Security

By: Abdulhameed Ridwanullah

On July 22, 2015, the then-spouse of Nigerian Afrobeats queen Tiwa Savage, Tunji “Tee Billz” Balogun, announced the birth of their son, Jamil, on social media with an image of the father and son’s hands. This, no doubt, was an intimate moment. But beneath that act was the normalization of what researchers described as “sharenting”. Sharenting is a pervasive practice of documenting every stage of a child’s life online. From the baby shower, scan pictures, delivery room and other “first” images in the life of the baby documented for public gaze, sharenting has become normalized to an extent that those calling for caution are regarded as old-school.

Sharenting is now recognized globally as a growing digital privacy concern because it exposes children to long-term data risks they cannot consent to. But in Nigeria, the consequences are amplified by our unique digital ecosystem.
What makes sharenting particularly risky in Nigeria is not only what online platforms do, but what we (users) do. On the users’ part, Nigerians’ platform usage has shown a pattern of resistance that outsmarts platforms’ regulations. In my research on platform resistance, I argued that Nigerians have developed what I call a digital okada culture: creative, evasive practices that bypass platform safeguards the same way commercial motorcycle riders bypass formal road rules. Screenshots, screen recording, parallel WhatsApp accounts, anonymous repost pages and third-party aggregators routinely move supposedly “private” content into the open, uncontrolled publics.

We have seen photos of the naming ceremonies privately shared on WhatsApp status, making their way anonymously to Instagram gossip pages like Instablog9ja and other similar gossip blogs. Simply put, a controlled WhatsApp status update can end up on strangers’ phones instantaneously. Our digital culture in Nigeria is a highly porous ecosystem where content easily escapes parents’ control, which complicates sharenting.
It is instinctive for proud parents to want to celebrate their joy with friends and family. Culturally and religiously speaking, giving birth is not a small feat. It is one of the memorable achievements in one’s life.

The magnitude and social significance of it alone are good reasons to celebrate and post children online. For diaspora families, social media posts also help them connect with grandchildren and relatives not seen physically. On the surface, this looks like a harmless practice. But once it is placed inside a digital okada culture, the comfort of “I only shared it with my contacts” becomes an illusion.

Even mainstream financial institutions have begun to warn that oversharing children’s information online can create future vulnerabilities. A 2018 BBC news report indicated that Barclays Bank forecasted that by 2030, sharenting could result in £670 million in online fraud. The bank added that parents might be “lulled into a false sense of security” without grasping the long-term implications of oversharing online. That warning is not just about money; it is about the long tail of our children’s data.

But financial fraud is only a small fragment of the risk. The bigger problem is how children’s data feeds an entire economic system. As I have written previously, the “paradox of social media is that a digital footprint is both transient and permanent”. It is transient because our post quickly disappears from most feeds, but the metadata is stored permanently in corporate databases. This is what Harvard professor Shoshana Zuboff calls surveillance capitalism.

Sharenting allows surveillance capitalism to thrive because parents voluntarily funnel massive intimate behavioural data about their children into algorithms. This behavioural data could be monetised by building a detailed, lifelong predictive profile of the children. According to privacy researchers, children’s photos that people share online are being used to train facial recognition algorithms and AI systems.

Think about that! Our children’s faces are being used to teach machines without our or their consent. Parents’ excitement often leads to the surrender of children’s data to platforms without their consent. Even celebrities who build careers on social media visibility, like Rihanna and Cardi B, are choosing to obscure their children’s faces to mitigate risk. Drake famously raps in the Emotionless track that “I wasn’t hiding my kid from the world; I was hiding the world from my kid”.

Many Nigerian parents take comfort in the illusion of privacy of End-to-End Encrypted messaging platforms. They assume that posting baby photos on WhatsApp Status, especially to a restricted contact list, is safer than throwing them on Instagram. Messages on WhatsApp are encrypted, no doubt; however, that alone does not mean data extraction isn’t taking place.

Metadata about what we share (e.g., baby photos), who we talk to, when, location, duration, and frequency are extractable and shareable data that the platforms can use to build a behavioural pattern.
In other words, even when images disappear, their informational shadows remain.

Beyond the momentary applause and privacy concern, what happens when these children grow up and do not appreciate their lives being displayed online and their privacy being taken away? Teenagers are already suing their parents in Europe for unconsented exposure. It is only a matter of time before a similar conflict emerges in Nigeria. I am not a technological Luddite. Far from it. I am just a concerned technology researcher who cares about the use and misuse of social media.

In a country shaped by digital okada culture, parents cannot assume that what they post about their children will stay where they intended. Sharenting is not just about cute photos; it is about handing our children’s futures to platforms, algorithms and a porous digital public they did not choose.

Nigeria needs greater digital literacy around children’s rights. There is also a need for more public awareness campaigns and discussion about consent beginning at home. Parents must think beyond the moment of joy and consider the digital futures they are constructing for their children.

Abdulhameed Ridwanullah is a researcher at Media for Empowerment and Impact Lab, Northeastern University, Boston, USA. He can be reached at olaitanrido@yahoo.com

By Uzair Adam 

Nigerian troops have rescued 318 kidnapped victims, neutralised several terrorists, and arrested many others during coordinated operations across multiple regions in November, the Defence Headquarters (DHQ) has said.

A statement issued on Thursday explained that the operations also led to the deactivation of 16 illegal crude oil refining sites and the prevention of suspected oil theft valued at over N217.6 million. 

Troops additionally recovered thousands of litres of crude oil and AGO during the raids. The military assured that efforts are ongoing to secure the release of the students recently abducted in Niger State.

In the North East, troops of Operation Hadin Kai sustained pressure on Boko Haram, ISWAP, and JAS fighters through land and air offensives carried out in several local government areas of Borno and Adamawa States. 

The operations resulted in the neutralisation of terrorists, arrest of collaborators, rescue of kidnapped victims, and destruction of terrorist camps and equipment.

In the North West, troops under Operation Fansan Yamma carried out similar missions in Zamfara, Sokoto, Katsina, Kano, Jigawa, and Kebbi States. Several terrorists were neutralised, suspects arrested, and kidnapped victims rescued. 

Air operations also targeted hideouts in Kankara and Faskari, destroying camps and disrupting logistics networks.

Troops operating in the North Central under Operation Enduring Peace conducted raids in Plateau and Kaduna States, neutralising extremists, arresting suspects, and rescuing victims. 

Additional missions under Operation Whirl Stroke in Benue, Nasarawa, and Taraba States led to more arrests, rescues, and recoveries of arms, vehicles, and livestock. 

Operations extended to Kogi State and the FCT, where extremists were neutralised and more victims rescued.

In the Niger Delta, troops under Operation Delta Safe intensified efforts against oil theft in Bayelsa, Delta, Imo, and Rivers States. 

These operations thwarted theft valued in millions of naira, dismantled illegal refineries, and led to the arrest of oil thieves and other criminals. 

Additional patrols also led to arrests and the seizure of arms and ammunition.

In the South East, under Operation Udoka, troops conducted raids across Enugu, Ebonyi, Abia, and Cross River States. 

The missions led to the neutralisation of terrorists, arrests, rescues, and the recovery of weapons and explosives. Air strikes in Ezeagu LGA destroyed terrorist camps and supply routes.

The military commended the troops for their bravery. It urged Nigerians to continue providing credible information to support ongoing operations and to support veterans through the Armed Forces Remembrance Day initiative launched on December 2, 2025.

According to DHQ, the Armed Forces remain committed to lawful operations aimed at restoring peace across all affected parts of the country.

By Hadiza Abdulkadir

Former Labour Party presidential candidate Peter Obi has warned that the conviction of IPOB leader Mazi Nnamdi Kanu could worsen insecurity in the country. Obi issued the warning in a statement posted on his social media accounts, saying the development comes at a time when Nigerians are already struggling with economic hardship and widespread violence.

Obi said Kanu’s arrest, detention, and now conviction represent “a failure of leadership,” arguing that the concerns raised by the IPOB leader could have been addressed through dialogue and inclusive governance rather than coercion.

He cautioned that the government’s approach risks aggravating tensions in the South-East and further stretching security agencies already battling multiple crises nationwide.

According to him, nations facing similar internal tensions often adopt political solutions and negotiated settlements when legal processes alone cannot guarantee stability.

Obi urged the Presidency, the Council of State, and respected national figures to intervene and pursue reconciliation, warning that only justice, fairness, and meaningful engagement can prevent the situation from escalating into a deeper security challenge.

By Muhammad Abubakar

Former presidential aide Bashir Ahmad has criticised the newly released Netflix film The Herd, arguing that it reinforces harmful stereotypes about Fulani herders and the wider Arewa region. In a post shared on social media, Ahmad said the problem is not the film’s focus on banditry, which he acknowledged is a tragic reality, but its “dangerously inaccurate” portrayal of an entire ethnic group.

Ahmad pointed to a scene in the movie’s teaser in which herders suddenly pull out guns and abduct travellers, describing it as a misleading depiction that paints all Fulani herders as violent criminals. He stressed that while some bandits are indeed Fulani, the vast majority are innocent and among the worst affected by insecurity, having lost their cattle, livelihoods and loved ones.

He warned that such portrayals in international films risk shaping global perceptions in damaging ways, fuelling suspicion and discrimination against innocent people. “That is how stigma is created,” he said, noting that millions of viewers may come to believe that every Fulani herder is a terrorist.

Ahmad faulted the filmmakers for failing to conduct adequate research or engage stakeholders, security experts, victims and pastoralist groups before tackling such a sensitive national issue. He also suggested that the Nigerian Film Corporation, led by Ali Nuhu, should have provided better guidance to avoid what he described as “damaging portrayals.”

He concluded by calling for responsible storytelling that condemns criminals without casting “a shadow of suspicion over millions of innocent herders,” warning that Nigeria’s fragile security situation should not be worsened by divisive media content.

By Hadiza Abdulkadir

A detailed personal account posted by northern Nigerian social media influencer Aisha Falke has drawn significant public attention as debates intensify over insecurity and religious rhetoric in the region.

Falke, founder of the popular online platform Northern Hibiscus, published a two-part account describing how her family narrowly escaped an attack during the 2001 ethno-religious crisis in Jos. In the account, she recalls waking to reports of killings at roadblocks and later watching her mother’s Christian friend—described as a close family companion—allegedly approach their home with a machete as mobs advanced toward their neighbourhood.

According to her narration, the family fled moments before large groups of armed youths descended on the area. She also recounted scenes of panic on the roads as fleeing residents warned of roadblocks where travellers were reportedly attacked and burned.

Falke’s post has generated extensive reactions across northern Nigeria, with many users describing it as a reminder of the human toll of past communal violence.

The renewed attention comes as security agencies continue the search for 25 Muslim schoolgirls abducted from their school in Kebbi State last week. The incident has prompted widespread condemnation, though it has unfolded alongside online claims by some groups alleging “genocide against Christians” in the region—claims many northern residents and government officials dispute, arguing that ongoing attacks by bandits and insurgents have targeted communities irrespective of religion.

Falke did not link her story to the Kebbi abductions, but analysts say the timing has contributed to broader conversations about the dangers of inflammatory narratives and the need for balanced reporting on insecurity.

Authorities have not yet provided updates on the rescue operation, while families of the abducted students continue to appeal for swift action.

By Muhammad Sulaiman

Security experts have long warned that Nigeria’s porous borders are a major threat to national stability. This concern was echoed again when Dr Bulama Bukarti, a security researcher, lamented how almost anything can be smuggled into the country due to ineffective border control.

In reaction to Bukarti’s remarks, Dr Aliyu Yakubu Yusuf of Bayero University, Kano, shared a firsthand account that underscores the depth of the problem.

Dr Yusuf narrated that on a trip from Damagaran in the Niger Republic to Kano earlier this week, he sat in the front seat of a commercial bus and witnessed what he described as “a chain of extortion masquerading as security.”

According to him, as the bus approached the Babban Mutum border on the way to Ɓaɓura, he observed “so many annoying checkpoints,” sometimes only a few meters apart. Police officers, soldiers, immigration officials, road safety personnel, and customs operatives were all stationed along the route. Yet, none conducted any meaningful inspection.

“Each time we reached a checkpoint, the driver would simply pull out a one-thousand-naira note and hand it to an officer, then we would move on,” he said. Some officers even addressed the driver by name, apparently familiar with him as a regular traveller.

Dr Yusuf said the driver disclosed that there are 35 checkpoints between Damagaran and Kano, and at each one, he must part with between ₦500 and ₦2000, depending on the officials present. He estimated that drivers spend at least ₦30,000 during a single trip.

“Throughout the four-hour journey, not a single officer asked the driver to open his boot,” he added, expressing disbelief that such laxity exists despite Nigeria’s ongoing fight against insecurity.

His account reinforces concerns that many checkpoints serve as avenues for bribe collection rather than effective security screening—leaving the country vulnerable while motorists bear the financial burden.

“We are jokers, wallahi,” Dr. Yusuf concluded.

By Hadiza Abdulkadir

The Department of State Services (DSS) has announced the arrest of Musa Abubakar, believed to be a major supplier of arms to criminal groups in Plateau State and northern Nigeria. The operation was based on intelligence reports leading to his detention on November 12, 2025.

A DSS source confirmed that Abubakar admitted to producing and distributing high-calibre weapons and ammunition used in violent attacks across Plateau and neighbouring regions.

The arrest followed a targeted raid on his weapons manufacturing facility in Mista Ali, Bassa Local Government Area, Plateau State. Authorities reportedly found Abubakar with IED components, chemicals, and manufacturing equipment, all seized by DSS operatives.

This development comes days after the recapture of Abdulazeez Obadaki, alias Bomboy, a prison escapee linked to the Owo and Deeper Life Church attacks. DSS headlined recent successes in counterterrorism efforts, including the detention of nine high-profile suspects involved in incidents in Plateau and Benue states.

Among those detained is Timna Manjol, 46, who pleaded guilty to firearms charges related to the attacks, according to court documents. Manjol is affiliated with First Baptist Church in Mangu, Plateau.

Security analysts view these arrests as part of the DSS’s ongoing crackdown on violent extremism in the region.

By Anwar Usman

The Kogi State Police Command has confirmed that a commuter bus belonging to Big Joe Ventures Ltd was attacked on Friday, and all twelve occupants were abducted.

However, SP William Aya, the Police Public Relations Officer, revealed that the police, in collaboration with the military, were able to rescue eight of the victims, while efforts are ongoing to locate and rescue the remaining four still held by the kidnappers.

A statement issued by the command late on Friday evening in response to an enquiry confirmed the abduction but noted that about eight of the victims were rescued, with the police and army searching for the remaining four.

The statement reads, “kidnappers attacked a Big Joe Ventures Ltd Toyota Hiace commuter bus (Edo FUG 13 XY) along Okene–Auchi road. During the incident, the kidnappers abducted all 12 passengers commuting from Abuja to Benin in Edo State.”

He said that subsequently, the DPO Okene Division, CSP Nasir Muhammad, immediately mobilised police personnel in conjunction with the military and vigilantes in pursuit of the kidnappers.

“In the process, eight victims, including the driver, were rescued, while efforts are still underway to rescue the remaining four victims and possibly arrest the perpetrators”, the statement added.

By Anas Abbas 

The Nigerian Air Force (NAF) has killed more than 25 terrorists in a coordinated night air raid around Bula in Yobe State and the Banki axis of Borno State.

Director of Public Relations and Information, Air Commodore Ehimen Ejodame, disclosed this in a statement issued on Saturday in Abuja. 

He explained that the operation was carried out on September 18, following actionable intelligence provided by ground troops.

According to Ejodame, a combination of Intelligence, Surveillance and Reconnaissance (ISR) assets and strike aircraft tracked terrorist movements and spotted multiple groups north of Banki. The terrorists were then hit in three successive precision strikes along their movement routes and assembly points.

“Real-time updates were relayed to ground forces and base operations, enabling synchronised action. The strike aircraft engaged the terrorists in three successive precision strikes, effectively neutralising more than 25 fighters,” Ejodame stated.

He added that post-strike surveillance confirmed that ground forces had maintained their defensive positions, with no further threats detected.

Ejodame said the operation highlighted the Air Force’s unwavering support for ground troops and its commitment to denying terrorists freedom of action in the North-East.

The operation comes just days after Boko Haram insurgents attacked the Darajamal community in the Bama Local Government Area of Borno on September 8, killing at least 63 people, including five soldiers. The attackers, who rode in on motorcycles, shot indiscriminately, razed houses and vehicles before military reinforcements arrived.

Governor Babagana Zulum had described that incident as “very sad,” confirming the death toll and pledging government support to the affected families.

By Haroon Aremu Abiodun

“Any country where lawmaking is more lucrative than law enforcement, there must be insecurity.”

That was the piercing submission of veteran Nollywood actor Kanayo O. Kanayo in a podcast interview. This quote still lingers in my mind like a haunting prophecy. Sadly, Nigeria appears to be a textbook example of that paradox.

This raises a chilling question: can we ever be safe in a nation where those crafting the laws live like kings, while those enforcing them die like pawns?

The roads tremble with fear, and villages sleep with one eye open. From Abuja to Zamfara, from the creeks of the Delta to Anambra, to the rocky hills of Birnin Gwari, the word “insecurity” has become a national refrain. 

In whispered conversations and on trending hashtags, Nigerians continue to ask: Can banditry, kidnapping, and terrorism ever truly end in Nigeria?

While President Bola Ahmed Tinubu continues to pledge security reforms, and National Security Adviser Nuhu Ribadu issues strategic statements, the reality on the ground often contradicts this. The Chief of Defence Staff, General Christopher Musa, may be leading an army of patriots. Still, their valour is constantly undermined by systemic inequality, in which the pen is paid more than the gun.

I Witnessed the Truth

In early June, I attended a deeply insightful citizenship engagement forum hosted by Voice of Nigeria (VON). Dignitaries, including the Minister of Information, NSA Ribadu, the Chief of Defence Staff, and other notable figures,were present. But one story shared by the Chief of Defence Staff froze the air.

He recalled a young bandit who surrendered. The military, adopting a “soft approach,” chose not to brutalise him but instead treated him humanely. He was given food, a warm bath, and, for the first time in his life, a mattress.

This wasn’t just about physical comfort. It was symbolic. The boy, barely old enough to vote, said he had never lain on a mattress before. That was his first taste of civilisation, and it came not from a school or community, but from an army barracks. The boy had joined a group of killers not out of hatred, but out of hopelessness.

The Root of the Rot: 3Es

With what the Chief of Defence Staff said, I was able to conclude that part of the root of Nigeria’s security crisis lies in the absence of the “3Es”: Education, Exposure, and Enlightenment. These are not luxuries; they are necessities. And in the North, where banditry has gained a more frightening foothold, their absence is glaring.

It is time for Northern governors to rise beyond rhetoric. The federal government cannot win this war alone. State leaders must begin by reforming their education systems, investing in enlightenment campaigns, and introducing programs that truly expose their youth to life beyond the confines of their communities. Kano State has led the way in propagating and championing this initiative among the northern states, but efforts should be intensified.

Can we save Nigeria? Yes, but not with a centralised, top-down approach. What we need is collaborative security. Community policing must be revived with village chiefs and family heads forming the first line of surveillance.

Security consciousness must be made more crucial and integrated into school curricula and public messaging. Employment generation must become more than a campaign slogan. A graduate left idle is one WhatsApp message away from recruitment into darkness.

“If community policing is fully implemented, it will become far easier to identify and expose those secretly sponsoring or benefiting from terrorism right from the grassroots. Local vigilance, trust networks, and community-driven intelligence can expose hidden collaborators who often conceal their activities behind political or economic influence. Such a system not only strengthens national security but also empowers citizens to take active ownership of their safety and future.”

This is to say, the fight against terror will not be won by guns alone, but by communities standing as the first line of defence

The Role of Institutions

The Ministry of Education and the National Orientation Agency (NOA) must now take centre stage. It is no longer enough to teach arithmetic and grammar; we must now teach security literacy. The young must understand the real consequences of crime. They must be exposed to alternatives.

This encompasses school tours, street theatre, online campaigns, community mentorship, and genuine partnerships between public and private stakeholders.

There is hope. There are patriots in uniform. There are children yet untouched by corruption. There are teachers still driven by conscience. However, all their efforts will be for nothing if lawmakers continue to earn more than those who risk their lives.

The EFCC may chase funds across Iceland and Dubai. The DSS may foil plots in Lagos and Maiduguri. However, until we address the imbalance and make justice more rewarding than crime, we will remain trapped in this cycle.

Let us not wait until another child lies on a mattress in a military cell to realise what he has never had.

Let that mattress be our wake-up call.

So, to President Tinubu, to the NSA Ribadu, to the Defence Chief, and to every governor who still believes in this country: The war will not be won on the battlefield alone; it will be won in the classroom, in the family compound, in the village square, and in the heart of every Nigerian.

Before we talk about weapons, let’s talk about mattresses.

Haroon Aremu Abiodun, An Author, public Affairs Analyst, PRNigeria fellow and wrote in via exponentumera@gmail.com.