Opinion

By Aliyu Idris

It’s undeniable that Sen. Aisha Dahiru Ahmed Binani’s name has travelled in the ears of many Nigerians. Her emergence as the flagbearer of the Adamawa State Governorship Candidate of APC grasped and arrested the attention of the country’s populace. With these, she received massive support and countless prayers from the people in the country and even the diaspora. Without a doubt, she’s a notable personality in this year’s election.

Binani might win or lose the election, but she won the people’s hearts. She has become influential and has set a pace for people to follow in the country’s politics. Among her influence is making the incumbent governor (Ahmadu Umar Fintiri) substitute his male running mate (Crowther Seth) with a female (Prof Keleptawa Farauta). This remarkably uplifts the status of women’s participation in politics and dismantles the common sense of some people that women don’t have a role to play in politics.

Binani’s bravery is incomparable; her audacity and capacity have shaken and made the sitting governor shiver and quiver. She made him initiate last-minute empowerment and execute some projects at the election deadline. Similarly, how she defeated strong male candidates during the party’s primary election is encouraging.

Binani will now be leaving the red chamber. Her four years as a senator representing Adamawa Central Senatorial Zone birthed legacies that will live on forever. Her projects in different sectors such as education, health, poverty alleviation programs, the establishment of Federal Medical Centre Mubi, upgrading Federal Medical Centre Yola to a Teaching Hospital and Modibbo Adama University Yola (MAU Yola) from a technology University to a conventional university, solar power lights supplies, unending and unbiased empowerment of hand workers, donations to religious organisations, youths association, and other life touching projects during her single tenure as senator will remain a testimony of making her the best-elected representative in the state.

Binani’s attracted even the opposition and proved to the present administration that their chanting and ranting of no opposition in the state is merely an illusion and a mirage but fortunate enough. They have now realised her intense display of spirit towards achieving a goal can never be underestimated, like Shakespeare’s lady Macbeth still gives them sleepless nights. Binani is a beacon of steadfastness that motivate the two genders, and her political career is now a fad, and she remains vivacious.

We need more Binani in us, around us and with us. The pavement of strong female participation in contemporary Nigeria has been set and revived by Binani. 

Binani is energetic, and the declaration of inconclusive is not the end of the journey but rather a fresh beginning to return and positively impact people’s lives. May Adamawa State and Nigeria succeed.

Aliyu Idris writes from Jimeta (Yola North) and can be reached via aliyuidreesali@gmail.com.

By Mukhtar Sani Yusuf

The general election has come and gone. Nigerians are now focused on the National Assembly politics as jostling for the positions of presiding and principal officers of the incoming 10th National Assembly has begun. While the tenure of the outgoing 9th National Assembly expires on June 11, the next Assembly will be inaugurated on June 13, and expectation from the citizenry vested in the members of the incoming assembly is so high, going by their diverse backgrounds. 

The outgoing assembly is seen as a rubber-stamp legislative body and criticised by many Nigerians that the two hallowed chambers are underperformed National Assembly that ever happened to the country. 

Many Nigerians see the tenure of the current assembly as unproductive that the two chambers spent the whole four years at the beck and call of the executive arm well-nigh by succumbing to everything brought before them by the executive arm with little or no protest. Some people even believe that in this 9th National Assembly, the purpose of the principle of separation of power and checks and balances characterised by constitutional democracy has been defeated and jettisoned.

Notwithstanding, from the official results released by INEC on the newly elected and re-elected members of the Senate and House of Representatives, one may begin to be optimistic with the rainbow composition of the incoming National Assembly that this time around, the business might not be as usual.

Among other reasons that rekindle the hope of Nigerians about the upcoming Assembly is that it’s the most diverse National Assembly with eight political parties representation since 1999. Although some seats in the Senate and House of Representatives were not decided during the February 25 National Assembly elections and remain vacant due to the supplementary elections expected to be conducted on them, in the Senate, the ruling party APC has 57 seats, PDP occupied 29 seats, Labour Party got 6 seats, SDP and NNPP won 2 seats each, then APGA and YPP gained 1 seat each. In the House of Representatives, APC occupied 162 seats, PDP secured 102 seats, Labour Party garnered 34 seats, NNPP 18, APGA 4, ADC and SDP got 2 seats each, and lastly, YPP got 1 seat.

The ruling party APC has majority seats in the Red and Green Chambers. However, the breakdown shows that it doesn’t get the simple 2/3 majority where its wish must prevail. This is enough opportunity for the opposition parties to form a formidable group that will checkmate the excesses of the ruling party to improve the performance of the executive arm. Even though the executive arm can’t perform its duties without the cooperation of the legislative arm, nevertheless, we expect the opposition parties to be constructive while challenging the executive arm or the ruling party.

Democracy will not grow without opposition. We don’t want a situation where our representatives become rubber stamps; they’re our voices and represent our interests. The Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria has empowered them with three core responsibilities, i.e. law-making, representation, and oversight function.

Therefore, the doctrine of trias politica or separation of power, which help to limit any one arm from exercising the core function of another and prevent concentration of unchecked power by providing check and balances, is of no use if the legislative arm reduces itself to mere stooge of the executive arm. We hope to see changes this time around.

Mukhtar Sani Yusuf wrote from Kano and can be reached via mukhtarsaniyusuf678@gmail.com.

By Dr Raji Bello

Last Tuesday, I listened to a panel on AIT’s morning programme discussing the increasing weaponization of ethnic and religious identity in Nigeria, particularly during the current election cycle. The discussants were particularly alarmed by the developments surrounding the governorship election in Lagos state, which has witnessed threats, intimidation and violence against voters of a particular ethnic group. The politicisation of ethnic and religious identity in this election cycle is, of course, not limited to Lagos.

Religious identity was a major issue for the APC presidential ticket and some governorship tickets like that of Kaduna state. Religion was a major issue in the Taraba governorship contest, and the issue of indigene vs settler reared its head during the Kano governorship election. There is even a Facebook group which is committed to getting candidates with pure Hausa blood elected into the governorship posts in the Northwest states. Nigeria may be on a slippery slope towards eventual implosion. 

What I have noticed about the AIT discussion is the same thing that I have observed about other similar discussions – they are limited to expressions of sadness followed by appeals to Nigerians to change their behaviour. There is very little discussion on why Nigerians do what they do and if there are any enablers for those tendencies. In my personal reflections, I have tried to answer these questions.

Most negative human tendencies have things which enable them, and rooting out the enablers is an important part of the measures for suppressing these tendencies. Anyone who is familiar with Islamic theology, for example, knows that there is little tolerance for things which are deemed to be enablers of vices. The prohibition of the consumption of alcohol is an example; alcohol intoxication is regarded as an enabler for many vices, which has necessitated a full prohibition of it.

Likewise, the encounter, in isolation, of two eligible and unmarried members of the opposite sex is regarded as an enabler for sexual vices. In the secular world as well, drinking and driving are prohibited in many countries because it is an enabler of fatal road accidents. Relationships between academic instructors and students are prohibited or restricted in many American institutions because they could be enablers for abusive relationships and conflicts of interest.

If Nigerians have come to the conclusion that toxic identity politics is harmful to the corporate well-being of the country, they must find the enablers for such politics and uproot them. Issuing passionate appeals is bound to be ineffective because human beings do not always respond to reason or appeals to stop a negative behaviour, especially when there are things which incentivise such behaviour. In my view, there are two enablers for the weaponization of identity in Nigeria:

1. There is no punishment for it. There are either no laws against toxic identity politics and incitement against ethnic and religious groups in Nigeria or they are never enforced. The result is that offenders almost always get away with their actions. This lack of accountability is a powerful enabler for similar behaviour by the same individuals or others.

2. There is a reward for it under our federal system. Our current constitution provides for semi-autonomous federating units (states) which are loosely coterminous with ethnic and religious identities – for example, Imo State is Igbo and Christian, Katsina is Muslim and Hausa-Fulani, Niger is Nupe, Gbagyi and Hausa, Ogun is Yoruba etc. The federal system has also granted these federating units the power to elect their own leaders (governors and LGA chairmen), unlike in unitary states where these leaders are often appointed by the central government.

Since elections are competitive and every state is identified with certain ethnic and religious identities, the possession of these identities by any individual becomes an advantage towards winning elections. This is why Nigerians have learnt to hold on to these identities and even to flaunt them. Being a Tiv is a huge advantage in Benue state, just like being a Kanuri is in Borno state. It’s not hard to imagine that when electoral competition becomes very stiff, these identities will be weaponised. There is no way to stop Nigerians from engaging in toxic identity politics as long as these two enablers are in place.

Our country was founded on the basis that it has diverse and irreconcilable ethnic and religious communities. Our founding fathers wanted it that way, and they chose a federal system which they thought was best suited to manage our diversity (although most of the major federal states in the world are not so diverse internally). While countries like Ghana took off with the mantra of unity in diversity and did everything to build a united nation, our founding fathers did not even pretend that the country was united. Each of them had regional priorities higher than Nigeria’s unity.

We started with three federating units and have now grown to thirty-six plus the FCT, and the more we created states and LGAs, the more identity fault lines we created. The country is now balkanised into 37 identity enclaves (states), and 774 LGAs and each citizen is marooned inside their own enclave and is entitled to few formal privileges in others – even neighbouring ones.

In the First Republic, this divisive effect of federalism wasn’t up to what we have now because the federating units were much bigger, and they functioned as unitary states internally. The former Northern Region, for example, had thirteen or so provinces whose administrators were appointed rather than elected, and a northerner from one province could be posted to work in any of the other provinces. The provincial boundaries did not keep northerners away from each other, and as a result, the people of the region saw themselves as one because they were indeed one in practice. 

The Northern Region alone has now evolved into 19 federal states and hundreds of LGAs, each with a rigid boundary which separates it physically and functionally from other federating units. This has made intercommunal relations to be worse than they were in the old Northern Region. The late former SGF Alhaji Gidado Idris, who was from Zaria, was once a divisional officer in Benue, Adamawa and Sardauna Provinces, but his grandchildren cannot work for the Benue State Government in today’s Nigeria. They may even struggle to gain admission into state-owned schools in Benue State.

Mr Selcan Miner, a former secretary to the government of Benue-Plateau State, was once an administrative officer in Sokoto Province, and he still has fond memories of his stay there, particularly his close relationship with Sultan Abubakar III. But in the present day, the government of Sokoto State may not grant privileges to Mr Miner’s grandchildren because they are not “indigenes” of the state.

The late chief of the Mbula people in Adamawa state Joram Fwa, who was a US-trained educationist, was the pioneer principal of Ramat Technical College in Maiduguri under the then Northeastern State. He was entrusted with the assignment of establishing the college and was made its pioneer head. The college has since grown to become Ramat Polytechnic and belongs to the Borno State Government. I will not be surprised if, in the present day, the application of Mr Fwa’s grandchildren for entry into the polytechnic is turned down on the grounds that they are not from Borno state. I have used the examples of these three Northern elders to illustrate what we have done to ourselves over the years through our so-called federal system.

Not too long ago in the 1990s, the governor of Lagos state was a military officer named Buba Marwa, a native of Adamawa State. He was appointed under the military government’s unitary style, and he was well-received in the state because the people knew that that was the system in operation then. At a different time before that, a native of Lagos State, Bode George, was appointed the governor of Ondo State. From all indications, Marwa had performed well in Lagos in terms of infrastructure and crime fighting.

If we do a cost-benefit analysis of the process of appointing Marwa as governor and that of the re-election of Governor Sanwo-Olu in 2023, we would see that the former didn’t cost any significant amount of money and didn’t involve any fracture in relations between major ethnic communities in Lagos while the latter had cost the federal government a lot of money in election expenses and has led to flaring of inter-ethnic animosity, intimidation and violence. In the end, both governors are capable of doing a lot of good for Lagos, the difference in the nature of their appointment notwithstanding. This is why we need to ask ourselves if we really need to have elected governors and LGA chairmen as provided in our current federal constitution or we could simply have them appointed and monitored by the central government.

In the late 1960s and 70s, the governor of Kano State was Audu Bako, a police commissioner and native of present-day Kebbi State. He was appointed by the government of General Yakubu Gowon, and from all historical indications, Kano State has had it so good under him. His appointment didn’t cause any inter-communal upheaval in Kano, and there was no violence. Compare that to the re-election of Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje in 2019 or the election of Abba Kabir Yusuf in 2023, which were both marked by communal tension and violence. Why should we keep using this costly option of election and risk so much when Kano can have good appointed governors just like Audu Bako and Sani Bello? Only a small number of democracies around the world have elected sub-national chief executives as we have, and countries which don’t have them are not deemed to be less democratic than us.

Sometimes Nigerians view unitary systems negatively because they equate them with military governments, but there is nothing that stops us from having a unitary democracy like many countries in the world. The appointed governors and LGA chairmen under this system are going to be civilians, maybe even members of the ruling party at the centre, just like in the system in Ghana, whose 16 regions are all governed by appointed regional ministers who, at the same time, are elected members of the national parliament.

The other fear that Nigerians have about a unitary president becoming too powerful is also misplaced. Ghana’s presidents are not regarded as dictators, and opposition presidential candidates have even won elections there. In any case, parliament is always there as a check on the powers of the president. Unitary systems are cheap, can minimise toxic identity politics, guarantee harmony in the pursuit of developmental priorities and provide better coordination in fighting insecurity. It’s a better system to have than our current federal system, with its unaccountable and politically autonomous governors whose elections are now driving our ethnic and religious communities further apart and threatening the stability of our country.

Whoever brought this American-style federal constitution and gave it to our African tribal groups to implement has not served us well. It’s time we found the courage to abandon the farce. What Nigeria requires is a unitary democratic system with an element of rotational leadership at the centre to ensure its various groups of inclusion.

Dr Raji Bello wrote from Yola, Adamawa State.

By Abdulbasit Toriola

I am Abdulbasit – an undergraduate student at the University of Lagos. I first heard about the CBN’s plan to redesign Naira from a hostel mate while returning from the mosque one evening. Soon, the news went all over. The boys of Biobaku Hall, my hostel, quickly picked up on it. It became a good subject for late-night arguments in a few rooms (after Messi-Ronaldo debates). I suppose the arguing parties, like me, were wondering how a change in currency design would help augment Naira’s depleting value against the US’ Dollar and other strong currencies. The Central Bank’s motive, however, was different. According to a CBN handbook I read, the redesigned notes were to help check counterfeiting, straighten the economy, reduce the expenditure on cash management, promote financial inclusion, and enhance the CBN’s visibility of money supply. These – are good benefits, anyone would say.

It was not until January 31^st that we started bearing the brunt of a new cash policy. Prior to this, immediately after its launch, we had seen from a viral BBC post what the new notes were like. Some of us said the notes were a bleached version of the old. Others said the CBN only dyed the monies, our monies. Our currency had become more of a joke. Apparently, things were unfolding in the background. CBN had given directives that all old banknotes be deposited on or before January 31, while encouraging Nigerians to explore other payment channels. The CBN, literally, put us on a thin, experimental line.

Soon, banks got filled, stacked up like they were market squares. In order to avoid hiccups, they kept their customers queued outside their premises in very long and rowdy queues that almost never moved. They kept their gates shut, too, till noon or afternoon; especially after some branches reported cases of violent protests. It was hard and perplexing. But as young students, we quickly adapted to the virtual alternatives CBN had left us with.

Still, it was hard. Perplexing. But we knew – judging from what we see or hear – that the pain we feel paled in comparison to that felt by those living beyond the walls of a campus. Sometimes, I lay still on my bed imagining what it would be like for market women, for school children, for drivers, for commuters. I remember, again, our hostel coordinator saying this was Buhari’s final ingenious gift to Nigeria and Nigerians. He says the President’s plan, like in 1984, is to checkmate politicians who have stockpiled Nairas ahead of the 2023 General Elections. I nod.

For us, hostel occupants, the deal breaker was an announcement – coming from the VC – ordering everyone to vacate school hostels for the election break. It was the last straw that broke the camel’s back. In the past few weeks, we witnessed the FG shift the deadline to February 8; various NGOs beseeching them for an even longer extension. We also saw the case brought before the Supreme Court. We saw the Court gives an order; we saw them adjourn the court case.

On February 15, the Supreme Court validated their previous order – that the old Naira notes remain acceptable as legal tender. The following day, we woke up to a nationwide broadcast, by the President, stating that only old N200 notes will remain valid till a due date. It was hard. Some of us left the hostel as early as 6:00am to join queues in front of the Nigerian banks. We had to pay commercial drivers in cash or nothing. Many of us stopped attending lectures, and sat/squat in front of bank ATMs instead. Cash was scarcer than ever. Outside campus, POS outlets had their places shut. Those that opened, literally, sold us the new Naira – they were charging exorbitantly. We looked everywhere for a way. And when we finally found one, we packed our bags, hoping silently that home would be good to us.

By Muhsin Ibrahim

Social media has a double-edged function. It can uplift you or do the exact opposite. It largely depends on the people and pages you interact with. Worried about their teens’ mental health, Utah became the first US state to regulate teen social media access this week.

According to a BBC report, “under the measures enacted on Thursday, a parent or guardian’s explicit consent will be needed before children can create accounts on apps such [as] Instagram, Facebook and TikTok.”

People of all ages can have their mental health wrecked on social media if they aren’t cautious. Some of us crave attention or other’s validation. Thus, people do crazy things to get more “likes” or ensure what they do gets their friends’ applause. That is one thing some of your social media ‘friends’ will never grant you because they are not your friends in the true sense of the word. So, the earlier you understand this, the better.

Of course, you should not be carefree. Each culture has its codes, and so on. So, consider these etiquettes but worry not about people’s attention or endorsement. Social media friendship is primarily fake. Folks, especially teens, can’t understand this. Thus, trolling push them to lose self-esteem, hate themselves, and some take their lives!

I salute the government of Utah. I am sure more states in the US and elsewhere will do the same. However, as ours (in Nigeria) will likely not do the same anytime soon, parents and guardians should do more. As it’s very challenging to deny your kids access to social media, monitor whom they interact with and the pages they visit.

Muhsin Ibrahim lives and works in Cologne, Germany. He can be contacted via muhsin2008@gmail.com.

By Salim Toro

A mistake repeated more than once is not a mistake anymore. It is a decision. – Paulo Coelho

I am not sure if this write-up will reach the appropriate authorities. But, anyway, if it reaches them, they should please consider and solve all the problems facing students of this great learning environment.

This question keeps coming to my mind. I can say that most of the University of Maiduguri students recall that the school commenced its 2022/2023 academic session on 3rd January 2023 for its new students and 16th January 2023 for returning students. However, I can see that no one is talking about it, although it’s already getting to two months, and no proper academic activities have commenced yet. 

Firstly, I’m not sure if this happens at a few universities. Still, it’s not proper to commence an academic session without placing your students’ results/academic statuses. But the case is different at the University of Maiduguri, and no effort is put into changing it. This same mistake happened last year, resulting in massive failure the following semester for those carrying over previous level courses, especially first-semester courses, because tests had already been conducted before the placement of the academic status. 

It’s tragic to know that the University of Maiduguri, a university created in 1985, doesn’t have any active student portal for registration, hostel registration, etc. They always come up with a new portal at the beginning of each session, with many difficulties for students when registering. Many students could not apply for hostel last year due to such challenges, and the management is still not ready to sort out this problem. 

Moreover, the university management doesn’t listen to students’ pleas on issues such as electricity, hostel maintenance and water supply. Sadly, students stayed in total blackout for weeks during the last examination session, which might result in massive failure in the semester examinations. Unfortunately, neither the school management nor the Student Union Government (SUG) takes serious action to solve the problem.

It’s sad to say that when the student representative met with the Vice Chancellor of the university, he boldly told them that the students should focus on their primary assignment and should not bother about anything other than that, which is impertinent. 

Although the SUG is supposed to be a channel between us and the management and a representative when any matter arises, I think they were appointed without minding to know the exact duty of the student union, and at last, they failed woefully. Aliyu Fannami’s administration is the worst SUG administration the university has ever had. 

Lastly, I’m calling on the JAGABAN of this administration to please put things into order. There’s still time to leave good legacies that will write your name with a golden pen in the university’s history, sir, because going down like this will only write your name as one of the worst JAGABAN the university ever had. 

Best wishes, Sir!

Salim Toro writes from Toro and is a 400l student from the Faculty of Agriculture, University of Maiduguri. He can be contacted via salimabdulhamid0909@gmail.com.

By Engr. Auwal Rabiu Dansharif, PhD

The presidential and national assembly elections have come and gone, but the intense political scheming for leadership roles in the National Assembly is still ongoing. 

While it is very logical and democratic for every geopolitical zone in the country to express interest in any leadership role of their choice, it is important to note that some zones are more qualified and befitting to be chosen based on their incredible performance during the February 25, 2023, presidential and national assembly elections. 

In this regard, the Northwest zone of the country comprising Kano, Kaduna, Katsina, Kebbi, Zamfara, Sokoto, and Jigawa states should be given topmost priority and consideration for the Senate Presidency. 

A critical study of the presidential election results has shown that these seven (7) states alone gave the All Progressives Congress (APC) and its candidate Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, a total of 2652824 votes against Atiku Abubakar, who polled a total of 2197824 votes in the region.

The votes of the Northwest have exceeded the 2542797 given to the President-Elect by the South-West, his home region, and represent 30 per cent of the overall votes won by the incoming president. This is a clear demonstration of the confidence and trusts the people of the Northwest have towards President-Elect Tinubu. In Kano, the presidential election results show that the APC scored the second-highest number of votes, with 517341 votes, after the NNPP. 

It is pertinent to note that the APC was able to achieve such success with the good efforts of experienced politicians like Senator Barau Jibrin, who was able to lead the party to success in spite of the formidable opposition in the state. It is only very fair for the Northwest region to be rewarded with the Senate Presidency for its efforts, and no candidate befits such reward more than Senator Barau Jibrin.

Barau Jibrin is the longest-serving senator from the region and has held positions that gave him the experience and network that is required for the seat of the Senate President. These make him the best choice among others to be considered for the position in the 10th National Assembly. 

To support this fact, let us revisit the election results that returned Senator Barau back to the Senate. As the saying goes, charity begins at home. Senator Barau of the All Progressives Congress (APC), who represents Kano North Senatorial District, polled 234,652 votes to defeat his main challenger, Dr Abdullahi Baffa Bichi of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP), who scored 177,014 votes.

This may appear simple, but it was a really difficult feat for Senator Barau to be able to win re-election in Kano State, where almost all the candidates of the APC lost their elections or re-elections to the opposition in the state.

This was possible for Senator Barau because he has become endeared to his people owing to a patriotic philanthropist who gave generously to society and was always on the front line leading efforts to solve the problems of people both within his political domain and beyond. 

Since he was first elected into the Nigeria Senate in 2015, Senator Barau has initiated and executed almost uncountable interventions and projects in both his constituency and other parts of Kano State, which have directly impacted the lives of the common people positively. 

Some of the projects and programmes he has successfully implemented include the construction of the multi-billion naira Kabuga- Dayi Road, the establishment of Kabo Federal Polytechnic, the construction of access roads in all the 13 local governments of Kano North, construction of five (5) General Hospitals in Kano North, securing employment for a total of 1,459 youths in both state and federal levels as well as empowering thousands of women and youths in different trades and lots more of such. 

Senator Barau, in addition to bringing development to his state and constituency, has also forged excellent relationships with leaders across political divides. He is admired and enormously respected even among formidable opposition figures. 

As the political tsunami in Kano swept away candidates of the ruling party, Senator Barau enjoyed support from people in opposition strongholds who saw him as a bridge builder, a unifying figure that has assisted people irrespective of their political, religious and ethnic affiliations.

Even at the National Assembly, the senator, through his political shrewdness and intellect, has appealed to the good senses of his colleagues from across the numerous geopolitical zones of the country. 

Senator Barau’s journey in the national assembly gave him the opportunity to serve Nigerians in various capacities. Some of the portfolios he held include; Chairman Committee appropriation in the lower and upper chamber, member committee on power in the lower chamber, vice chairman and later chairman committee on petroleum resources (downstream), Chairman committee on the tertiary institution (Tetfund),  Member committees on Niger delta, industries, land transportation. 

The invaluable experience he gathered certainly makes him a good consideration for the seat of the Senate presidency. 

In terms of representation, Senator Barau has been an excellent ambassador of Kano state as well as a champion of many bills or motion that seeks to improve the lives of Nigerians from wherever they come. He was among the champions of the PIB bill, being a one-time vice chairman and eventually chairman committee on Petroleum Resources (downstream) of the Senate. He has also been a moderating voice and a mediator who has made a mark as one of the most stabilizing pillars of the upper chamber. 

Perhaps this virtue is one of the reasons that saw him as the best fit for being Chairman Committee on Appropriation both in the lower chamber when he was a member there and now in the Senate. Having to deal with almost all members in both chambers on issues of constituency projects and, at the same time, executives on their proposals is a herculean task that only the best can be able to handle and succeed at the same time. This virtue is also very important in shortening the journey a Bill takes from motion to accent, bringing closer the benefit of the accented bills to the Nigerian populace. 

His portfolio in the National Assembly has given him the requisite experience to act as a bridge between one hand members across party lines and executives on the other hand. The idea of a rubber stamp senate president is hardly practical, being that motions are debated by all members with diverse political views and interests before being passed to the president for accent. This is, however, indicative of high political shrewdness, intellectual management, and reasoning. These qualities make him a good candidate for the seat of senate president, of which Senator Barau is an embodiment.

The running of the Senate is a continuous process from where the previous stops. Hence, it is pertinent that the incoming Senate president be one that has been actively involved in the activities of the Senate. There are Bills that are in motion, others in their last phase of reading, and a lot of others awaiting the accent of the President. Senator Barau being a second term senator already and having been part of the process all through, and having qualities as highlighted above, will be the best man to lead the 1oth senate to see these Bills see the light of day for Nigerians to benefit from. 

The 2023 elections have exposed some weaknesses that the APC has, among which is their loss of grip on Kano. It will be rational to see the APC strategizing to close that gap. It will be a good move for the APC Excos to galvanise support for Senator Barau’s bid for Senate Presidency, being the highest surviving political officer the APC has in the state, in order to match the formidable structure of the NNPP in the state. The might of the office of the Governor occupied by NNPP can only be matched by the might of the Senate president from the state. Senator Barau has a reputation for using his political strength to gain voters’ affinity, as highlighted above.

Based on the foregoing, there is a need for political stakeholders to study this proposal carefully and make the right choice by ensuring Senator Barau Jibrin emerges as the President of the 10th Senate. In doing so, there would be a joining of the political strength of person and region, which will translate to a win-win situation for the APC and Nigerians at large.

Engr. Auwal Rabi’u Dansharif writes from Kano and can be reached via ardansharif@hotmail.com.

Dear Sir,

I shall begin by congratulating you for winning the governorship election in Kano state. I am thrilled to write this letter, and I hope it will reach you in a sound manner.

Sir, the awaiting day has arrived, and your dream and ours have come true. The long and rough journey we have been travelling on has now come to an end. A new journey has begun.

Sir, you have witnessed the outstanding hard work and roles played by scholars, educationists and students in bringing you to this stage. We must salute the investment in education by the father, founder and leader of “Kwankwasiyya” in the name of Eng. Dr Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso.

Education is the backbone of the development of every society. Therefore, reformation of the lopsided education system in this state is what poor masses have been dreaming of, and it is one of their reasons (if not the major) for casting their votes for you, courageously hoping that you will repair the broken shoulder of the education system in this state.

I hope this letter will serve as a call for the revocation of the defraud-sold public properties: some parts of the land of some primary and secondary schools, tertiary institutions, and some government organisations by the outgoing government around Kano state.

I shall also not be reluctant to mention the sale of GSS Panshekara, WRECA Quarters, land and defunct abattoir along Panshekara road. I am sure each of these lands is more than enough to build a new primary or secondary school or faculty for some of our state tertiary institutions.

Furthermore, civil servants should also not be forgotten or left behind. We hope that the incessant tears running in their faces for many years hope will be stopped and wiped by your blessing palms.

Sir, I hope you will act as your name implies, “Abban Kanawa”, which means “father of Kano people”. You will handle and take care of us as your children. May Allah help you and make it easier for you to carry out your duties and bring Kano state forward.

Yours faithfully,

Musa Idris Panshekara.

By Shu’aibu Rabiu

I’m writing this with my heart sinking out of the brink, confused, and absorbed in the prism of my mind lost in the ocean, wandering not because of the outcome of the election or what may become of the winner or the looser but rather, of the situation Jigawans might find themselves due to the unrest that has been going on due to the current mant

Jigawa has been known to be one of Nigeria’s most peaceful and harmonious states for decades. However, this aged-long history is currently being threatened by what seems to be political tribalism and jingoism (emiratism, to be specific).

Since the inception of Jigawa, it has had three democratically elected governors – Ibrahim Saminu Turaki (Jigawa north-west senatorial district comprising Kazaure, Ringim and Gumel emirates), Sule Lamido (Jigawa south-west senatorial district which consists of Dutse emirate only) and Muhammad Badaru Abubakar (Jigawa north-west senatorial district). Looking at the division above, one may wonder what the Jigawa north-east senatorial district is.

Well, after the completion of the party primaries in the state, Malam Umar Namadi Danmodi from Jigawa north-eastern senatorial district emerged victorious under the flag of the All Progressive Congress (APC), While Mustapha Sule Lamido from Jigawa south-western senatorial district, became the flagbearer of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). This, however, ignites the fire of what seems to be a battle between the already two conflicting emirates of Dutse and Hadejia, respectively.

For, Hadejia believed or rather thought of Dutse as its major shield or barrier in achieving its goal of producing a governor for the state. Dutse, on the other hand, considers Hadejia a threat to the state, for they believe Hadajiwas are selfish, narcissistic and self-centred, hence the hatred and hostility toward them.

The current enmity, hatred, hate speech and uproar doubled after the just concluded presidential election when both emirates decided to support their own (Hadejia went for APC’s presidential candidate, while Dutse voted for the PDP’s). This, however, became the major cause of the political unrest in the state, which, if care is not taken, will be a driving factor for the division of Jigawa in terms of political instability, peaceful coexistence and even beyond.

My main concern in the article is not who’s right or wrong for choosing to support their own and go against the other. Instead, my problem is what may become of Jigawa and its citizens now that Mustapha/Umar is declared governor-elect for the state.

It is pertinent to, at this juncture, make it categorically clear that the constitution of the federal republic of Nigeria states that whoever wins an election will serve all the citizens irrespective of party, region or emirate affiliation. This means that Malam Umar Namadi will be a governor for all the citizens of Jigawa state, and his leadership will have no relation with the saying “to each, their own”. This is a hard-and-fast rule.

Well, first things first, we must know that there’s life after the election, which is one of the most important things to consider now. Because, often, the election comes and goes, and as far as tradition, it usually comes with things that jeopardise people’s relationships, which often lead to lifelong enmity. This, however, will affect the state in such a way that the winner you fought for will find it challenging to manage the administrative duties delicately because you’re at war. So he must find a way to stop it, which will divert his attention from doing tangible things for the development of the state.

For peace and stability to continue in Jigawa, we must eliminate what happened during the camping and the election in our minds. Let’s embrace each other, forgive and forget, and be our brothers’ keepers. Until we do this, the aged long peace and stability will only be a thing to remember.

I, therefore, appeal to my fellow Jigawa citizens to accept this outcome with open arms. If the outcome turnout against your prepared candidate, please pray it turns out the best. Similarly, don’t let what happened to ruin your relationship with your friends anywhere in the state. Remember, this is all politics!

And to Malam Umar Namadi, I pray that you turn out to be the best that ever happened to Jigawa, may Allah the omnipotent guide you to do the right thing for Jigawa, amin.

Congratulations and best wishes.

Shu’aibu Rabiu wrote via shubrabbkd@gmail.com.

By Saifullahi Attahir

It’s not surprising that nowadays you see my post regularly. I’m always looking forward to moments like this where  I get released from the yolk of sleep-inducing medical books. Once again, I’m lucky to be surrounded by my favourite literature I  enjoy which serves as a source of enlightenment, happiness, experience, and loyal and non-disturbing companionship.

This week I luckily came across a 362 pages novel written by a great and rare literary icon, Chinua Achebe, who needs no introduction. Dr Achebe was born around the 1930s in pre-independence Nigeria. He witnessed the early struggle of our nation with colonial amalgamation, premature political activities, and half-baked western knowledge. He was also blessed to witness the coup and the counter-coups, the civil war, the many long military juntas, and various democratic regimes. He died around 2013. what a long journey!

My respect for Achebe began when I discovered his early taste in Medicine (MBBS) at the University before switching to the Humanities. This is obvious in his surgical approach to writing and his simple use of words to convey a powerful message resembling a patient-doctor relationship in a way that no other can. Achebe is a political philosopher with all the tools to delve into politics (being famous, a great orator, experienced, a historian, and knowledgeable, of course, without the money) but decided to steer himself away from remaining a true nationalist.

The book, Man of the people, was so captivating that I couldn’t stop reading it until I was done in less than three days. How it related events in the early 1950s political arena to how it is in the present moment shows me that history is often a cyclical process with only names and dates that tend to change a little. This struck me with a reality that humans, despite our self-acclaim superior intelligence, are sometimes unfortunate gullible creatures that hardly learnt lessons from their past mistakes or the mistakes of others. This is more so true as today we rarely like to read history. Below is my take off from the book:

Chief Honourable Nanga is regarded in our settings as a wise and lucky few who was previously a low waged primary school teacher before finding his way into politics in the newly independent country. He was elected as a parliamentarian to represent his local people, who were mostly less literate in books than he was. Before his political adventure, Nanga was simple, intelligent, respectful, and friendly. All the mentioned attributes earned him the automatic approval of his people to represent them.

Of course, they weren’t wrong. Chief Nanga continues to be available to his people because he was a person you could describe as ‘let us eat together’. The main concern of his people was to bring them something to their mouths, not tangible and economically sustained programs. This automatically makes Chief Nanga the person whose main concern was to butcher the ‘national cake’ to satisfy his people and at least secure their approval for the next election round.

Chief Nanga was nominated a National Minister of Culture by the Prime Minister for his unquestionable ‘loyalty’ to the party and its leadership. The loyalty was nothing more than his ability to see wrongdoings and remains silent. Transgressions include high inflation, dashing money to party members, over-estimated contracts, sub-optimal road projects, conspicuous import duties, debt-ridden economic policies, debilitating educational reform, and countless more.

In exchange for his loyalty Chief Nanga was assured 10% of every project he was given, a 7-bedroom self-contained house, ten newly designed buses for his next election campaign, a  newly 2-storey mansion in his village hometown Anata, a new Cadillac car, and four security bodyguards. Remember that this was 1960’s politics!

In the story, there was an incident of some members of Parliaments who were not loyal to this dirty scheme of ‘party politics’ and stood their ground to expose all these scandalous affairs. Their fate was that the newspapers, magazines, and media outlets were being bought up (bribed) to write news regarding a coup plot arranged by those patriotic citizens who were later dismissed and imprisoned. At this juncture, I noticed that it’s true that news from some media outlets sometimes has some aspects of interest, either being compromised financially or for personal benefit. This required a separate article on its own.

It’s a rule of life that such activities can never continue unnoticed. Therefore a group of young, overzealous, and enlightened University graduates, some of whom were already practising in various sectors, including lawyers, doctors, teachers, and engineers led by  Max (a lawyer) and Odili (a teacher)  gathered to form a political party or rather a revolutionary movement to counter the activities of Chief Nanga’s Government. After various arrangements and meetings, they began launching their campaign. They were able to display every tactic to draw the attention of the common men and women in the country.

To cut the story short, these zealous young men were, to some level, unsuccessful in their mission; as the system began to unfold, it seemed a very complex situation where the very people they were shouting to rescue were the very culprit supporting the corruption. Those masses see the politician as saviours whose role is to go and bring them their share of the ‘national cake’ bounty because they do not view it as their right or National asset that deserves preservation up to their unborn generation.

The problem is that the same common masses are responsible for encouraging the leaders to do the vices. The common masses are the vanguards (‘yan jangaliya), the bodyguards, the local party chairman, and the man who complained of Kola-nut for his daughter’s marriage. The same masses would first laugh at him (elected politician)  after one year when he resigned from office without amassing something. Then, they would laugh at him that now he had become a  pauper, so this automatically creates the intrinsic urge to loot.

During the election campaign, Max lost his life after being attacked by those unfortunate vanguards, and  Odili sustained injuries, while his nomination paper didn’t even reach the electoral office as it was confiscated by corrupt Police. Chief Nanga’s party were ‘elected’ unopposed through massive ballot rigging and political hullabaloo. Fortunately, the country was saved by a military coup that overthrew Chief Nanga’s government.

The rest is history.

Saifullahi Attahir wrote from Dutse wrote via saifullahiattahir93@gmail.com.