Opinion

I would like to start by expressing my profound admiration for your work. I must admit that I have always been a great fan of yours, appreciating your leadership skills and vision more than any politician in Kaduna State.

Your impressive work ethic, policy foresight, demonstrated competence, and ability to resist criticism and implement what you consider the right thing earned you a place in my heart.

(Un)fortunately, I’m not the kind of fan who always praises his favourites and considers any criticism an attempt to discredit his master.

Sir, your recent actions, remarks, and holier-than-thou attitude have led some to speculate that you are suffering from Out-of-Office syndrome. However, I prefer not to believe them.

In your recent interview with Arise TV,  you said things that, had I not watched the interview, I would have dismissed as typical political propaganda.

Firstly, you defined “friendship” as  “someone that has the fidelity to some ethical and moral standards, and will be there for you when you need him, not when it’s time to party or enjoy.”

Of course, I agree with you to some extent. However, in this context, are you suggesting that you prioritise loyalty over accountability, even if it means ignoring the concerns of those who elected you?

I believe that, by your definition of “friendship,” Uba Sani should prioritise being a “friend “ to the people of Kaduna who are struggling to get a meal due to these “economic reforms “ (which you said you supported and are the right orthodox policies…) rather than showing loyalty to his predecessor.

In your interview with Charles, you mentioned that the Late Yar’adua invited you to join his cabinet, an offer you declined. This remark reminded me of another instance in which you used his death as a mocking tool to brag about your resilience.

Your allegations against Nuhu Ribadu and his subsequent response reveal a lot about your dynamics with him. They raise questions about who has maintained the values of true friendship and who has not. I won’t elaborate further.

Sir, as you are probably approaching the last decade of your active political career, I would advise you to focus on nurturing your private life (considering your frequent references to prioritising it) rather than investing time and energy in making new (or perceived) enemies.

Do not dwell too much on criticism and allegations; do what Kwankwaso did: allow your track record to speak for you.

Lastly, may your famous political slogan — “MURUS” — not be used against you.

Best regards,

Ukasha Sani Idris

Facebook: Ukasha a Kofarnassarawa.

By Rashida Aliyu

The term ‘Jambites’ refers to new or fresh students at the university, and they often display certain characteristics that set them apart from returning students.

Upon their arrival at Usmanu Danfodiyo University Sokoto, the faces of Jambites reflected a mixture of excitement and confusion, marking their transition from a secondary school environment to university life.

In observations, Jambites often exhibit behavior characterized by anxiety, as the university setting is entirely new to them. Many struggle with finding their way, navigating registration processes, and adapting to the academic system. As a result, they frequently seek assistance from returning students or university staff to understand how things work.

The fashion of Freshers and their engagement on social media is notable; Jambites tend to wear trendy outfits in an attempt to make a good first impression. They often document their initial experiences by sharing pictures and updates online to inform friends and family about their new journey.

Financial mismanagement is a common issue for many new students, particularly those living on campus. They often receive significant amounts of money from their parents to cover expenses, but inadequate financial planning—largely due to a lack of understanding of the environment—can lead some to spend extravagantly on unnecessary items during the initial weeks, resulting in financial difficulties later.

Eager to attend lectures, Jambites typically arrive early and try to secure seats at the front of the lecture hall to impress their lecturers. However, as the semester progresses, some may become less punctual as they settle into their new school life.

Jambites often seek guidance from senior students, who may either genuinely help them or exploit their naivety. Some returning students mislead newcomers by either exaggerating school rules or soliciting money for the assistance they provide.

Additionally, members of the local community and operators of computer business centers can sometimes betray the trust of new students. For instance, during the accommodation process, many new students are deceived by locals who take their money without providing housing. Furthermore, computer business centers and stationery shops often overcharge freshers for items and services compared to what regular students pay.

Hafsat Muhammad Tsamaye from the Faculty of FEED shared her experiences of life as a Jambite. She mentioned enjoying wandering around the campus without any specific purpose, simply to observe the movement of people. “During my first year, which people referred to as Jambito, it was amusing and easy because I was a Jambito. There were three things I normally did during that time: I was always looking for free Wi-Fi to download more movies than I could watch, even though I didn’t end up watching a lot of them,” she recalled.

Hafsat also shared her experience of attending night classes, remarking, “During my first semester as a Jambito, I always attended night classes, but I didn’t study much; I mostly just slept and changed classes every hour, spending money without any control. The funniest part was that I always cooked for others.”

The behaviors exhibited by Jambites upon their arrival at UDUS vary, but most of them show excitement, anxiety, and a strong desire to fit in.

In my opinion, the university management should implement a comprehensive orientation program to guide newcomers and facilitate their smooth transition into university life. This would help prevent potential issues. Additionally, returning students should treat freshers as their juniors and ensure they do not mislead them.

By Muhammad Usman

Markets do not exist in isolation; they rely on trust, fair competition, and robust institutions. When corruption remains unchecked, the market becomes skewed in favour of a select few, and ordinary individuals bear the consequences. 

Over the decades, Nigeria has experienced corruption at different levels, from the military era to democratic governments. This article examines corruption under different administrations and how it has affected various sectors of the economy, benefiting elites like MKO Abiola, Aliko Dangote, Mike Adenuga, and other politically connected businessmen.

Under General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB), Nigeria’s oil and gas industry, which should have been a national blessing, became a tool for personal enrichment. Instead of promoting a competitive and transparent market, Babangida awarded oil licenses to individuals and companies with close government ties.

A clear example is Mike Adenuga’s rise, who received an oil block from Babangida’s government. This preferential treatment enabled him to build a substantial business empire, including Conoil, while smaller enterprises lacking political connections were excluded. Likewise, Aliko Dangote, who later became Africa’s richest man, gained immensely from government-backed monopolies and exclusive importation rights.

During the first Gulf War (1990–1991), Nigeria earned an estimated $12.4 billion in oil revenue, which was never accounted for. The Pius Okigbo Panel (1994) revealed that these funds were squandered on questionable projects and private accounts instead of being used for national development. Ordinary Nigerians saw no benefit from this windfall, facing rising inflation and economic hardship, while a few became extraordinarily wealthy.

One of Babangida’s most significant economic policies was the 1986 Structural Adjustment Program (SAP). While it was meant to liberalize the economy, it favored those with government connections. Under SAP, state-owned enterprises were privatized, but instead of an open and competitive process, these businesses were sold at giveaway prices to Babangida’s allies.

For example, MKO Abiola, a wealthy businessman and close associate of the regime, gained immensely from these privatisation deals. Meanwhile, ordinary Nigerians suffered as the naira was massively devalued (that’s the beginning of the naira devaluation) that continues to haunt us to this day.

Babangida’s government also enabled massive corruption in public contracts. One infamous case was the $150 million Ajaokuta Steel project, which was riddled with mismanagement and corruption. Similarly, when Babangida moved Nigeria’s capital from Lagos to Abuja in 1991, many development contracts were inflated or abandoned, yet payments were made to political allies.

Furthermore, consider the power sector scandal during Olusegun Obasanjo’s administration, in which over $16 billion was allocated to electricity projects with little to show for it. Examine the Halliburton bribery case from that period, where Nigerian officials allegedly received $180 million in bribes from foreign contractors in exchange for lucrative government contracts. Despite the overwhelming evidence, many individuals implicated were never prosecuted.

During this period (Obasanjo), Aliko Dangote’s business empire expanded rapidly, as he received exclusive waivers and importation rights. While many businesses struggled with high tariffs, Dangote was given government-backed monopolies in cement, sugar, and flour, ensuring that competitors could not challenge his dominance. 

Muhammad Sani Usman writes from Zaria and can be contacted at muhdusman1999@gmail.com.

By Prof. Abdalla Uba Adamu

For some weeks, I had been involved in judging a photo competition themed “Spirit of Kano”. One way or another, I was made the “Chief Judge” by the Curator, Dr. Shuaib Sani Shuaib, Executive Director, Makuba Center for Arts and Culture, Kano. He is also the Curator for Global Shapers Community, Kano Hub. Overall financial support was also provided by Engr. Anas Yazid Balarabe, who is also the founder of the cooperative. 

As an amateur photographer with a deep and intense interest in art and the aesthetics of the environment, coupled with a fanatical advocacy for the best State on this side of the Milky Way Galaxy, I was honored to be appointed the Chief Judge. However, since it was an open competition and open voting, I designed the judgement criteria for the photos,which were used to judge the 100 or so entries by other judges. Photographers were urged to send pictures that, in their view, capture the “Spirit of Kano”. Many people participated, and many photos were sent. 

These entries were beautifully shot and captured the Spirit of Kanawa and Kananci. They were all beautiful. However, I judged them based on what the images conveyed about Kano in various visual ways—history, architecture, food, clothing, urban life, historiography, etc. For me, choosing the best three was really difficult because there was so much beauty and talent in each photograph—faces, places, spaces. The entire collection was a riot of colorful visual poetry that describes Kano. 

Each picture in the entries has unique features and communicates the dynamism of both urban and rural Kano. Thousands of words could be woven around each picture that communicate the vibrancy of Kano. My selection cuts across history, trade and lived-in experiences. I would have loved to see some architectural shots – the ones I saw were mainly Emir of Palace pictures (Ƙofar Kudu or thereof). A few shots of ‘mansions’ and ‘haciendas’ would have given an evolutionary trajectory of the Spirit of Kano, in addition to the alleyways and gidan kara.

Four judges trudged through the 100 or so entries and made their choices. These were then further pooled by common choice from each judge to pare down the selection to six, on which the final judgment of three was made. To ensure a fair and transparent selection process, the top three winners were chosen based on a combination of judges’ evaluations and public voting. The final ranking was determined by taking an average of the judges’ scores and the public vote ranking in which the winners emerged. Very transparent. Further, everything was done online. 

The final judgment of the top three (shown here) truly deserves it. The winners, based on the highest scores, along with their prizes, were:

1- Muhamad Sani Abbas (₦250,000)

2- Alamin Mohammed (₦150,000)

3- Aisha Suleiman Halili (₦100,000)

Muhammad Sani Abbas’s best picture was of a young greengrocer measuring a customer’s order in a local market. The intensity of his face captured everyone’s imagination and admiration. The photo of the boy is a bookmark on Kano and its commerce—never too young to start. It was indeed a beautiful shot. 

Alamin Mohammed took second place. Interestingly, the picture also shows another young lad galloping on a horse in full ‘royal’ regalia. Frozen in time, the horse rider captures Kano’s ancient tradition and royal heritage. 

Third place went to a composite study of the Kano Emir’s palace guards (Dogarai) from a truly sensitive POV. The winner, Aisha Halilu’s portrait of a shadowed Dogari, makes the maximum use of light and shadows to accentuate the beauty of the setting. The Dogari, with his back to the camera, clearly was not the focus of the shot but the far houses he was gazing at—a contrast between the traditional Hausa architecture of the palace and the post-modern bungalows he was gazing at. 

A picture by Ahmad Sufi, which I voted for, did not win, but that’s alright; after all, it was aggregate scores that mattered. I didn’t place it number one, but I had expected it to be at least number three. The outcome only highlights the high quality of the visual appeal of the photos entered in the competition. 

The one that did not make it on my list was a market scene with an Arab (at least the guy looks like an Arab but dressed in Babbar Riga) holding on to a camel. Far in the distance is a communication tower. To me, the pictures talk volumes about migration, cultural adaptation, trans-Saharan road networks and contemporary communication – all visually encapsulating what Kano has been for centuries and those to come. 

I think it is wonderful that an NGO of young, committed individuals could come up with this. It should be the purview of the Kano State History and Culture Bureau. A letter was sent to the Kano State Government requesting partnership/sponsorship, but there was no response at all. Even the prize money was sourced by Dr. Shuaibu, showing a commitment to Kano far greater than many of us. 

What could the next steps be? Perhaps an annual event? Or a regionalisation of the competition? For instance, it would be fantastic to see the “Spirit of Zazzau”, followed by Rano, Daura, Katsina, Gobir, and so on, all the way to Niamey. This way, we could have an annual Spirit of Hausa Kingdoms as visual poetry, encouraging young people to appreciate the historical, cultural, and aesthetic qualities of their environment. 

By Ibraheem A. Waziri

I am a son of Northern Nigeria, born into the 5th generational cohort—those of us ushered into life between 1968 and 1983, as the civil war’s echoes faded. From here, I’ve watched two giants of the 4th cohort, Nasir El-Rufai and Nuhu Ribadu, shape my homeland’s fate. They’ve lifted it at times, fractured it at others. To me, they’re more than names—they’re lodestars. Their brilliance has guided my hopes and, too often, left them drifting. 

El-Rufai has fueled my writing since 2013; his ideas have been a steady muse. Ribadu entered my life that same year, stepping into my Zaria home during my wedding week celebration, his vision setting my spirit ablaze. Now, in February 2025, their legacies show a compass split—its needle quivering between rival trails. For the North, for Nigeria, their reunion isn’t a wish. It’s a lifeline.

My tie to El-Rufai is ink, not intimacy. We met once, briefly, after he claimed Kaduna’s governorship in 2015—a moment too quick for him to recall. His ideas, though, I’ve known deeply. His 2015 election plans for Kaduna stunned me—clear, ambitious, a reformer’s blueprint. I dissected them as a commentator, later mapping his neoconservative path in my 2019 reflections. 

El-Rufa’i’s nine-page manifesto promised education, security, and infrastructure. He mostly delivered. I saw justice in his 2015 demolition of illegally grabbed lands at Alhudahuda College—even as friends grieved homes I’d known, now dust. El-Rufai is the architect and the systems man. A neoconservative who bets order can revive a stumbling North.

Ribadu came with a handshake and a dream. In my wedding week, through Abdulaziz Abdulaziz and Gimba Kakanda, he arrived at my Zaria doorstep, joining the celebration and seeking my support. Over tea and warmth, he sketched a Nigeria free of corruption’s grip. With my friend Dr. Waziri Garba Dahiru (now a professor), we told him how Dr. Aliyu Tilde’s pre-2011 presidential elections essay about him won us—and many Northerners—to his side over Muhammadu Buhari, the people’s hero then. His EFCC days had already made him a legend—a crusader chasing the mighty with a fire that echoed the North’s heart. He left my home with admiration, hoping that his progressive flame could guide us.

As a commentator, I’ve watched him and El-Rufai since—two men who once moved in harmony under President Olusegun Obasanjo. El-Rufai restored Abuja’s master plan with a surveyor’s eye. Ribadu hunted corrupt titans. Together, they danced a tandem of renewal. Both of the 4th cohort, born amid the civil war’s shadow, inherited a Nigeria of strife and potential. But ambition and ideals broke them apart. By 2011, Ribadu’s Action Congress of Nigeria presidential run clashed with El-Rufai’s loyalty to Buhari’s Congress for Progressive Change. The North’s compass cracked—progressive zeal versus conservative steel. 

El-Rufai’s rise in Kaduna cemented his neoconservative crown. Ribadu’s drift to the PDP and 2015 Adamawa loss dimmed his star. Yet his 2023 ascent as Tinubu’s National Security Adviser reignited it—tackling banditry and Boko Haram with a seasoned hand, though not without stumbles. Now, I see their rift clearly. 

El-Rufai’s Kaduna triumphs in 2015 earned my praise then. Ribadu’s path has shifted over time. Their jabs—subtle or stark—echo a generational clash I explored in my 2023 piece on the 4th cohort overtaking the fading 3rd. El-Rufai’s 2023 attack on Buhari’s inner circle, claiming they sabotaged Tinubu, and Ribadu’s quiet rise in Abuja hint at distance—yet also hope they might align again.

Why does this split haunt me? Northern Nigeria, my home, is a paradox—brimming with promise, torn by poverty, insecurity, and neglect. Bandits mar its forests. Boko Haram stalks its northeast. Education lags despite a proud past. 

As I wrote in 2019, the North’s fate is Nigeria’s pulse; its 19 states beat with the nation’s life. El-Rufai and Ribadu, with their tested mettle, stand among its best shots—but only together. El-Rufai’s Kaduna model—retooling institutions, lifting schools—maps a revival. Ribadu’s anti-corruption past and NSA role could strangle chaos at its source. Alone, they falter. Ribadu’s moral blade needs El-Rufai’s structural frame.

Reconciliation demands humility—something both have shown in fleeting glimpses. Why now? Nigeria’s security bleeds worse in 2025—bandits bolder, insurgents entrenched—while Tinubu’s early presidency offers a window for bold moves. Their Obasanjo-era alliance proves they can align. Back then, they were reform’s twin engines under his steady hand. Obasanjo could call them to the table again, his voice a bridge. 

Tinubu, as Ribadu’s boss and one whom El-Rufai respects, could push them too, melding Ribadu’s security clout with El-Rufai’s administrative spine. Friends like Abdulaziz or Dr. Tilde might spark it, but these giants could seal it. A Northern summit could fuse their strengths: Ribadu choking chaos at its roots, El-Rufai rebuilding what’s left. Nationally, their pact could drive devolution—state police, fiscal federalism—easing the North’s woes and binding Nigeria’s seams.

I’m no bystander. El-Rufai’s policies reshaped the Kaduna streets I walk. Ribadu’s 2013 visit lingers in my home’s walls. Their rift cuts me because I’ve staked my words—hundreds since 2013—on their promise. The compass lies broken but not lost. El-Rufai, the builder; Ribadu, the purifier—two halves of a whole I’ve followed for a decade. Their reunion could heal the North’s scars, pointing it toward hope. 

For Nigeria, it’s a shot at a shared destiny. As a 5th cohort voice, I plead in 2025: Mend the rift, reforge the compass, and let El-Rufai and Ribadu rise as our North Star. The stakes are mine. The hour is now. Our future demands it.

By Sadiq Mukhtar

Nigeria’s North-West region, comprised of seven states (Jigawa, Kaduna, Kano, Katsina, Kebbi, Sokoto, and Zamfara), has long faced significant socioeconomic challenges, including poverty, insecurity, inadequate infrastructure, and limited access to essential services. Recognising the urgent need for intervention, the Nigerian government, through the North-West Development Commission (NWDC) Act, 2024, provided the legislative framework for the Commission’s operations, powers, and functions.

In 2024, under His Excellency, President Senator Bola Tinubu’s administration, the NWDC governing board was formally unveiled, ushering in a new era of development for the region. At the forefront of this ambitious initiative is Prof. Abdullahi Shehu Ma’aji, whose appointment as the pioneer Managing Director and Chief Executive Officer reflects his impressive track record and the immense confidence placed in him by the national leadership. Retained even after a rigorous review of nominees, Prof. Ma’aji’s selection underscores his reputation as a transformative leader poised to tackle the longstanding challenges of the North-West region.

On February 11, 2025, Prof. Ma’aji delivered his inaugural address as the pioneer Managing Director of the NWDC. He set the tone for his administration and outlined a bold vision for the future of the North-West region. He began by acknowledging President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s trust in him and reaffirmed his commitment to revitalising the region.

His speech reflected a profound understanding of the socioeconomic realities faced by the North-West region, encompassing poverty, education, and healthcare challenges, as well as agricultural stagnation, energy deficits, and environmental degradation. Despite these obstacles, he emphasised that the region also holds tremendous potential, including vast natural resources, a resilient population, and a rich cultural heritage. His clear message was that with strategic leadership, genuine collaboration, and a commitment to accountability, the North-West region can become a beacon of inclusive growth and sustainable development. 

He outlined his four key priority areas for the NWDC:

1. Infrastructure Development – Upgrading our roads, bridges, and power supply to boost economic activity and improve our quality of life.
2. Economic Growth & Job Creation – Supporting small businesses, fostering innovation, and revitalising agriculture to create jobs and drive industrial growth.
3. Human Capital Development – Investing in education, agriculture, healthcare, and technical skills training to prepare our workforce for the modern economy.
4. Transparency & Good Governance – Enforcing strong anti-corruption measures and ensuring all projects are carried out in a collaborative and accountable manner.

The MD also emphasised that Nigeria’s future lies in harnessing the strength of its workforce – especially by promoting technical skill acquisition. He underscored the need to empower the North-West youth through vocational and digital training, aligning our education system with the demands of the modern economy to create lasting job opportunities. He reaffirmed his commitment to a leadership approach rooted in transparency, innovation, and impact-driven policies. 

His vision for transformation extends beyond policy rhetoric. His leadership is anchored in practical solutions and result-driven strategies. His extensive background in development studies, social policy, and community engagement has equipped him with the practical insights needed to drive impactful change. 

His foresight in innovation was evident during his tenure as the Dean of Student Affairs of the Federal University of Technology Minna (FUT Minna), where he established a University Media FM. This pioneering initiative highlights his commitment to technological advancement, youth engagement, and innovative education.

Prof. Ma’aji believes that the North-West region can only reclaim its position as a dynamic economic hub through transparency, innovation, unity, and visionary leadership. The NWDC represents a vital opportunity to reverse decades of neglect and bring tangible change to communities. 

Under his leadership, the Commission will conduct comprehensive needs assessments, develop a robust strategic plan, and implement effective policies to revitalise key sectors like agriculture, infrastructure, and education. By leveraging modern technology, innovative financing models, and a collaborative approach, transformative change is within reach.

At a time when visionary leadership is crucial to overcoming longstanding developmental challenges, Prof. Abdullahi Shehu Ma’aji stands out as a transformative figure at the helm of the North West Development Commission. His unique blend of academic rigor, professional expertise, and ethical leadership sets the stage for the region’s revival.

As NWDC embarks on its ambitious mission to address poverty, insecurity, and infrastructural decay, the good people of the North West region remain hopeful that under Prof. Ma’aji’s guidance, a new chapter of growth, prosperity, and resilience is well within reach.

Sadiq Mukhtar, PhD writes from the Kano Municipal Local Government Area of Kano State via abubsadiq@gmail.com.

By Abubakar Idris Misau

Part (I)

In his natural quest and curiosity, it’s enticing that man wants to understand everything about all things – even though it’s an obviously unattainable goal. Observing, reading, speculating, conspiring, discussing, studying, manipulating, theorising…, in answering an “if” question of history, the man hardly provides a strictly wrong or right answer. This is simply because anything could be anything. Everything is just within the spectrum of possibility. What “if”, for example, Nigeria was colonised by the Spaniards?; Is a question that can be answered from multiple dimensions.

Reviewing the autobiography of the Former Head of State and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB), titled A Journey in Service, is an inexhaustible assignment.

On a lighter note, borrowing the easiest yet [at least in ruffling feathers] most effective text analysis, a style often used by the critics of Sheikh Fantami and or his works, let us by taking a glance at the title of the memoir furiously carry our pens and jump into action. After all, we’ve heard hearsays much enough to take a side. Phew…

Firstly, they say he confirmed the victory of the renowned 1993 Presidential election by the business mogul Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale (MKO) Abiola. And, in a gentlemanly manner, this evil genius made no attempt to contest the annulment that occurred under his watch, prioritising peace instead. He expressed regret and sought forgiveness.

Is that right?! 

Well, he can say that. He is such a nice guy [in Donald J. Trump’s voice]. I like him. He’s a successful guy, a really successful guy.

Meanwhile, based on what we know about the man if not for his health status, Badamasi, a maestro in rhetoric, would definitely make an excellent graduate assistant (GA) in my University’s Department of Political Science. Though a GA for a start, the author of ‘A Journey in Service’ would most certainly be awarded his MSc the day he resumes, his PhD in a week, and attaining readership is a possibility within a month. By the time he is to be crowned with the professorship title during the immediate convocation, naturally, our character would be too humble not to request to be re-nicknamed the political GOAT – for, many steps ahead of Maradona, he is clearly the combination of Ronaldo, Messi, and Mbappe.

In the court of analysis, however, the one crucial question we ask whenever we put history on trial is whether to judge our subjects by their ideals or the outcomes of their actions. Give it a look: While politicians insist that they stand for democracy and human rights (thus, better than soldiers), the argument of the uniform men is not any weaker; they are the nationalists whose role it is to restore order, fight corruption, and wage war against indiscipline – by sometimes risking their own lives (hence, the right patriots to lead). The whole debate sounds so sweet and convincing that one is tempted to suggest a system of government or constitutional arrangement that allows for a tenure for one and another for the other – continually.

Leaning towards social critics, however, it is hard to believe either side. For if for nothing, their actions contradict the gospels they preach. Even to compound that, most of the military-era soldiers are now politicians in their own rights. Recall, for instance, it’s a fact known to many that when G-34 (which, among other groups, was to become the People’s Democratic Party (PDP)), was established by some Nigerian politicians, one of their aims was to form a movement with a force capable of extinguishing military governance, for good, once and for all. 

With Alex Ekwueme (the first elected Vice President (1979-1983) and Professor Jerry Gana (who previously served as a Minister) as the first Chairman and Secretary of the PDP, respectively, it’s laughable that retired soldiers not only joined but ended up hijacking the party to make one of them the presidential candidate and later the first president in Nigeria’s fourth republic. So, who is who? Who are we to believe? Who are we to blame? Who is deceiving who? Who is the actual heroic champion of the power? Are the politicians ready? Can we even see any difference between the civilians and the soldiers?

Once pictured as a civilian vs military dichotomy, transmuted to a South vs North dichotomy, the ‘June 12’ incident, nobody ever sees it as a Muslim vs Christian dichotomy. However, it was a power heist involving friends – with MKO at the receiving end.

In my view, ours is a zero-ideology political arena. I especially expect Marxists (hoping we still have them) to agree with me here: the bunch of unforgiving capitalists who rule[d] Nigeria, death or alive, soldiers or politicians, whatsoever, have no regard for the ordinary citizens in their mind. Quote me.

Part II

Helen Keller, the blind, deaf American human rights activist, disability advocate, and excellent writer, said, “The country is governed for the richest, for the corporations, the bankers, the land speculators, and for the exploiters of labor.”

As a Nigerian (socially between the working and middle classes) with my vision and hearing still intact, Alhamdulillah, I can’t see or hear anything different. Thus, I am so fed up with hearing “democracy was r*ped” or “A and B were dictators.” What wasn’t r*ped, and who wasn’t a dictator fisabilLahi? Is it Fulgencio Batista or Fidel Castro? 

In case it isn’t clear as [and appearing for] what it is, we may well take another look. In the interest of democracy and development, take the most recent samples to the nearest laboratory. Tell me, for I genuinely want to understand: of what importance was it to the North when their son was the president, or to the South when their own was helming the boat (oh, yacht)?

All military Heads of State and democratically elected Presidents aside, the relationship between Babangida and Abiola was for a very long time so good that some historians and analysts were perplexed by what unfolded before them after the annulment: the bitterness, the chaos, the deaths, and then the silence. With not much to hold on to, conspiracy theorists took to the street with “the General knows the politician very well, so…” But since he was elected by his countrymen, in a process seen by many to be free and fair, that makes no sense whatsoever. 

Close to the above is another contention, shared by the legendary historian, Max Siollun, in his ‘Soldiers of Fortune’, that MKO wouldn’t have been as successful without the role played by his soldier President friend IBB. So, if it was, as explained by a friend recently, a case of two elephants fighting whence the grasses suffer, so be it. However, suffice is to say that it was never about the sold dichotomies. It can’t be about anything to do with talaka. It was all about their own interests. They are the very same people, birds of the same feather, two sides of a single coin.

Wonderful! I also forget other issues such as the assassination of Dele Giwa, the execution of Mamman Vatsa, and his refusal to appear before the Oputa Panel – the Nigerian 2001-commissioned Human Rights Violation Commission. Here, I think we must content ourselves with just one question, since our sources indicate that he expressed hope for the resolution of the Giwa mystery and seems to deliberately avoid the barysphere. My question, albeit odd, is not directed towards the author: Now that we have the other side of the story, are Nigerian human rights activists – including journalists and lawyers – on par with IBB? I only wish Chief Gani Fawehinmi (SAN) were alive. The book would have made an excellent exhibit… May his soul rest in peace.

In conclusion, the words of a “rebel” came to mind. I have yet to encounter a better description of Nigeria and its people than the one found in ‘Because I am Involved’ by the first president of the former Republic of Biafra, Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu. It was this Oxford-educated Nigerian military officer who remarked, “Our leaders are pseudo leaders; our intellectuals are pseudo-intellectuals; our professionals are pseudo professionals; while our occupations are pseudo occupations. Our middle class is pseudo middle class; our elite are pseudo elite; our socialists, Marxists, liberals, and even our conservatives are often very much pseudo.” 

Standing on the shoulders of William Shakespeare, our nation resembles a theatre, with players performing upon its stage while some manage the script and many observe with delight. From NSA-Canada to USAID-Boko H*ram, and now to the June 12 saga, we exemplify ‘one day, one drama’. Moreover, as can be readily deduced, Ojokwu was indeed a pseudo-rebel, just as this writer is a pseudo-writer.

…

To be continued!

Abubakar Idris Misau writes from Katsina, Nigeria. He studied Forestry and Wildlife at the University of Maiduguri and can be reached at abubakaridrismisau@gmail.com.

By Sa’adatu Aliyu 

The word ‘craze’ has often veered my mind towards fashion. It’s not uncommon to hear the noise of the latest, let’s say, designer clothing brands or accessories referred to as the “new craze” in town because of how it has people emptying their pockets and savings just to fit in with the vogue purchasing the latest brands.

Well, since cryptocurrency became a household name (to me) at least six years ago, there has been much obsession with it. 

For those who are unfamiliar with it, individuals involved in this believe that it was not merely introduced to benefit a larger segment of the global population, but rather created to empower people to take charge of their assets—in the form of their finances. For instance, the “Democratization of assets” refers to a situation whereby individuals have the authority to control their wealth. These same individuals argue that it decentralises their interactions with banks and similar institutions. 

Given the vocabulary used to explain this, it’s hard to resist. After all, who doesn’t want to grow wealth “fast” and “more”?

As intriguing as this may sound from personal observation and experience, I would argue that this venture has very little to do with what it claims as its intention. At least, its true intentions seem to have been hijacked by unscrupulous individuals who view this as an easy means of facilitating money laundering or engaging in a classic case of robbing Peter to pay Paul. This means rallying the masses to invest in a venture that ultimately benefits the wealthy more than the impoverished, turning a few into the rich while further impoverishing those already in need. This is unmistakably a form of exploitation that the poor will undoubtedly bear the brunt of. Thus, in the spirit of Marxism, I believe this will only exacerbate the imbalance between the rich and the poor in our society, rather than promote financial liberation, at least not for the latter.

This reflects the reality of many instances I have observed. Suppose there is any reward reaped by those who invest time and energy in this. In that case, it is typically only a tiny fraction of people who have succeeded, most likely by promising others definite rewards if they partake in one training or another that offers the secret to unlocking wealth within the crypto venture. For this group, the lies never cease, and for their victims, they cling to the hope that this one more book purchase, class, training, or crypto platform could bring them a step closer to becoming wealthy. 

Consequently, they ensnare people in a cycle of addiction that has driven many to make desperate decisions to “salvage” their so-called wallet or invest further. Among other instances, I have heard of a mother who arranged for the kidnapping of her daughter and used it to solicit donations from the public, which she planned to use to invest in one of these ventures after incurring some losses. 

Another story is of a man who invested all his life’s savings while his family slowly died of hunger. Yet, their breadwinner threw the gospel of their action as driven by a desire to create generational wealth or their long-term investment. This is the habit of a gambler, which inevitably reminds me of the character Isaac Solar in the Telemundo programme Price of Fame, who was a chronic gambler who betrayed his family’s famous Music record label due to his gambling addiction, which eventually led him to the killing of his brother Julio Casear.

So, how is the cryptocurrency scenario any different from gambling–only that it is a digitalised form of gambling that has succeeded in throwing everyone into the loop of addiction? 

Evidently, the actors behind this have tapped into humanity’s psychology regarding the desire for wealth, particularly in our time—it is the new craze of society that we have come to believe can be earned by any means, thereby keeping us on a constant hamster wheel in pursuit of riches. Our attention is drawn to every word, every instance where money is mentioned, casting doubt on its legitimacy. And I could go on. 

So, ultimately, what I set out to say is

People fail to see these mining and crypto-related ventures for what they truly are. To me, they represent another form of gambling, albeit not in the traditional sense we know. Yet, we remain blind to this fact, and even more so, our ears are deafened, as those who have set out to swindle the masses in order to amass wealth for themselves have not only studied the psychology of individuals but have also mastered the art of using language to mislead the world into perceiving this as a reasonable and profitable venture. 

All this does to the poor, however, is rip them of their little savings and, of course, their peace of mind. Many have starved their families just so they could invest in something that yields neither results nor returns; they have gained depression after borrowing and pouring all their life savings into ventures, waiting years for nothing. And let’s not even start with the “it’s a long-term investment” nonsense because that’s rubbish. 

What happens if the investor dies? Can his or her family retrieve the funds? If I need money urgently, can I access my money quickly to address an immediate need? The answer is a definitive no! At least with banks, I can do all of the aforementioned. Therefore, due to the tendency of cryptocurrencies to fluctuate, which keeps you on edge and causes anxiety, I believe banks are more certain alternatives. 

We know for a fact that one of the plagues of the 21st century is the tendency to use language to glamourise the abnormal, turning it into something attractive—the era of double-speak, or what is infamously known as Orwellian language. Where gluttony is called cravings, bleaching is termed toning, being selfish is referred to as self-care, and, of course, in this regard, gambling is portrayed as trading or investment.

Fortunately, few people have gained from these ventures compared to those who spend good time and money but reap nothing over the years. 

It is obvious that after investing, there is no way to retrieve one’s capital in case one no longer finds the venture profitable. It is just dormant, so-called wealth that can’t be retrieved. Let’s not talk about how one’s family cannot retrieve their loved one’s investment after his/her demise. 

It’s sad that many of us have fallen into this trap. Though I’m no Sheikh or Ustaz, whenever I see the craze over cryptocurrency, these are some of the prophets’ sayings that come to my mind.

There is much controversy about the legitimacy of mining or crypto, which is enough reason to avoid it. The prophet SAW has advised us to avoid anything that is ambiguous. 

I come in peace.

 A verse of Allah to reflect upon: 

(2:275) “As for those who devour interest, they behave as the one whom Satan has confounded with his touch. Seized in this state, they say: “Buying and selling is but a kind of interest,” even though Allah has made buying and selling lawful and interest unlawful. Hence, he who receives this admonition from his Lord and then gives up (dealing in interest) may keep his previous gains, and it will be for Allah to judge him. As for those who revert to it, they are the people of the Fire, and in it shall they abide.”

 And the Hadith of the prophet:

Messenger of Allah ﷺ said, “Verily, there is a Fitnah (trial) for every nation, and the trial for my nation (or Ummah) is wealth”. At-Tirmidhi.

Instead of viewing cryptocurrency and its likes as another innovational breakthrough or digital economic revolution, let’s reflect on it from the perspective of the end of times.

Saadatu is a writer and lecturer at the ABU Distance Learning Centre. She can be reached at: Saadatualiyu36@gmail.com

By Jamil Jetta

The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has noted the recent decamping of some of its stakeholders in Kaduna State to the All Progressives Congress (APC). While this move has been long anticipated, it comes as no surprise given the lack of credibility, political momentum, and true patriotic zeal exhibited by these individuals in their various constituencies. It is remarkable to understand that some of the decampees have left the Party since 2024.What happened was just a political Circus show put forward by the APC to mask its dwindling fortunes.

The PDP remains unshaken by this development, as the party continues to enjoy the unwavering support of the majority of the people of Kaduna State who recognize its commitment to good governance, national unity, and sustainable development. The decamping of these individuals, many of whom have struggled to maintain relevance in their political careers, only reinforces the PDP’s position as the party of choice for the people of Kaduna State who value integrity and progress.

For those decamping from Southern Kaduna, it is important to remind them that the zone has always been a traditional PDP stronghold. Their departure will not alter the fact that the PDP remains the preferred party of the people in this Zone.The voters of Southern Kaduna are politically astute and have consistently demonstrated their loyalty to the PDP, a trend that will continue in future elections.

To those decamping from other Senatorial Zones, the PDP wishes to remind them that the political opportunities they have enjoyed were made possible by the party. Without the platform provided by the PDP, many of these individuals would not have attained the positions they hold today. Their decision to abandon the party that nurtured their political careers is a testament to their lack of gratitude and foresight.

The PDP reiterates that politics is ultimately a game of numbers, and the majority of actual voters remain loyal to the party. These voters, who are the backbone of Kaduna State’s democracy, have consistently voted along the lines of integrity, development, and good governance – values that the PDP embodies. The decamping of a few individuals will not sway the resolve of the millions of Nigerians who continue to stand with the PDP.

The PDP remains committed to its mission of delivering a brighter future for all the people of Kaduna. The party is confident that its track record of achievements and its vision for a better Nigeria will continue to resonate with the electorate. As we approach future elections, the PDP is more determined than ever to consolidate its support base and emerge victorious.

The PDP urges its members and supporters across the country to remain steadfast and focused. The party’s strength lies in its people, and together, we will continue to champion the cause of democracy and development in Nigeria.

Piquantly,the People Democratic Party (PDP) is one of Nigeria’s leading political parties, committed to promoting democracy, good governance, and sustainable development. With a rich history of achievements and a vision for a better Nigeria, the PDP remains the party of choice for millions of Nigerians.

Honorable Jamil Shuaib Jetta, a former aspirant for the Kaduna State House of Assembly, wrote in from Kaduna and can be reached via jamilshuaib57@gmail.com.

By Sani Mu’azu

I am still reeling from the news of Souleymane Cissé’s passing. As a young filmmaker, I had the privilege of meeting him at the Shitengi Film Festival in Cape Town and later at Fespaco in Ouagadougou. His presence, wisdom, and generosity left an indelible mark on me.

Cissé’s cinematic legacy is a testament to his unwavering commitment to African storytelling, deep humanism, and profound political engagement. His iconic film Yeelen (Brightness) was a turning point for me. Its powerful narrative, stunning visuals, and masterful storytelling ignited a fire within me to tell African stories that matter.

Yeelen‘s exploration of traditional Bambara culture, the struggle for power, and the quest for knowledge resonated deeply with me. It was a cinematic experience that not only inspired me but also challenged my perspectives on African identity, culture, and history.

As I grew in my filmmaking journey, I often reflected on Cissé’s words, wisdom, and work. His passion for African cinema, dedication to mentoring emerging filmmakers, and unwavering commitment to telling our stories with dignity and authenticity continue to inspire me.

Papa Cissé, as I affectionately called him, may be gone, but his cinematic legacy, his wisdom, and his impact on African cinema will continue to illuminate our screens, our hearts, and our minds.

Rest in peace, Souleymane Cissé. Your brightness will continue to shine.

Farewell, Papa Cissé.