs for children who have been violated or traumatized by certain childhood experiences or orientations.

Olanike Ometere Bolaji wrote via nickyberry171@gmail.com.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

In just 24 hours, Nigeria’s national grid collapsed twice, marking the seventh collapse over the past year. These disruptions are not new; they reflect longstanding issues within Nigeria’s power sector, driven by inadequate infrastructure, maintenance challenges, vandalism, and systemic corruption. The persistence of the national grid across almost all administrations that came before President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration highlights how deeply rooted the problem is.

Many ordinary Nigerians are unfamiliar with the concept of the national grid. The national grid is an interconnected network designed to deliver electricity from producers to consumers. The grid comprises generation stations that produce electricity, high-voltage transmission lines that carry this electricity over long distances, and distribution systems that reduce the voltage for delivery to homes and businesses.

Why does Nigeria’s national grid often experience collapses? Many Nigerians have accepted that these ‘collapses’ are part of the country’s electricity sector.

Can Nigeria stop the frequent collapse of its national electricity grid? Certainly. Many countries have achieved reliable and efficient electricity generation, transmission, and distribution systems, providing their citizens with consistent access to power. These nations have demonstrated that it is possible to overcome infrastructure challenges and create a resilient energy sector.

To achieve similar results, Nigeria should benchmark against the successes of other countries, learning from their strategies and best practices. However, it must also consider its local needs and unique challenges, such as geographical diversity, population distribution, people’s pockets, the need to support businesses and varying energy demands. An effective strategy would involve engaging local stakeholders and addressing issues like outdated infrastructure and insufficient maintenance.

This approach can realise stability and reliability in the national grid. Furthermore, substantial investments in infrastructure, technology, and human resources are essential. This includes upgrading existing facilities and investing in renewable energy sources to diversify the energy mix. 

Building a skilled workforce to manage and maintain the grid will also be crucial. With the proper focus and investment, Nigeria can transform its electricity sector and ensure reliable power for all its citizens.

 Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com

By Zainab Abubakar Abba

I was only nine years old when my world was shattered into a million pieces. My mom, my guiding light, my haven, left me too soon. The pain was unbearable, the grief overwhelming. I thought I would never survive without her warm embrace and loving smile. Not knowing life had other plans.

Ten years later, fate dealt me another cruel blow. My dad, my rock, my hero, passed away, leaving me alone and adrift in a sea of uncertainty. The loss was like a tsunami, sweeping away everything I thought I knew about love, family, and security. The pain of losing one parent was devastating, but losing both was like being stripped of my very foundation.

Growing up without both parents is a journey of unimaginable pain, struggle, and resilience. I have faced countless challenges, from navigating the complexities of adolescence to finding my place in a world that seemed determined to hold me back. The grief that followed was like a tidal wave, crashing over me with unrelenting force. I felt lost, alone, and scared. Simple tasks became monumental challenges, and everyday moments felt like a survival struggle. 

But as the days turned into weeks and the weeks into months, I slowly began to find my footing. I realised that my parents may have left me physically, but their love, wisdom, and legacy remained. I held onto the memories we shared, the laughter we enjoyed, and the lessons they taught me.

Amidst the darkness, I have discovered a spark that refuses to be extinguished—a spark of hope, determination, and courage. Ihave learned to cherish my parents’ memories and hold onto their love and legacy like a beacon at night. And I haven’t been alone in this journey. 

My siblings have been my lifeline, my support system, and my everything. Having supportive siblings has made all the difference in my journey. They have been my parents in every sense of the word, providing love, care, and encouragement when I needed it most.

Losing both parents at a young age has been the most challenging experience of my life, but it has also been a transformative journey. I have learned to cherish every moment, to never take love or life for granted, and to find strength amid vulnerability.

If you are walking a similar path, know you are not alone. Your pain is valid, your grief is real, and your resilience is remarkable. Hold onto the memories, lean on others, and find ways to honour your loved ones. 

And if you are fortunate enough to have supportive siblings, cherish them, appreciate them, and lean on them when the future seems uncertain. You are stronger than you think and will rise wiser and more compassionate than ever.

Zainab Abubakar Abba wrote from the Department of Mass Communication, Bayero University, Kano.

By Tijani Abiola

In a spacy world saturated with information, the desert of personal interest and a space box of selfish interest, discerning the truth has become increasingly challenging, from social media feeds to 24-hour news cycles.

We are inundated with facts, opinions, and outright falsehoods. Yet, the quest for truth remains vital, influencing our decisions, shaping our beliefs, and guiding our actions. So, who can tell you the truth?

Science, by its very nature, is a rigorous pursuit of truth. Through the scientific method, hypotheses are tested, results are peer-reviewed, and conclusions are drawn based on empirical evidence. Institutions like the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA), the World Health Organization (WHO), and universities worldwide are pillars of this endeavour. Their commitment to objectivity and reproducibility makes them reliable sources of truth, particularly in areas like medicine, climate change, and technology, but can we say they are the real source of truth?

Media outlets are a relaxed space for the most trusted outlets for news reports, an avenue that most use to suit themselves and tailor their way of life. Most of the time, the media can also be biased. Established organisations like the BBC, The New York Times, and Reuters have built reputations for thorough and responsible journalism. These institutions adhere to journalistic standards, including fact-checking, corroboration, and ethical reporting. Their role in a democratic society is to hold power accountable and inform the public, making them essential sources of truth, but yet, can they tell you the truth?

Experts with a deep understanding of their fields and elders with numerous past useful experiences can provide accurate information and insights. Whether it’s a doctor discussing health issues, a historian analysing past events, or an economist interpreting market trends, these individuals rely on years of study and experience. Their expertise and dedication to their disciplines make them credible sources of truth; still, will you accept trends, mind experience and expertise ideas as the truth?

Ultimately, each of us has the responsibility to discern the truth. Critical thinking is our best defence against misinformation. By questioning sources, analysing arguments, and seeking evidence, we can better navigate the complex landscape of modern information. No one takes information to trust and accepts it as truth, except if they are convinced to accept it as truth.

In a world where the truth can often seem elusive, it is essential to exercise critical thinking before accepting any information to be true. One can only convince and prove with past experiences or actions that seem to complement the existing information left for you to think deeply and analyse whether to believe or negate the information. 

Still, you are the best person to tell yourself the truth through your critical thinking, valuing evidence over opinion, expertise over hearsay, and integrity over convenience. We can navigate the complexities of our information-rich world. Ultimately, the truth is out there, but we must seek and accept it diligently and responsibly.

Tijani Abiola T. wrote via abiolatijani001@gmail.com.

Ismail Hashim Abubakar

In a previous article published by The Daily Reality on October 06 (Why All Patriotic Must Support The Youth Movement), I stress the significance of supporting the emerging youth movement as a necessary political option left for Nigerians. I strongly recommend that Nigerian citizens should, in their entirety, support and align themselves with the struggle. This is becoming necessary as the masses are increasingly getting disappointed with the present administration’s policies headed by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, but also sceptical of the democratic culture practised in Nigeria since the return of civilian politics in 1999.

In the present essay, I specifically address the youth movement’s founders and offer some points I hope they may consider valuable and worthy of reflection.

I begin by calling on the movement to intensify its efforts to sell out this ideology through massive advocacy, comprehensive sensitization, and awareness campaigns that go beyond social media and cyberspace and extend to what will be akin to door-to-door community tours embarked upon by field staff of polio immunization and vaccination programs.

Interestingly, the founders of this struggle have made it clear right from the onset that once one is a Nigerian and is mainly concerned with the plight of his fellow compatriots, they are automatically a member of the movement, and it is left for him to see in what ways or capacities could they contribute in the struggle. This means that with the exception of some politicians, especially the ruling class at various state and national levels and possibly their blind cronies and biased allies from all sectors and constituencies, all Nigerians are now or should be, by default, adherents and promoters of this movement.

Moreover, in the process of mass mobilization, it seems that people are to be made fully aware that this movement is purely a self-rescuing mission and a liberation effort. It is not a venture that one can invest financially in the typical fashion of Nigerian politics, aiming to reap personal benefits after an election victory. It is neither a soft machine nor a cheap ride on whose back one can mount and easily grab power. It promotes selfishness and displays arrogant romance with authority and privileges invested in public office holders. It is instead a clarion call for those who are willing to put a stop to a dangerous political trend which, if allowed to go unmitigated, will deprive the posterity – the future citizens of this nation – of the residual right to live, breathe and move about freely in their land.

It remains a question, I am sure, with youth leaders to deliberate on whether the struggle will adopt one of the existing political parties or push to create a new, special party, with mainstream party structures from grassroots to higher levels, which will identify with the cause of youth as movers and engines that steer and spearhead the liberation struggle. One of the possible effective platforms to gauge the movement’s strength may be adopting an existing party or forming a new party that will field candidates to contest in the 2027 general elections.

However, I also have a firmer belief that this movement should not just be well-conceived and rapidly embraced by the masses but only have a brief influence that will wane and fizzle out quickly. This is very possible when things are hastily done, especially if the ideology of the struggle is not yet fully understood and inculcated in the minds of the majority of Nigerians. I am sure the brains behind this nascent movement are aware of the inevitable possibility of corrupt politicians hijacking the likely fruit-yielding struggle or covertly infiltrating it to impede and sabotage its progress. I am also conscious that pioneers of this struggle are erecting insurmountable forts that will resist all forms of internal and external intimidations and temptations.

Meanwhile, I strongly recommend that while the leadership of this struggle continues to enlighten Nigerians and encourage them to embrace its ideologies and identify with and support its cause, the forthcoming 2027 elections may be utilized as an experimental ground to test the public understanding and acceptance of its mission, but which should be done on a purely nonpartisan basis. By this, I mean that the movement shall publicize its aims, objectives, principles, and priorities and open its doors to every politician willing to contest for an elective post.

The politician must be ready to comply with all the movement’s missions and can ultimately work towards ensuring that it realizes its vision of creating an egalitarian society in which a poor man will have a say in how he is governed and his social, educational, and economic rights, which guarantee his healthy and meaningful survival, are protected.

Any politician who is set to promote these values and can sincerely commit himself to these ideals and sacrifice the last drop of blood in him is eligible and can present himself to the movement for support. A contract agreement of a promissory note shall be written and documented by the movement on behalf of Nigeria’s populace, which employs such politicians through an electoral process. The agreement must explicitly state that if the politician breaches any terms after being elected, he may be liable for prosecution, besides public wrath that drastically affects his future political ambitions.

The movement has to work assiduously to screen willing contestants without any prejudice to the party on whose platforms they contest. After that, it will make the public fully aware of the agreement it entered with contestants and the detailed clauses and terms contained in the contract, including penalties in case elected officials fail to uphold and keep their campaign promises. 

In this way, the movement will be able to, through the successful candidates whose election it actively supports, infiltrate state and national assemblies, thereby producing determinate, resolute, patriotic, populist and incorruptible legislators who have no business in their legislative chambers than to uphold the rule of law and ensure that executive councils implement policies and execute programs and projects that positively serve Nigerians. This means that a massive reform and nonviolent political revolution can be prosecuted mildly as the youth movement succeeds in hijacking and dominating the second arm of government, thus reviving the constitutional roles and responsibilities legislative assemblies are expected to discharge rather than becoming appendages of the executives. If this mission triumphs, it will expose the opportunist camp among politicians who will hopefully be rendered a minority and target of the electoral wrath of Nigerian citizens.

If the mission of the youth movement is fully understood and wholly embraced by the majority of Nigerians, particularly if it becomes the only most guaranteed and safest winning platform during elections but also an unprecedented movement that liberates ordinary Nigerians, its ideals and objectives will permeate the ranks of the executive and be easily upheld by various types of people in every sector including royal and traditional societies, technocrats, civil servants, members of the academia, legal industry, private and group entities.

Ironically, this may be the trial stage in the display of commitment and maintenance of integrity and principles needed. Scaling through this situation will be a grand marker of a democratic triumph that will go down in history as one of the greatest and most progressively fruitful political revolutions to have been demonstrated by the “Giant of Africa” throughout the region’s postcolonial period. 

A sizable number of Nigerians among ordinary citizens, religious scholars, politicians, academics and intellectuals, journalists, community leaders, public office holders, businessmen, retired military officers, human rights activists, private organizations and all kinds of people within the civil society who are equally worried over Nigeria’s situation and are especially concerned with the plight of the masses and will be much willing to bring their wealth of experience and expertise to promote the cause of this struggle. I do not doubt that the founders of this movement are aware of them, and I am optimistic that the youth movement will carry them along without regard for their age or social status.

Ismail writes from the Advancing Education and Research Center (Rabat) and is reachable via ismailiiit18@gmail.com.