Admin

By Abba Hikima

It is clear to even the most daft Nigerian that Nyesom Wike, a serving member of President Tinubu’s Federal Executive Council, is only in the PDP to sabotage it and clear the path for his benefactor, the President, come the 2027 elections. What may not, however, be clear is the extent to which Wike’s tactics and antics can undermine Nigeria’s democracy.

Whether you are APC, PDP, ADC or even politically indifferent, Wike’s actions should bother you, as long as you dream of a truly democratic Nigeria where institutions transcend whimsical meddling of the few.

From any angle, one sees a deliberate pattern that systematically seeks to dismantle the country’s main opposition party and tilts the political landscape dangerously toward one-party dominance.

The recent Federal High Court injunction, restraining the PDP from holding its planned November 15 National Convention, issued by Justice J. Omotosho, only reinforces this pattern. It aligns with a string of judicial outcomes and political manoeuvres that have consistently favoured Wike’s factional interests, all at the expense of Nigeria’s fragile democratic balance.

Between 2023 and 2025, Wike’s loyalists seized the PDP’s national secretariat at Wadata Plaza, installed their own acting chairman, and plunged the party into even deeper crisis. Earlier, he had been linked to moves to demolish the PDP headquarters in Port Harcourt and to lawsuits that derailed planned conventions.

These deliberate acts of sabotage are calculated to dismantle opposition structures and weaken the political alternatives that every democracy relies on. In Nigeria today, prominent political opposition actors are crosscarpeting from their political parties to the ruling APC, not because the APC is doing better, but to salvage their seats and realise their aspirations, which appear rather vivid with the APC.

In saner climes, inclusion of opposition figures within ruling governments is a laudable means of promoting national unity and bridging gaps. But in Nigeria’s case, Wike’s dual role, serving as a federal minister while wielding extraordinary control over an opposition party, is clearly a means of manipulation.

It blurs ethical boundaries and deprives citizens of genuine democratic alternatives.

Even more disturbing is Wike’s perceived closeness to certain segments of the judiciary- what Professor Chidi Anselm Odinkalu aptly described as a “pathological fixation.”

From 2019 to 2025, at least five major cases tied directly or indirectly to Wike’s interests have been heard before the same judge, fueling concerns of judicial clientelism —a scenario where powerful litigants can select their forums by proxy.

The danger goes far beyond politics.

If political elites can manipulate opposition parties while simultaneously bending judicial processes to their favour, then democracy becomes mere theatre. A performance that preserves power and erodes accountability.

Having said this, the National Judicial Council should randomise the assignment of politically sensitive cases and ensure that no single judge repeatedly handles matters involving the same litigants. A stronger ethical firewall must also be built between judicial officers and politically exposed persons.

Politically, Nigeria must introduce conflict-of-interest rules that bar sitting ministers or presidential appointees from exerting control over opposition parties. Democracy cannot thrive when the same hand both governs and manipulates its opposition.

Coming this far, we must accept that reform is not optional; it is existential.

Abba Hikima, Esq. wrote from Kano, Nigeria.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

A former Bauchi State Commissioner for Education, Dr. Aliyu Usman Tilde, has called on President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to remove the Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Professor Joash Ojo Amupitan, over what he described as a clear display of bias.

Dr. Tilde made the call in a post on his Facebook page where he wrote: “TINUBU: INEC Chairman Should Resign or be Kicked Out. This is too gross and partial for his chair.”

His comment followed the resurfacing of a 2020 publication authored by Professor Amupitan, in which he described the violence against Christians in Nigeria as “genocide.”

The document, titled “Nigeria’s Silent Slaughter: Genocide in Nigeria and the Implications for the International Community,” was part of a legal brief submitted to international organisations.

In the publication, Amupitan stated that crimes such as genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity were being committed in Nigeria, adding that the victims were “mainly the Christian population and minority ethnic groups.”

The resurfacing of this document has triggered heated reactions across the country, with critics saying the position taken by Amupitan before his appointment raises serious questions about his neutrality as the nation’s electoral umpire.

Dr. Tilde, in his post, expressed concern that such views could undermine public trust in INEC, insisting that the chairman’s past statements make him unfit to preside over Nigeria’s electoral process.

Neither Professor Amupitan nor INEC has officially responded to the criticism.

However, some of his supporters argue that his earlier legal opinion was written in his capacity as an academic and lawyer, not as an election official.

The controversy has continued to generate debate among political observers, with calls for President Tinubu to address the matter to safeguard the credibility of future elections.

By Maryam Ahmad

In a development few could have imagined a year ago, Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa is set to meet U.S. President Donald Trump at the White House on Monday. The visit marks the first time a Syrian head of state will be officially received in Washington — a remarkable turn for a man who, until recently, was wanted by the United States.

As recently as December, al-Sharaa carried a $10 million American bounty on his head for his alleged role as an al-Qaeda commander. Now, following a stunning political transformation and rise to power in Damascus, he is being welcomed as a foreign leader and potential partner in the Middle East.

In anticipation of the visit, the U.S. Treasury Department has lifted sanctions against al-Sharaa and his intelligence chief, signalling a major policy shift. Meanwhile, Congress is debating the repeal of the Caesar Act, the 2019 legislation that imposed sweeping sanctions on Syria’s construction, energy, and financial sectors. The Senate has already voted to rescind the law, though the House of Representatives has yet to follow suit.

Inside Syria, reactions are mixed. While some citizens express frustration over al-Sharaa’s secretive governance and reliance on a close inner circle, others see his global rehabilitation as a point of national pride.

For many observers, al-Sharaa’s journey embodies one of the most dramatic reversals in modern diplomacy. Once a U.S. prisoner in Iraq, he will now step into the Oval Office — a symbol of how swiftly global politics can change.

By Uzair Adam

Hon. Abdulmumin Jibrin Kofa, the House of Representatives member for Kiru/Bebeji Federal Constituency in Kano State, has officially returned to the All Progressives Congress (APC), pledging his support for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s 2027 re-election bid.

Kofa disclosed this in a statement he personally signed on Monday, noting that he received a warm reception from thousands of his supporters in his hometown of Kofa, Bebeji Local Government Area.

The gathering reportedly resolved to leave the NNPP/Kwankwasiyya movement and join the APC in solidarity with the president’s agenda.

According to him, the event was attended by approximately 2,000 Islamic clerics who offered special prayers for the president, as well as for peace, development, and progress in Kiru/Bebeji, Kano State, and Nigeria at large.

Kofa’s defection comes two months after his expulsion from the NNPP, which sources say was due to alleged anti-party activities and unpaid membership dues.

His departure underscores the ongoing internal challenges within the NNPP in Kano and marks a significant political realignment in the state.

A former APC member and ex-Director-General of the Tinubu Support Group, Kofa’s return to the ruling party strengthens the APC’s foothold in Kano ahead of the 2027 elections.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

A former Nigerian presidential aide has raised a stark alarm, claiming that terrorist groups are actively attempting to seize a vast swath of territory across four nations to establish a new global headquarters for terrorism.

Hakeem Baba Ahmed, who previously served as a Special Adviser to President Bola Tinubu, made the declaration in a televised interview.

He asserted that intelligence circles are aware of the threat to carve out a large territory encompassing parts of Nigeria, Chad, Cameroon, and Niger.

“There are attempts by interests to take over huge territory… and turn it into the global headquarters of terror,” Baba Ahmed stated.

“Those in intelligence circles know this. I’m saying this publicly now. A lot of people know this.”

He emphasized the dire consequences of such a takeover, stating, “We must never allow that kind of thing to happen. We don’t want to live under ISWAP. We don’t want to live under Boko Haram.”

While his warning included a critique of US policy, Baba Ahmed also stressed the importance of the Nigeria-US relationship.

He called for more constructive American support, suggesting targeted sanctions on corrupt leaders instead of broad policies that negatively impact citizens.

He described actions that sow division among Nigerians as the “worst possible approach” to tackling the nation’s challenges.

By Uzair Adam

Troops of Operation HADIN KAI (OPHK), Joint Task Force North East, have rescued 86 civilians, mostly motorists and passengers, who were abducted by Boko Haram/ISWAP insurgents around Dutsen Kura along the Damaturu–Buratai–Biu road in Borno State.

According to a senior military officer who was not authorised to speak to the press, the incident occurred on Sunday, November 9, 2025.

The troops also destroyed 11 makeshift structures belonging to the terrorists during the operation.

The officer disclosed that troops of the 135 Special Forces Battalion under Sector 2, OPHK, encountered the insurgents after discovering they had abducted civilians and seized vehicles along the Buratai–Kamuya road.

“The troops immediately engaged the terrorists, pursued them towards Mangari, and overpowered them in a follow-up encounter near their camp, forcing them to flee in disarray,” the source said.

A thorough search of the area led to the rescue of 86 victims, including men, women, and children.

Items recovered from the scene include one AK-47 rifle, five magazines loaded with 73 rounds, four PKT ammunition belts, five civilian vehicles, five motorcycles, eight bicycles, and two logistics tricycles.

The camp was later destroyed after clearance operations.In a separate operation, troops deployed at Mangada arrested 29 individuals suspected to be logistics suppliers for Boko Haram while en route to Chilaria.

The suspects were found with two pickup vans and a tricycle loaded with over 1,000 litres of petrol, four gallons of engine oil, two new gun truck tyres, a cache of medical supplies, and large quantities of foodstuffs and provisions.

The source confirmed that all operations were conducted successfully without any casualties among the troops.

The Military High Command commended the soldiers for their gallantry and professionalism and urged them to sustain the momentum to deny terrorists any freedom of action in the North East.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

Professor Charles Soludo has been re-elected as the Governor of Anambra State after a decisive victory in Saturday’s governorship election.

The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) declared Soludo, the candidate of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), the winner on Sunday.

The Returning Officer, Prof. Edoba Omoregie, Vice Chancellor of the University of Benin, announced that Soludo polled 422,664 votes.

The results placed Chief Nichols Ukachukwu of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in a distant second position with 99,445 votes.

Mr. Paul Chukwuma of the Young Progressives Party (YPP) followed in third place with 37,753 votes.

Notably, the Labour Party, which is associated with the party’s 2023 presidential candidate Peter Obi, finished in fourth place.

Its candidate, George Moghalu, received 10,576 votes. John Nwosu of the African Democratic Congress (ADC) trailed with 8,208 votes.

The declaration was made at the INEC state headquarters in Awka, solidifying Soludo’s continuation in office for a second term.

By Sa’adatu Aliyu

“I was Igbo before the white man came” is a saying by Chimamanda Adichie through her character Odenigbo in her infamous book Half of a Yellow Sun, reinforcing pride in her African heritage before the white man’s incursion, which destabilised the otherwise peaceful coexistence of African communal states.

However, it seems to me that she has been afflicted by the Igbo superiority complex over other tribes in Nigeria, especially the Hausa-Fulani in the North. This pride in being traditionally Igbo and human doesn’t extend to her acknowledgement of the Hausa-Fulani Muslim humanity and identity—held with equal pride—just as the Hausa-Fulani were before the Whiteman.

Ethnic Pride and Selective Humanity

Moreover, the likes of Adichie and her Igbo fanatics would rather make baseless and false claims about the Igbos being suppressed and ethnically cleansed in letters to Washington than sit to resolve their differences internally with their brothers in the North, solely because they are Muslims whom the Igbos do not perceive as human equals.

Generally speaking, the problem with the Igbos is that they believe all the lands in Nigeria belong to them. Their illusion of grandiosity makes them feel entitled to all locations in Nigeria beyond their region as places they have the right to live, seek better economic opportunities, and build a stable, secure life. In contrast, the same right is not extended to other tribes in Nigeria, especially the Hausa man, who, until today, faces all sorts of harassment whenever he is in the Southeast, sometimes stopped and asked by unscrupulous elements to pay “matching ground” money.

This is a form of tax collected from non-indigenous individuals seeking better economic opportunities over there—a thing that doesn’t occur in the North. Unlike the South, even though Muslims predominantly inhabit the North, it has a significant presence of churches, whereas the presence of mosques is not tolerated in the Southeast except in a few exceptional cases. Moreover, if the North was so brutal towards the Christians as they depict, why do Southerners/Eastern Nigerians seek greener pastures in the North more than the North moves towards their region? If it was so unfriendly to the Igbos and Christians, why not the Igbos remain in their regions, and the North remain in theirs?

Power, Entitlement, and the North–East Tension

While all Nigerian citizens have the right to live and build a life devoid of fear in any part of Nigeria, the Igbos particularly think they should be the ones solely steering the affairs of Nigeria and should be the sole tribe entitled to managing the juiciest positions in government, merely for being Igbo, not necessarily based on superior qualification.

Understanding the mentality of the Igbos has led to what I’d like to refer to as a “personality clash” with the Hausa-Fulanis. Despite being perceived as backwards in an educated population, they are like poor men who would never sacrifice their dignity for money, nor bow to any force that may seek to demean them based on possessing more Western education.

This has led to the long-standing tension between the two ethnic groups. The case of the North and the East is akin to a couple in their early years of marriage experiencing a clash of personality—not necessarily due to lack of love or to cause deliberate harm, but because one happens to blow issues out of proportion by arguing that the other insists on hurting them deliberately.

Instead of checking in with their ego, they engage in score keeping, accusing, and incessantly crying out for help, even if it means seeking a third party in the cloak of a certified therapist—who may hiddenly be a psychopath and has no genuine interest in the wellbeing of the couple, but instead has its greedy eyes on the money to be extorted from them, further destroying their home.

The West as “Therapist”: Foreign Meddling and Naivety

This is precisely what the Christians in Nigeria are doing by seeking the intervention of so-called America, peering underneath African countries’ beds looking for genocide, when the very foundation of the U.S. was built on the vile killings of Indigenous Native Americans.

This scenario has been fueling some of the false accusations circulating in the media about genocide against Christians in the North. It is no doubt Nigeria has been plagued by indiscriminate killings and kidnappings in the past few years, but this has involved the loss of lives and livelihoods of citizens across all ethno-religious groups—mainly by Boko Haram militias and banditry—and not killings affecting Christian communities alone, as the naive Christians of Nigeria, who still put the U.S. on a saintly pedestal, have been framing it.

This is mere fabrication born out of a myopic desire to destabilise the fragile peace still holding the nation together, forgetting that foreign powers have never and will never look out genuinely for the Black race, but have repeatedly set their eyes on how to invade and plunder the resources of our dear land.

Be it the U.S., Russia, China, or other subordinate world powers, they couldn’t care less if Africa burned. All they would do is not find a way of quenching the fire but find a means to steal our resources, all the while supplying the weapons we’ll use to maim our brothers with whom we share the same African Black DNA.

It is sad that, in the eyes of Nigerian Christians, America remains a demigod they rush to whenever facing a “problem.” in this manner. But this doesn’t paint the image of a race free from the shackles of colonialism—it looks to me like a remix of the same song to which we can’t dance, should any foreign power invade as is being threatened by the U.S currently. 

Nigerians should never forget Libya, Iraq, Afghanistan, Sudan, and every other country the U.S. has invaded. It was never for goodwill or for the sake of the masses to have a better life; it was never about democracy but about the kleptomaniac instinct of foreign powers to pillage, to use the stolen resources of Africa to build their countries.

Colonial Mind enslavement and the Illusion of Freedom

When Chimamanda Adichie said she’s Igbo before the invention of the white man, I presume she was refuting the attempt of the white colonialist to redefine her ancestral root. She was rejecting the image of the indigenous people of Africa that the white man struggled to create to wipe out her identity.

I also want to believe the white man here is seen as foreign, intrusive, with no right to rewrite the history of the African people, nor to decide our destiny. But how come the same Nigerians, especially Igbos who pride themselves on being a fraction of the Black race, are quick to call for the intervention of the same white man to salvage them—to resolve a conflict with their African brothers on religious division, (the religions) on the basis which they’re stirring foment being a product nothing but a product of colonialism?

Yet they pick up their pens and still write saintly yet furiously about pride in Africa, Pan-Africanism, Negritude, and pride in the Black race they claim to represent. And one wonders with the level of hate projected towards Northern Muslims, whether they are not part of the black Africans. To me, this is nothing short of colonial mind slavery that still bedevils even our so-called intellectuals, blinded by religious fundamentalism and succumbing to it so effortlessly. Hence, one begins to question their education.

As Chuba Okadigbo once said:

 “If you are emotionally attached to your tribe, religion or political leaning to the point that truth and justice become secondary considerations, your education is useless.

If you cannot reason beyond petty sentiments, you are a liability to mankind.”

Mirroring a similar view, if the educated one cannot look beyond ethno-religious sentiment and live objectively, he has no business being called educated. However, this is a hat donned by several of Nigeria’s think tanks, sadly.

Similarly, Nelson Mandela reminds us:

 “It is not our diversity which divides us; it is not our ethnicity, or religion or culture that divides us…”

Can the African mind ever be decolonised? I doubt so. It might all look like we are free, but there’s no freedom without the freedom of the mind.

So, the quest of Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o for Africans to free themselves from mental colonial slavery—which led to his abandonment of the English language and adoption of Kikuyu—doesn’t extend to this area for many Christian fanatics who happen to be influential writers from the Eastern part of Nigeria. And this is utterly disheartening.

In Conclusion

In the wake of all this commotion, I perceive the naivety of those spreading these lies to draw foreign intervention in Nigeria as an act of somnambolic foolishness—for which I am sure they will regret when they come face to face with the hypocrisy that lies in the heart of world powers, should they get what they are calling for.

I pray for peace, unity, religious understanding, and togetherness in Nigeria and the world at large. Let us always remember: a shred of peace is better than no peace at all.

Saadatu Aliyu is a writer and poet based in Zaria. Email @: saadatualiyu36@gmail.com 

By Uzair Adam

Residents of Dangoro community in Kumbotso Local Government Area of Kano State on Saturday held a special prayer session, seeking divine intervention over what they described as the continuous takeover of their farmlands and plots by the state government.

The residents said they were thrown into panic following the government’s plan to relocate the Yan Lemo Fruit Market and Yankaba Vegetables Market to their area, an action they fear will lead to another round of land seizures and displacements.

Speaking during the prayer session, one of the affected landowners, Sadik Muhammad Abdullahi, expressed frustration over what he called repeated loss of property to government projects.

He stated that, “This is the fourth time such an incident is happening in Dangoro. I was a victim of the previous one. I had eight plots of farmland, but when the government came, it took them and gave me only one and a half plots as compensation. I later sold it and bought another land, which is now being targeted again.”

Abdullahi added that many residents could suffer the same fate if the plan goes ahead, saying the area consists of individually owned plots, which would make fair compensation extremely difficult.

“If what happened before happens again — where someone loses eight plots and gets one or one and a half plots — some people might collapse or even die of shock. The situation is becoming unbearable,” he lamented.

Another landowner, Comrade Nuraini Adabayo, said the community had been devastated since hearing of the government’s plan.

“I even encouraged others to buy land here, assuring them that the government would not carry out any further measurements since it had done that three times before.

“Now, we have over forty plots belonging to me and others who trusted me. Some people have even laid foundations for their buildings. I don’t know what to tell them,” Adabayo added.

He also complained that the government gave them very short notice, with the land measurement for compensation expected to start on Monday.

He added that many of the affected landowners do not live in Kano, making the process more complicated.

He appealed to Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf to consider relocating the markets to Kano Economic City, where, according to him, there is ample space to accommodate both the fruit and vegetable traders, similar to how the medicine sellers were relocated.

A respected community member, Alhaji Gambo Saminu Adamu, also urged the state government to urgently address the situation to prevent what he described as a looming humanitarian problem.

“I call on His Excellency, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, to personally visit this community and see the situation himself rather than relying on reports.There is enough space at the Economic City to accommodate all these traders without taking away people’s lands,” Alhaji Adamu added.

When contacted, the District Head of Dangoro, Ishaq Yusuf Ishaq, declined to comment, saying the issue did not originate from his office.

“As a traditional titleholder, we have our protocols. But you can contact the relevant government officials; they are aware of the development,” he said.

Similarly, when reached for comment, the Director of Public Enlightenment at the Kano State Ministry of Land, Murtala Shehu Umar, said he was not aware of the plan.

“Well, I am not aware of this ongoing plan. However, once I get any information, I will let you know. Maybe we can meet on Monday at the community during the exercise or before that time,” he stated.

The residents vowed to continue seeking divine intervention and called on the government to halt the planned relocation to prevent what they described as a threat to their livelihoods and ancestral heritage.

By Prof. Abdalla Uba Adamu

I rarely discuss politics, policy, or religion at any level on social media. These three are totally beyond my modest capabilities. However, the Educationist in me stirred when it became news in November 2025 that a bill was being proposed in the Kano State House of Assembly, titled the Kano State Mother Tongue (Hausa Language) Education Enforcement Bill. It was introduced by Musa Kachako, a member representing Takai under the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP). 

The Bill seeks to ensure that all instruction in primary and secondary schools in Kano (presumably those under Local Education Authorities) is conducted in the Hausa language. According to online reports, when presenting the bill during plenary, Kachako stated that the initiative followed global best practices in education, citing countries such as China, Japan, and India, which he noted had made significant strides in science and technology by teaching children in their native languages from an early age. Kano State can do this because Education, being on the Concurrent Legislature, gives room for any policy variation of Education from that of the Federal Government’s Exclusive list. 

Certainly, the idea of teaching all subjects in Hausa springs from a noble intention — to enable children to learn in the language they understand best, and to reaffirm local identity against the long shadow of colonial linguistic domination. I witnessed this during my tenure as a Teaching Practice Supervisor in various schools in Kano. Students tended to understand language lessons more fluidly than those in other languages. And we are talking about over 40 years ago. Along the line, I even came up with how to use Hausa proverbs to teach science, based on over 30 curated Hausa proverbs with scientific content (e.g. gravity in “komai nisan jifa, ƙasa zai dawo”) and trained dozens of teachers in Jigawa (ironically enough, Kano was not interested at the time!) on this much later.   

Yet, the success of such a language policy depends on its contextual intelligence — its ability to strike a balance between local comprehension, national unity, and global relevance. In all cases of such debates, the examples of China, Japan, and India are the most commonly cited as best practices that have worked. With its virtual monolingual Hausa population (perhaps the only State in the Federation with this attribute), elevating Kano as “Little China” certainly sound, albeit contradictorily, post-colonially romantic. This all sounds inspiring. But, without taking the shine off it, how realistic is it?

There is a certain merit to the idea, but only to a certain extent. Research everywhere agrees: children learn faster and think better when taught in their native language. Even UNESCO and Nigeria’s own education policy support this approach for the first few years of primary schooling, where community languages are encouraged, rather than metropolitan languages. Let’s look at some cases.

Ethiopia is perhaps the only country in Africa with a continuous mother-tongue education system. The country did not suffer the horrors of colonisation on the same scale as the rest of Sahelian African countries, as it was only briefly occupied by Italians between 1936 and 1941. It uses regional languages (Amharic, Tigrinya, Oromo, Somali, etc.) as the medium of instruction in primary and secondary education. In universities and higher education, Amharic or English is used depending on the region and field. Thus, Ethiopia’s system is perhaps the closest to continuous mother-tongue instruction, although English dominates technical and postgraduate studies.

In Tanzania, Swahili is the dominant language in primary schools, but English is introduced from secondary schools up to universities, especially in fields such as science, medicine, and law. In Rwanda, the medium of instruction in schools was switched from French to English in 2008, while Kinyarwanda remains the mother tongue in early primary education. In Mozambique, Portuguese dominates in secondary and tertiary education, and local languages such as Makhuwa, Sena, and Tsonga are used in early primary school. 

This pattern is repeated in other African countries, such as Ghana (Twi/Ewe in early schooling, English later), Senegal (local languages in the early years, French later), and Kenya (Kikuyu, Luhya, Dholuo in early schooling, English later). Thus, no colonised African country has fully implemented mother tongue instruction from primary through university, rejecting colonial languages entirely.

In Kano, where everyone speaks Hausa, the policy could genuinely improve comprehension and reduce dropout rates. Pupils won’t have to struggle with English before grasping basic concepts in classrooms. That’s a win. However, there is a catch, and it lies in the regular comparison with China, Japan, and India, as if Kano is a nation, rather than a State within a nation that has 400 languages. Let us look at the language policies of these countries closely.

China has between 281 to 305 languages and dialects. However, it took decades — from the early 1900s to the 1950s — to standardise Mandarin (Putonghua), reform writing, and establish a comprehensive teacher-training and translation system, enabling everyone to be educated in one language. 

Japan is relatively homogeneous, but still has dialect diversity with 16 living languages. Although Japanese is the dominant language of instruction, there is no law declaring it the official language of the country. In fact, a school could use other languages. There are now a few schools that use English to teach science and mathematics classes. Japan created a national standard (based on the Tokyo speech) during the Meiji era (late 1800s) — alongside massive investment in textbooks, printing, and teacher training. India, on the other hand, is multilingual by law — it has 22 official languages and hundreds more in daily use. Each state uses its local language for early schooling, but keeps English for higher education and technology. 

So, what worked for these three was not language alone, but long-term state planning, standardisation, and bilingual balance. Each of these countries went through a long, continuously sustainable process of deliberate policy strategies that ensured the success of their language policies in Education, backed by political stability. In Kano, policies are routinely changed with new regime changes, regardless of their merit. Let us look at the obstacles. 

English remains the principal language of science, technology, and international communication. A policy that sidelines it completely in early and middle education could restrict students’ ability to compete globally and to access higher education resources. Unless a bilingual model is adopted, the system may produce students with strong local literacy but limited global mobility.

Nigeria’s labour market — in public service, academia, commerce, and technology — operates primarily in English. Graduates from a Hausa-only system would face difficulty transitioning into these environments without adequate English proficiency. This could widen inequality rather than close it. Unless there are expectations that students from Kano, who will be the products of this policy, will never work in any Federal government agency in the country. 

Nigeria’s educational bureaucracy is highly centralised. Curriculum design, examination systems (NECO, WAEC), and tertiary entry assessments (JAMB) all operate in English. Switching Hausa to the medium of instruction at primary and secondary levels, without corresponding policy alignment at higher levels, would isolate Hausa-medium students from tertiary education pathways. Thus, despite Education being on the concurrent list, centralised examinations are under the Federal Exclusive list. Kano cannot create its own WAEC, NECO, and JAMB examination boards; it must use Federal agencies for this purpose. These agencies are in Nigeria’s official language, which is English.  

Next would be concerns about teachers. Currently, and without being aware of the timeline for implementing the Bill, if it is passed successfully, there are not enough trained teachers in Kano with adequate linguistic competence to teach science, mathematics, or social studies effectively in Hausa. 

Moreover, curricular materials, textbooks, and terminologies for specialised subjects (such as chemistry, ICT, or physics) are largely underdeveloped in Hausa — except for some pioneering efforts by the Northern Nigerian Publishing Company and NTI Kaduna in the 1980s–1990s, and more recently by a few authors. For instance, the Centre for Research in Nigerian Languages, Translation, and Folklore at Bayero University, Kano, has produced eight Science textbooks in Hausa for students of primary, junior, and senior secondary schools in northern Nigeria. 

Written by Mika’ila Maigari Kashimbila of the Department of Physics, Bayero University, these are Kimiyya Da Fasaha Don Makarantun Firamare Books One to Three, Lissafi Don Kananan Makarantun Sakandare Books One to Three, Kyamistare Don Manyan Makarantun Sakandare, and Fizis (Physics) Don Manyan Makarantun Sakandare. He had earlier written Lissafin Makaratun Sakandare Na 1. 

I was even part of the committee set up by Bayero University Kano to “launch” these books, although things faltered, and I don’t think the launch ever took place. Wonderful as these books and efforts are, I believe they would serve as supplementary readers to the core textbooks, where they help to deconstruct the more esoteric prose of the English textbooks. 

Other concerns are sociological. For instance, making Hausa the exclusive medium in primary and secondary education in Kano risks political backlash from non-Hausa-speaking communities. In a multilingual federation, such a policy could be perceived as linguistic imperialism, deepening ethnic tensions and further alienating minorities. It may also entrench regionalisation rather than national integration — the very problem English was meant to solve.

Additionally, if Hausa becomes the sole instructional language, students from Kano may face difficulties participating in the global economy, digital platforms, and higher education, which remain English-dominated. True, the increasing use of Artificial Intelligence might alleviate some of these fears – but that is not the same as captive learning. A purely Hausa-medium system would require parallel translation of scientific and technological vocabulary to prevent intellectual isolation — a task that even developed monolingual nations struggle with.

On the positive side, a well-planned Hausa-medium system could revive indigenous literacy traditions, encourage the translation of modern science into local epistemologies, and restore pride in local knowledge systems. It could also expand Hausa publishing, radio, and digital content industries — thereby democratizing access to learning for those currently excluded by the dominance of English.

But the devil is in the details. Policy flip-flops reflecting a lack of consistency are the biggest danger. As antecedents have shown, this particular political climate might favour this move, complete with a law backing it. The next political class might very well destroy it simply because it was not its idea. This has always been the central characteristic of Kano politics.