Northern Nigeria

By Abdullahi Abubakar Lamido

The history of Islam – and religion in general – in post-colonial Nigeria is incomplete without a detailed analysis of the Muslim Students Society of Nigeria (MSSN). All the important Muslim figures, including politicians like Sir Ahmadu Bello Sardauna and MKO Abiola; scholars like Sheikh Mahmud Gummi, Sheikh Sherif Ibrahim Saleh and Sheikh Dr. Ahmed Lemu; intellectuals like Professor Oloyede, Dr. Usman Bugaje, Malam Ibrahim Sulaiman and Prof. Salisu Shehu; traditional leaders like Emir Muhammadu Sanusi II of Kano, Emir Maigwari of Birnin Gwari; Aree Musulmi Abdul Azeez Arisekola Alao; accomplished Muslim women like Alhaja Latifat Okunnu and Hajiya Aisha B. Lemu or distinguished business persons and technocrats; will all have a mutilated history of religious engagement if the chapter of their engagement with the MSSN is removed from their biographies.

These people (mentioned above) interacted with the MSSN as mentors, some as members, some as patrons, others as leaders, and so on. However, their relationship with the MSSN is vital because it is direct, mutually beneficial, and socio-religiously impactful. In case you did not know, the MSSN nominated Sheikh Abubakar Mahmud Gummi for the prestigious King Faisal International Award. When Hajiya Aisha Lemu came to Nigeria, she asked her husband, Sheikh Lemu, to link her up with the MSSN. And so is the story with almost every educated Muslim in Nigeria.

As an intellectual, reformist, ideological, moderate and resilient Islamic movement, the MSSN, in the last 70 years, remained the primary engineroom of Muslim intellectual development and the religious focus for Muslims. MSSN promotes the pursuit of Western-style education without compromising the Islamic faith. It encourages Muslims to learn from the West without being Westernized, to pursue “secular” education without embracing secularism, and to excel in all specializations without deviation. In MSSN, people learn how to learn, plan, earn, and live a life of faith, health, and wealth. It strikes a balance between the spiritual and the mundane, the worldly and the otherworldly. MSSN, in short, is a blessing to the Muslim Ummah and the entire Nigeria.

The primary operational arena of the MSSN has always been the academic institutions. While secondary schools are the recruitment centres of new members and the place where they are vaccinated with a sufficient dosage of spiritual, ideological and moral training, the higher institutions, particularly Universities, have remained the bastions of advancing the intellectual capacity, religious consciousness, leadership acumen and civilizational alertness of Muslim students. The Universities, in particular, have been the arenas where the philosophy of MSSN is built, its vision formulated, its projects designed, its programmes implemented, its members developed, its objectives pursued, its impact felt, and its strength consolidated. This has been the case since the 1960s when it was only about a decade old.

In this regard, three universities in particular distinguished themselves as the strongholds of the MSSN in its early history (especially from the 1970s to the 1980s): Ahmadu Bello University (ABU), University of Ibadan (UI) and Bayero University Kano (BUK). Details of how this happened are beyond this piece. But what suffices here is the fact that ABU and BUK took centre stage as the rallying point of young MSSN intellectuals, especially those who grew to be (among) the topmost Muslim intellectuals of the North, especially from the 1970s, at the peak of the booming days of communism and Marxism on Nigerian university campuses. It was then that emerging scholars like Malam Ibrahim Sulaiman, Dr Hamid Bobboyi, Prof. Auwal Yadudu, Dr Usman Bugaje, Prof. Ibrahim Naiya Sada, and a host of other MSSN leaders took the pen and the pain to counter the bane of the Ummah: they faced the challenge posed by the anti-religious radical left-wing Marxist socialist intellectuals. They wrote papers, presented lectures, engaged in debates, published magazines, made press releases and participated in on-campus and off-campus national discourses.

At the peak of the intellectual engagements of the MSSN in the late 70s came the Iranian Revolution. Since MSSN is an Islamic reformist movement, it was easy for it to join the global Muslim community in celebrating the emergence of the Iranian Revolution spearheaded by Ayatollah Khomeini in 1979 while the first generation of the MSSN intellectuals had graduated from the universities, even as they maintained contact with the Society’s leaders and members.

When Ibrahim El-Zakzaky, who was then the Vice President (International) of the society and among the few remaining older members on campus, represented it at an event in Iran, little did anyone know that the visit would open a new chapter not only in the MSSN movement but in the entire history of Islam in Nigeria. What did he do in Iran? How was he received? How did he receive their reception? What did he do after his return home? How, when, where did he start promoting Shiism? What was the reaction of the MSSN intellectuals? What then happened? The answers to these and many related questions are still scantly discussed, even in the highly scanty historical documentation of the MSSN itself. This is despite the importance of that discourse in the history of MSSN and Islam in Northern Nigeria.

By April 18 2024, MSSN had turned 70 years in its history. As part of the celebration of the Platinum Jubilee, a book was launched with the title MSSN @ 70: The Evolution, Success and Challenges of the “A” Zone, Northern States and the FCT. In this book, many actors like Dr. Usman Bugaje, Prof. Idris Bugaje, Barr. Muzammil Hanga, Alahaji Babagana Aji, etcetera shared illuminating perspectives about the MSSN in the 1960s, 70s and 80s. The book provides valuable insights into the events that culminated in El-Zakzaky’s embracing Shiism and his subsequent everlastingly irrevocable divorce from the MSSN. The book contains a rich rendition of events in the MSSN. Due to this, I wrote its review (on June 6 2024) on Facebook, mainly referring to El-Zakzaky’s Shi’ism-MSSN matter.

In the review, I referred to “how El-Zakzaky clandestinely planned to divert the MSSN to Shiism and how men like Dr. Bugaje and others were able to tackle him and save the Society from his sinister objectives”. But that led to a fascinating written conversation with Dr Abdulbasit Kassim; that bookworm was highly prolific and inquisitive but often interpreted by some as a “controversial” emerging Nigerian intellectual. Dr. Kassim is interested in African Islamic movements and has written extensively on important contemporary topics like Boko Haram, Salafism, Arabic manuscripts, Islamic intellectual developments in sub-Saharan Africa, and other issues. He raised questions. Our elder scholar-intellectual, Malam Ibrahim Ado-Kurawa, made clarifications. I responded. And the conversation continued. I share the interesting scholarly engagement with you here verbatim.

Dr. Abdulbasit Kassim wrote:

“Brilliant and timely! This book is an excellent sequel to Professor Siraj Abdulkarim’s “Religion and Development: The Muslim Students’ Society of Nigeria and its Contribution to National Development,” published in 2014. I highly recommend that MSSN A Zone create a digital archive of all the issues of Radiance Magazine and other publications published throughout the 80s and ’90s. If digitized, this repository would be a vital primary source collection for those seeking to learn more about the evolution of the organization and the ebbs and flows of ideational shifts of its leaders. 

“While I wait to read this book, I have a brief comment about the oft-repeated attempt to single out Zakzaky for his supposed “clandestine role of smuggling Shiism into MSSN.” This framing of Zakzaky, in my opinion, is a half-truth. A close reading of all the catalogue of articles our fathers published in the 80s and 90s about the Islamic Revolution in Iran belie the narrative they sometimes portray about their ignorance of the creedal orientation of the Iranian government. 

“Zakzaky was not a lone actor in that milieu. Several leaders of the MSSN, including my honoured father, Mallam Ibraheem Suleiman, wrote articles in New Nigerian, Triumph Newspaper, and Radiance magazine that were covertly and overtly sympathetic to Shiism. On March 3 1989, Dr Aliyu Tilde wrote “On the Path,” praising Zakzaky for leading the Iranian-style Islamic revolution in Nigeria. Dr Tilde wrote this letter nine years after Zakzaky publicly espoused his Shii affiliation at the Funtua Declaration on May 5 1980. Inayat Ittihad, the spokesman of the Iranian Revolution, was a regular keynote speaker at the International Islamic Seminar on Muslim Movements organized by MSSN at BUK in the early 80s. Inayat was public about his Shii creedal orientation. He preached the “Khomeini Model” to the MSSN members. At the same time, Sayyid Sadiq Al-Mahdi advocated for the Mahdiyya model in the struggle to achieve Islamic change.

“Although most MSSN leaders have embraced new ideological currents, it is important for our fathers to be honest in acknowledging their transitional phases and the seismic shifts in their orientations rather than scapegoating Zakzaky alone. The ebb and flow of ideations was not limited to Pantami alone. The ‎التراجعات was a common feature of all the prominent Muslim figures in the 80s and 90s, including Mallam Ibrahim Ado, whose translator’s introduction of Jihad in Kano captured the prevalent thought in that milieu. Even Zakzaky has passed through different ideological phases, such as Mallam Abubakar Mujahid et al. It is important to tell the complete story and explain the nitty-gritty nuances.

“I hope this book sheds light on the relationship between MSSN and IIFSO. I am also quite curious to read what the MSSN leaders wrote about the ideological proteges of Aminu Kano and the firebrand radicals who inherited the radical struggle against the feudal rulership in northern Nigeria, the likes of Balarabe Musa, Abubakar Rimi, Gambo Sawaba, Bala Muhammad, Sule Lamido, Ayesha Imam, Bala Takaya, Shehu Umar Abdullahi, Bala Usman and Yohanna Madaki. Some of these figures were the ideological adversaries of the MSSN leaders. 

“Congratulations to you, Abdullahi Abubakar Lamido. May Allah reward all the contributors who have documented the history of MSSN.

The following is my repose: 

Dr. Abdulbasit Kassim!  

Thank you for this intervention. As always, I like your consistency in trying to checkmate our intellectuals, especially what you see as their “methodology” of rendering historical narratives, which often presents “half-truth” and “belied” narratives. I believe your intervention is a continuation of your championing of suppressed history. Of course, just as you question these scholars and activists for always trying to give “half-truth” or one-sided aspects of history, so are others quick to read the same bias in virtually all your interventions on such matters. But that is what perspectives always mean.

You see, while I like us always to try to query narratives and ensure we get all the bits of it to have a comprehensive, nuanced reading of history, I doubt if defending the supposed “other side” at all costs will help us either. What seems clear is that you mistake being “sympathetic” to the Iranian Revolution or the “Khomeini Model” as being the same as accepting the “creedal orientation” of Iran. This, indeed, is misleading. Again, what escapes you is that Zakzaky never agreed to accept that he was Shia at that early time. He, in fact, “overtly and covertly” rejected being associated with Shi’ism. He was always quick to insist he was Sunni, Maliki. You can check that. However, even the Iranians who kept sending books to the students only sent books on Revolution, governance, justice, civilization, etc. 

By the way, I have not seen in your intervention here any substantial evidence to support your claim that “a close reading of all the catalogue of articles our farmers published in the 80s and 90s belie the narrative they sometimes portray about their ignorance of the creedal orientation of the Iranian government”. What I expected to see was where Malam Ibraheem Suleiman, Dr Tilde or any one of them declared or promoted the Shiite creed, not just showing sympathy to Iran. And I still need evidence to understand how “Zakzaky was not alone in that milieu”. Who and who were with him in promoting Shi’ism at that early stage? At least those “our fathers” have told us that not sooner than Zakzaky returned from his visit to Iran did they realize he had shifted from only romancing the Iranian Revolution to promoting strange ideologies. Immediately, people close to him started to caution the younger ones. And what I found in the narrative of Malam Baba Gana Aji in the MSSN @ 70 book is how Zakzaky got the opportunity, after most elders had left campus, to be virtually the only elder around and, therefore, take total control of contact with the younger ones.

Now, is it also part of the “belied” narratives that El-Zakzaky was alone when he started organizing what came to be known as “extension” after the Islamic Vacation Course (IVC)? Who was with him, please? Is it also “half-truth” that people like Dr Bugaje and others who later formed the Muslim Ummah were against him immediately after Zakzaky started his Shi’ism? Any evidence to the contrary? Is it also not true that people like Ustaz Abubakar Mujahid only continued to be with Zakzaky for some time because they liked the Iranian Revolution even as they disliked the Iranian Ccreed Are you saying there were no people who followed Zakzaky for some time while insisting they were Sunnis? Why were some people called yan karangiya by those in Zakzaky’s camp due to their anti-Shiism-pro-revolution posture even later? 

It is good that we study the issues and learn more about history than our assumption of reading “all the catalogue of articles” from the 80s and 90s. When we do so, perhaps we will be more educated about the matters and then see the apparent difference between sympathizing with the Iranian Revolution and embracing Shi’ism, especially at that time. 

But the fact that the MSSN was a group of people trying to bring societal change based on Islam, it should not be difficult for one to understand how easy it was for the MSSN to sympathize with whoever declared an Islamic Revolution at that time. By the way, praising and sympathizing with the Iranian Revolution was a common thing in the Muslim world, even among the global Sunni population. Even Azhar scholars could agree to work with Iran to unite Muslims and many of them after the Revolution. Scholars like Sheikh Yusuf Al-Qaradawi also joined their call for taqreeb. They only abandoned that project and often declared them hypocrites or so after discovering that they were using that to spread their Shiite creed. Could these scholars accept the “creedal orientation of the Iranian government”? 

You see, to date, some of the older MSSN people will still insist that they like the “Khomeini Model” of establishing an Islamic government, but they never like his creedal “model”. At least you have read one from one of our elders here. 

So, please, let’s expand our reading of the issues and understand them more.

Mal Ibrahim Ado Kurawa wrote:

“Professor Abdulbasit Kassim, I agree with you entirely, even though I haven’t been privileged to see the MSSN book. It is not unusual for people to follow different trajectories. I visited Iran in 1983. I didn’t like their Shiism but still respect their Muslim solidarity, so we indeed need a complete story. When the Iranians came to Nigeria, they didn’t begin by openly preaching Shiism. They even promised to translate the books of the Sokoto Jihad leaders, which they had never done then. They began propagating Shiism after Zakzaky accepted to become one. My last physical encounter with Zakzaky was in Makkah in 1984. Some of us left him to seek knowledge in Egypt and Saudi. Therefore, I cannot recall what transpired thereafter.”

After the above intervention by our elder brother, Dr. Abdulbasit Kasim wrote 

“Jazakallahu Khairan Amir Abdullahi Abubakar Lamido. May Allah reward you for your intervention and continue to guide and direct our affairs. Amīn. There is a famous saying that فللسؤال أهمية كبرى في طلب العلم فالأسئلة مفاتيح العلم (questioning is of great importance in seeking knowledge, for questions are the keys to knowledge.). This phrase is similar to what Imam al-Bāqillānī said العلم قفل ومفتاحه المسألة (Knowledge is a lock. And its key is questioning) and the well-known saying of Ibn Ḥajar al-ʿAsqalānī العلم سؤال وجواب (Knowledge is question and answer). The key to knowing for a seeker of knowledge is to ask questions with بلسان سؤول وقلب عقول (the tongue of a questioner and the heart of a thinker).”

My previous submission is devoid of malicious intent (an apology for the use of the word “belie” or “half-truth”) or an attempt to validate predetermined frames and outcomes. Instead, it is solely aimed at reconciling competing and sometimes contradictory interpretations of events that took place in the past. Alhamdulillah, no figures in MSSN I described as honoured fathers have ever ascribed ulterior motives to my questions. Since 2006, they have continuously accommodated the micro-details I pick up on and the torrent of questions I submit. I am indebted to them for granting me access to their libraries, encouraging critical historical questions, and helping me and other younger folks better understand where we are coming from and how we got where we are now. May Allah reward them abundantly in this world and the hereafter. Amīn. 

”How do we know what happened in the past? This mutual exchange is aimed at reading against the grain, reading between the lines, paying attention to what is not said, and listening to silences and absences by carefully engaging in comprehensive evaluation and chronological interrogation of a portfolio of primary sources generated contemporaneously that provide evidence or first-hand testimonies about the events in the 80s and 90s. While we respect our honoured fathers for their service to Islam, we must ask questions and subject the verbal and written testimony of events they present to us to thorough scrutiny by weighing, cross-referencing, or bringing their accounts into conversation with other disparate source materials and distinct authorial perspectives. This was the intent of my submission.

”The 11th February Revolution of Khomeini had a global appeal in the Muslim world. It had the Bin-Laden effect. What started as hysteria over the successful defeat of the Western colonial powers and their Arab secular puppet (the Shah regime) later transitioned into disillusionment after the creedal orientation of Khomeini became self-evident despite his call for Islamic unity. In Nigeria, the timeline of events could be traced from January 1980, when Zakzaky visited Iran and was reported to have personally met Imam Khomeini on his sickbed, to July 10 1994, when Shaykh Abubakar Mujahid and his followers in JTI successfully broke away from Zakzaky. 

“There was clear opposition from the MSSN leaders towards Zakzaky’s attempt to spread Shiism. This position was made clear by Shaykh Abubakar Mujahid during his 1998 interview when he said:“When he (Zakzaky) started he had not got any feeling towards Shiism. But at one point, when he started collecting money from Iran, they started bringing Shiism. What we did, we said no. Their beliefs and our beliefs are not the same. We operate the Mālikī School of Thought. They operate the Jaʿfarī School of Thought, so a clash will occur. Why don’t we go on with our revolutionary zeal, which was gaining momentum at the time, rather than bring this Shia? The people at the beginning were accusing us of being Shia, which we were not. Then they understood we weren’t so they started joining, and if we turned around and became Shia, we would be deceiving them. In 1989, he came back from prison in Port Harcourt. When we saw these moves in Shiism, we started to preach against them. That is, the members of the group who were entering Shiism, we preached against them, saying we are not Shia. We will not do Shiism, we will do the Maliki School of Thought.” [End of Quote]

“Before gaining further clarity from you, Amir, and our honored father, Mallam Ibrahim Ado, I struggled to reconcile the clear oppositional stance of the MSSN leaders towards Zakzaky’s Shiism with their admiration and reproduction of articles on the central tenet of the “Khomeini Model of Islamic Governance,” which revolved around the concept of “Wilāyat al-Faqīh.” My brain could not process why MSSN leaders would preach against Shiism yet write editorials and articles on Wilāyat al-Faqīh – a political theology Khomeini popularized in Iran with copious citations from the works of Shi’i theologians, including Mullah Ahmad Naraqi, Muhammad Hussain Naini, and Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr. If I could recall accurately, Mallam Ibraheem A. Waziri and Dr. Muhammad S Balogun once had an exchange about this subject in the past. 

“No doubt, our honored fathers yearned for Islamic models for societal change. They read and learned about Muslim movements across different historical periods, seeking a common method of formation, mobilization, and strategy that Muslims could utilize in the struggle to achieve Islamic change. The Khomeini, Fodiawa, and Mahdiyya models were some of the models they wrote about in the 1980s and 90s in their attempt to awaken the Muslim population to Islamic societal change. 

“What I learned from this exchange is that even when the MSSN leaders wrote about the “Khomeini Model of Islamic Governance” and the concept of “Wilāyat al-Faqīh,” they approached the idea as a political model without embracing the Shi’i creedal component Khomeini deployed to legitimize the concept as a political theology. 

“Let me conclude by saying once again Jazakallahu Khairan for providing safe spaces of dialogue and intellectual engagement where curious seekers of knowledge can ask the who, what, where, when, why, and how historical questions without invoking the binary of he belongs to “our side vs. their side” or “us vs. them” dichotomies. As Ibn Hazm said صفة سؤال المُتعلِّم هو أن تسأل عمَّا لا تدري لا عمَّا تدري (The characteristic of a learner’s question is to ask about what they do not know, not about what they do know.) The more we ask questions and try to reconcile competing ideas and narratives, the more we gain a comprehensive picture of the past.

Abdullahi Lamido responded 

Abdulbasit Kassim Masha Allah Prof. May Allah reward us all and bless our little efforts. You know, we are all passengers in the train of never-ending learning or what is called life-long learning. Interestingly, that is the first thing we learnt from the MSSN; that learning begins from the cradle and only ends in the grave. So, we always pray to Allah for more knowledge using the “And say O Lord increase me in knowledge” formula. We “ask those who know” so as to unlearn, learn and relearn.  

Through our usual lengthy, fruitful phone engagements with you (which often take us between two and four hours), I know that you are not only a scholar but one who is serious about learning. I have also understood that your questions are born out of an insatiable curiosity, a burning desire to know more and more and more. And I understand this further through your acceptance of every single issue where stronger evidence becomes clear to you. Unfortunately, not every social media friend of yours has the opportunity to have such heart-to-heart, deep, mutual scholarly engagements with you. 

However, the more interesting thing to me is the quantum of knowledge I gain from you via such amicable, mutual exchanges. I often deliberately bombard you with questions to trigger powerful, fact-supported responses that are usually backed by numerous references from books I have never read. I do not even have the time and energy to read them. You read too much!

Back to the “Khomeini Model” and the “Wilayat al-Faqih” question. As you rightly said, Wilayat al-Faqih is essentially a political concept and a convenient political instrument Khomeini used to establish the legitimacy of his Revolution and government. It is not fundamentally a theological concept. That is why he was comfortable spreading it even before starting to export his Shiite creed. And by the way he needed it at that time… 

Secondly, you seem to think that our fathers who were in the MSSN at that time had a prior sufficient knowledge of what Shi’ism entailed. No. Shi’ism had never been present in our community. So, nobody knew it. After all, those our fathers were not even necessarily deep in the knowledge of Sunnah and even the dominant Maliki jurisprudence back then. Their main sources of Islamic knowledge were the English translations of ikhwan books coming from Egypt and those coming from Pakistan. You should not expect them to just easily detect the traces of Shi’ism by mere reading a seemingly innocent political concept even when it was supported by Shiite authorities who, by the way, were not known here. 

I thank you very much and pray that this useful intellectual discussion will continue. And I look forward to reading your review of the MSSN @70 Book Insha Allah. 

Greetings to the family. 

Wasallam 

Finally, Dr. Abdulbasit Wrote

“Jazakallahu Khairan Amir Abdullahi Abubakar Lamido. May Allah reward you for helping me and other young folks to better understand the complexities of the history of Islamic thought. 

“Thank you for being generous with your time. I appreciate your patience and willingness to clarify all the torrent of questions on Wilāyat al-Faqīh that came up during our lengthy phone conversation. 

“May Allah reward you and all our fathers at MSSN who served the organization with the sole aim of uplifting the Dīn. May Allah bless the publisher, editors and contributors who worked on the book project. In sha Allah, I look forward to learning more from you and all our honoured fathers. 

“As promised, In sha Allah, once I receive the copies of the MSSN @70, I will distribute the book to different libraries where more people can access, read, and cite it in their research and writing. 

“Extend my Salam to the family. 

Wa Alaykum Salam.”

Conclusion

I have learned from the above engagement that there is a need to write more about the MSSN and its evolution and contributions to national development. A lot is missing and in need regarding the written history of MSSN and other Islamic organizations in Nigeria. May Allah bless our little efforts and grant us enormous rewards for them.

 Abdullahi Abubakar Lamido can be contacted via lamidomabudi@gmail.com.

By Jamilu M. Magaji

In the weaving of life, exceptional individuals leave a lasting impression on the hearts and minds of those they meet. Today, I grieve the loss of a truly extraordinary person who exemplified greatness through his steadfast dedication to his beliefs, compassion for humanity, and inspiring leadership that influenced many lives.

I was tidying up titbits for the June issue of FUBK Chronicle Magazine when I received a call from my former senior colleague, Mal. Abubakar Adamu recently retired from Federal University Birnin Kebbi (FUBK). He delivered the shocking news that prevented me from continuing my work until the following day. Social media was flooded with continuous updates on the tragic event. I hurried to pick up my children from school and return home, filled with sorrow and dismay.

When I joined the services of FUBK in 2014, I questioned the future of my career progression in the newly established institution. I pondered the obstacles of starting a new department, particularly as a founding staff member. My encounter with Prof. Yusuf Saidu proved to be fruitful. I worked closely with him for nearly seven years, serving as Chairman and Secretary of various committees. He was crucial in establishing the Federal University Birnin Kebbi Seminar Series as the founding Chairman in 2015.

Prof. Yusuf Saidu exemplified integrity and exceptional qualities. His extensive administrative and professional expertise positively influenced my professional development and the institution we both served. I believed he was destined for greater achievements. His diligent work ethic and inspiring nature served as a beacon of motivation for many. His leadership approach was exceptional, earning trust in carrying out demanding tasks assigned to him.

Yusuf Saidu is a Professor of Nutritional Biochemistry at the Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto (UDUS), Nigeria. He graduated in 1990 with a B.Sc. degree in Biochemistry from UDUS, winning the Northco Holdings prize for the best-graduating student in Biochemistry. He obtained an M.Sc. in Biochemistry from the University of Jos in 1994 with distinction and had his PhD in Biochemistry from the UDUS in 2005. 

Bandits killed Prof. Yusuf Saidu on June 24, 2024, en route to Kaduna for an official engagement. Until his sudden death, Prof. Saidu was the Deputy Vice-Chancellor, Research, Innovation and Development of UDUS. He was the Director Research, Innovation and Development, UDUS and the University Governing Council member representing Convocation. He served as a member of the TETFUND Standing Committee on Research and Development and a member of the National Research Fund Screening and Monitoring Committee. He was equally a member of the Education and Training Committee of the International Union of Biochemistry and Molecular Biology. Prof. Saidu was the Head, Department of Biochemistry, UDUS (2018-2020) and the pioneer Head of the Department of Biochemistry and Molecular Biology, Federal University Birnin Kebbi. He also led many other ad-hoc and standing committees at UDUS and FUBK.

Prof. Saidu, a Fellow of the Nigerian Society of Biochemistry and Molecular Biology (FNSBMB), was widely published with over 100 papers and three (3) patents to his credit. He attracted research grants from the Education Trust Fund (now Tertiary Education Trust Fund), Abuja, Nigeria; the International Foundation for Science (IFS), Sweden; Raw Materials Research and Development Council (RMRDC) and Science and Technology Education Post Basic (STEP-B). His research interests are in oxidative stress and pathogenesis of diabetes mellitus/hypertension, as well as the elucidation of the mechanism of action of medicinal plants used to manage diabetes mellitus and infant and preschool children.

As a visionary leader, Prof. Yusuf Saidu motivated others to achieve their full potential and strive for excellence in all their endeavours. He set a remarkable example, guiding them with wisdom, patience, and unwavering support. His ability to lead with integrity and humility earned him the respect and admiration of all his colleagues, leaving behind a legacy of empowerment and growth that continues to influence those he mentored.

In 2021, I paid tribute to his appointment as the pioneer Deputy Vice Chancellor of Research, Innovation, and Development at UDUS. I recalled a citation from Prof. Sahabi Danladi Mahuta during Prof. Yusuf Saidu’s inaugural lecture in 2017, where he boasted of having a great friend in Prof. Saidu. I, too, celebrated and acknowledged him as a remarkable mentor. Today, with a sense of longing, I mourn the loss of my esteemed mentor.

Prof. Saidu was a leader, mentor and guiding light in a world often clouded by darkness. His remarkable attributes, profound religious dedication, compassionate qualities, and forward-thinking leadership have had a lasting impact on all who know him. As we say goodbye to a cherished mentor and father, let us carry on his legacy of love, empathy, and leadership, ensuring that his memory remains alive in those he influenced and guided.

I express my sincere condolences to the immediate family of the deceased. I also sympathise with all his extended family members in the academic community at UDUS, UNIJOS, FUBK and the entire country.

May his spirit continue to inspire us, his light keep shining brightly, and his legacy of exceptionalism always be cherished in our hearts. May Allah (SWT) grant him eternal bliss in Aljannah. Ameen

Malam Jamilu Magaji, Head of Information and Public Relations at Federal University Birnin Kebbi, wrote via mjmagaji@gmail.com.

By Jamilu Uba Adamu

It’s impossible to start this column without some reflection, especially with my interest in Kano football history.

After holding its AGM meeting last week, the Kano State Football Association (KSFA) organised an award night to honour the achievement of some truly deserving individuals. 

For some reason, I have not been able to attend the event, but from the videos and the pictures I saw, the award night was a resounding success and full of important guests. 

The venue was beautifully decorated, and a giant screen was mounted on the stage with a background picture of each recipient of the award playing, just like we usually see at international events. 

It was top-notch, from the meeting to the plaque award presentation to the awardees. The awards themselves were a fitting tribute to the outstanding contributions of the honorees. 

It was a night to remember, and the Kano State Football Association, under the Chairmanship of Dr. Sharu Rabiu Inuwa Ahlan, has set a high standard. It deserves a standing ovation for organising an outstanding event. The efforts have made a significant impact.

Aside from all that, after going through the list of the award categories that include NLO Kano State Football Association Best Player, NPFL Best Player and SWAN Kano Chapter Award, a reflection that comes to my mind, especially considering my interest in the history aspect of sports, I observed that there is no inclusion of posthumous award category among the list. 

This means that as laudable as the award event is, there is no recognition for a posthumous award to those who deserved to be honoured for planting the seeds of the game of football in Kano long ago. It continues growing as we have it today. 

Those individuals are worth mentioning for special recognition for their contributions to nurturing the game and setting the pace we are following today. 

On such award occasions, the KSFA ought to create a posthumous award category for people like the Late Muhammadu Ɗanwawu Fagge, the man who led the legendary Kano XI to win the 1953 Challenge Cup and the sponsor of the defunct Ɗanwawu cup.

Pioneer Kano Pillars FC Chairman late Alh Isiyaku Muhammad (whom his blossom friend, Alh. Isiyaku Umar Tofa, on so many occasions, used to say it was him that convinced him to be sponsoring the Tofa Cup back then). 

Also, former Kano Pillars FC Chairman’s Late Alhaji Hassan Na-Abba, late ACP Sabo Abdullahi, Late Hon. Ɗanlami Hamza, Late Sani Muhammed Usman, and late Alh Kabiru Waya or even the famous legendary Kano XI squad, that consists of the Late Sidi Coach, Maxwell, and Okoh brothers, that won the first Kano state football trophy in far away Lagos in 1953, the list goes on.

Each of those mentioned above-listed individuals deserves to be posthumously awarded. I am sure honouring them this way can be an opportunity to celebrate a legacy, inspire others, and preserve history because omitting posthumous recognition can lead to forgotten legacies and leave a legacy uncelebrated.

With this, I urge the Kano State Football Association to, in the future event, seriously consider bestowing posthumous awards to these deserving historical individuals who put not only   Kano State but the whole of Northern Nigeria on a football map. 

Let me close by extending my wholehearted congratulations to Kano State Football Association and the awardees.

Jamilu Uba Adamu is a freelance sports writer and can be reached via jameelubaadamu@yahoo.com.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad 

Emir Muhammadu Sanusi’s two ascensions to the throne of the ancient Kano Emirate have been deeply intertwined with local and national politics. On June 9, 2014, Sanusi was installed as the 14th Emir of Kano by then-Governor Rabiyu Musa Kwankwaso, seemingly to spite former President Goodluck Jonathan’s administration. Earlier that year, on February 2, Sanusi had been dismissed from his position as the Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria for alleging that the Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) had failed to remit a $20 billion statutory fund to the federal government—a claim denied by Jonathan’s administration.

On March 9, 2020, Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje removed Sanusi from the throne, citing his alleged disregard for lawful directives. However, the primary motive behind Sanusi’s dethronement was political, as he had been openly critical of several policies and projects of the Ganduje administration. Ganduje was angered by Sanusi’s penchant to play a dual role as a revered Emir and a social critic, an untenable combination in the Nigerian context.

On May 23, 2024, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf reinstated Sanusi as the Emir of Kano after signing a state assembly bill that dissolved the five emirates created by the Ganduje administration and dethroned the 15th Emir of Kano, Aminu Ado Bayero. Governor Yusuf’s decision to reinstate Sanusi Lamido Sanusi was also politically motivated, aimed at reversing Governor Ganduje’s actions and continuing the supremacy battle between former Governors Abdullahi Ganduje and Rabiyu Musa Kwankwaso.

Sanusi’s journey from being the Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) to his dismissal, his installation as the Emir of Kano, his subsequent dethronement, and finally, his reinstatement is marked by political intrigue. It begins with confusion and ends in confusion. His return as Emir of Kano on May 23, 2024, might seem straightforward, but it is anything but simple. It’s akin to a complex mathematical equation that appears simple on the surface but requires the application of numerous mathematical laws to solve. Sanusi’s reinstatement is a product of intricate local and national political manoeuvring, with an eye towards the 2027 elections from all the actors.

Senator Rabiyu Musa Kwankwaso is determined to erase any traces of Ganduje’s influence in Kano politics. Initially, this strategy worked for Kwankwaso without significant interference from the centre. However, it has now dawned on Tinubu and his handlers that allowing the Kwankwasiyya group to operate unhindered could lead to the loss of Ganduje’s group support without gaining substantial assurance from the Kwankwasiyya group. In the 2023 presidential and governorship elections, Kwankwaso garnered 997,279 votes, while Tinubu received 517,341 votes.

In the gubernatorial race, Abba Yusuf Kabir of the Kwankwasiyya group obtained 1,019,602 votes, whereas Nasir Yusuf Gawuna of the Ganduje group secured 890,705 votes, a difference of 188,897 votes. Maintaining this voting pattern is crucial for Tinubu and his team heading into 2027. Some members of the Ganduje group are discontent with the centre after narrowly losing the gubernatorial seat at the Supreme Court. If they continue to feel unprotected despite their connections at the centre, Tinubu’s prospects in Kano for 2027 could be jeopardized. Thus, the centre’s support for Aminu Ado Bayero is not surprising.

The calculations in Abuja, though not overtly confirmed, seem poised to influence Kano’s political landscape at a critical juncture. Giving the Kwankwasiyya group free hands to operate as they wish would be politically risky for the centre. Abuja needs to have some strong feet on the ground in Kano. Kano votes are crucial in the north.

The ongoing power struggle in Kano is straightforward: it’s an attempt to balance interests, strike a political equilibrium, and prepare the ground for future battles. For the common man, the advice is clear: do not take sides, as these are political manoeuvres made with future gains in mind. However, the implementation of these decisions will inevitably have collateral damage. In politics, there is no provision for a collateral damage estimate (CDE)—becoming collateral damage means being in the wrong place at the wrong time. No harm is intended personally.

What’s happening in Kano? It’s a fascinating and high-stakes game—a zero-sum game, to be precise. The same thing happened. On October 22, 1983, Governor Abubakar Rimi established four new emirates in Kano State to diminish Emir Ado Bayero’s power and influence. After his inauguration, his successor, Governor Sabo Bakinzuwo, revoked the law and restored the emirs to their previous positions as district heads.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Prof. Abdalla Uba Adamu

Recently, an extremely prestigious academic journal requested that I review a film made by a Nigerian. I was surprised, as that is Muhsin Ibrahim’s forte. Further, I really don’t watch Nigerian films, aka Nollywood, personally preferring African Francophone directors. Nevertheless, I agreed to do the review. 

However, the link they sent for the film was password-protected. I informed them, and they requested the filmmaker to send the password. Being a request from a highly prestigious journal, he sent the code, and I was able to get on the site and watch the film online. I was surprised at what I saw and decided to delve further into these issues. Before doing that, I wrote my review and sent it off. The film, however, set me thinking. 

Like a creeping malaise, Nollywood directors are rearing their cameras into the northern Nigerian cultural spaces. Again. The film I reviewed for the journal was “A Delivery Boy” (dir. Adekunle Adejuyigbe, 2018). It was in the Hausa language. None of the actors, however, was Hausa, although the lead actor seems to be a northerner (at least from his name since an online search failed to reveal any personal details about him). 

Nothing wrong with that. Some of the best films about a particular culture were made by those outside the culture. Being ‘outliers’, it often gave them an opportunity to provide a more or less balanced and objective ‘outsider’s perspective’ of the culture. Alfonso Cuarón, a Mexican, successfully directed “Harry Potter and the Prisoner of Azkaban” (2004), while Taiwanese director Ang Lee did the same with “ Brokeback Mountain” (2005), even earning him an Oscar. 

In 2006 Clint Eastwood, an American, directed “Letters From Iwo Jima.” The cast was almost entirely Japanese, and almost all of the dialogue was in Japanese. It was very well-received in Japan, and in fact, some critics in Japan wondered why a non-Japanese director was able to make one of the best war movies about World War II from the Japanese perspective. Abbas Kiarostami, an Iranian filmmaker, directed his film, “Certified Copy” (2020) in Italy, which contained French, Italian, and English dialogue starring French and British actors. 

British director Richard Attenborough successfully directed Ben Kingsley in the Indian biopic Gandhi (1982). The film was praised for providing a historically accurate portrayal of the life of Gandhi, the Indian independence movement and the deleterious results of British colonization of India. It took away eight Oscars. American director Steven Spielberg’s “Schindler’s List” (1993) on a German, Oskar Schindler, was equally a powerful portrayal of an auteur genius by a “non-native”. The film won seven Oscars. 

In each of these examples, the directors approached their subject matter with a clean, fresh and open mind that acknowledges the cultural sensitivities of the subject matter. My point is that a person, outside of a particular cultural context, can make sensitive films that portray the culture to his own culture as well as other cultures. That is not, however, how Nollywood plays when it focuses its cameras on northern Nigerian social culture. Specifically Muslims. 

I just can’t understand why they are so fixated on Muslims and the North. If the purpose of the ‘crossover’ films (as they are labelled) they make is to create an understanding of the North for their predominantly Southern audiences, they need not bother. Social media alone is awash with all the information one needs about Nigeria—the good, the bad and the ugly. You don’t need a big-budget film for that. Or actors trying and failing to convey ‘Aboki’ accents in stilted dialogues that lack grammatical context. 

Yet, they insist on producing films about Muslim northern Nigeria from a jaundiced, bigoted perspective, often couched with pseudo-intellectual veneer. To sweeten the bad taste of such distasteful films, they pick up one or two northern actors (who genuinely speak the Hausa language, even if not mainstream ethnic Hausa) and add them to the mix, believing that this will buy them salvation. For southern Nigerians, anyone above the River Niger is ‘Hausa’. 

They started in the early 2000s, and people just ignored them. The directors then included Oskar Baker (Ɗan Adamu Butulu, Abdulmalik), Yemi Laniyan (Makiyi, Uwar Gida), Tunji Agesin (Halin Kishiya), Matt Dadzie (Zuwaira), I. Nwankwo (Macijiya) and many others. These came on the heels of the massive success of “Sangaya” (dir. Aminu Muhammad Sabo, 1999) when this particular film opened up the northern Nigerian film market. 

Those Nollywood producers jumped into cash on the popularity of Hausa films and made their own for northern markets. For the most part, these early ‘crossover’ films that I refer to as ‘Northern Nollywood’ were fairly mild and evoked no reaction. They were still rejected, as the Hausa can be the most discriminatory people you can come across. If you are outside their cultural universe, you remain there. Forever. 

The few Kannywood actors eager to be seen on the ‘national stage’ allowed themselves to be used to deconstruct Islam and Muslims on the altar of filmmaking in subsequent Northern Nollywood films. Let’s not even talk about character misrepresentation, which Muhsin Ibrahim has written extensively about. In these scenarios, the usual tropes for northerners in Nollywood films is that of ‘Aboki’ (a term southern Nigerians believe is an insult to northerners, without knowing what it means), ‘maigad’ (security), generally a beggar. If they value an actor, they assign them an instantly forgettable role rather than a lead. Granted, this might be more astute and realistic marketing than ethnicity because it would be risky to give an unknown Hausa actor a significant role in a film aimed at southern Nigerians. 

A few of these types of portrayals in Nollywood included Hausa-speaking actors in films such as The Senator, The Stubborn Grasshopper, The World is Mine, Osama Bin La, Across the Border and The Police Officer. 

When Shari’a was relaunched from 1999 in many northern Nigerian States, it became an instant filmic focus for Nollywood. A film, “Holy Law: Shari’a” (dir. Ejike Asiegbu, 2001) drew such a barrage of criticism among Hausa Muslims due to its portrayal of Shari’a laws then being implemented in northern Nigeria that it caused credibility problems for the few Hausa actors that appeared in it. With neither understanding of Islam nor its context, the director ploughed on in his own distorted interpretation of the Shari’a as only a punitive justice system of chopping hands, floggings, and killings through foul-mouthed dialogue. As Nasiru Wada Khalil noted in his brilliant essay on the film (“Perception and Reaction: The Representation of the Shari’a in Nollywood and Kanywood Films”, SSRN, 2016) “the whole story of Holy Law is in itself flogged, amputated and killed right from the storyline.”

“Osama bin La” (dir. MacCollins Chidebe, 2001) was supposed to be a comedy. No one found it funny in Kano. Despite not featuring any northern actor, it was banned in Kano due to its portrayal of Osama bn Ladan, then considered a folk hero. The film was banned to avoid a reaction against Igbo merchants marketing the film. I was actually present in the congregation at a Friday sermon at Kundila Friday mosque in Kano when a ‘fatwa’ was issued on the film. Even a similar comedy, “Ibro Usama” (dir. Auwalu Dare, 2002), a chamama genre Hausa film, was banned in Kano, showing sensitivity to the subject matter. 

The reactions against crossover films seemed to have discouraged Nollywood producers from forging ahead. They returned in the 2010s. By then, northern Nigeria had entered a new phase of social disruption, and Nollywood took every opportunity to film its understanding of the issues—sometimes couched in simpering distorted narrative masquerading as social commentary—on society and culture it has absolutely no understanding of. 

In “Dry” (dir. Stephanie Linus, 2014), the director developed a sudden concern about ‘child marriage’ and its consequences. Naturally, the culprits of such marriage, as depicted in the film, are sixty-year-old men who marry girls young enough to be their granddaughters. The director’s qualification to talk about the issue (which was already being framed by child marriage controversy in the north) was that she has ‘visited the north’ a couple of times. With the film, if she could get at least “one girl free and open the minds of the people, and also instruct different bodies and individuals to take action, then the movie would have served its purpose.” The ‘north’ was living in darkness, and it required Stephanie Linus to shed light on ‘civilization’. 

 “A Delivery Boy” (dir. Adekunle Adejuyigbe, 2018) that I reviewed was about an ‘almajiri’ in an Islamic school who was kidnapped from the school, to begin with and repeatedly raped by his ‘Alamaramma’ (teacher). The almajiri somehow acquired sticks of dynamite to create a suicide vest and vowed to blow himself up—together with the teacher. The Alaramma in the film lives in an opulent mansion, far away from the ‘almajirai’. In this narrative universe, the ‘almajiri’ do not learn anything and are unwilling rape victims of their teaches who actually kidnapped them and forced them into the schools. 

“The Milkmaid” (dir. Desmond Ovbiagele, 2020) evokes the idealistic picture of a Fulani milkmaid and became a basis for a Nollywood film. Instead of focusing on the political economy of the Fulani milk trade, the film focused on the trope of terrorism. “The Black Book” (dir. Editi Effiong, 2023), touted as ‘Nigeria’s John Wick’ shoots a significant portion in ‘the north’ – with ‘Islamist’ hijab-wearing females touting assault rifles hidden underneath their hijab. “Jalil” (dir. Leslie Dapwatda, 2020) visits the recurrent theme of kidnapping for ransom. In the north, of course. 

Then came the latest, “Almajiri” (dir. Toka McBaror, 2022). Claimed to be a true-life story (although it is not clear whether it happened to specific people or based on what the director believed to be a common event), it featured muscle-bound badass types of thugs with guns and dreadlocks as Almajirai. The film reinforces the southern Nigerian trope of any beggar in the north being an Almajiri. Such ‘almajiris’ are kidnapped and sold into virtual slavery and horribly abused. The idea is to blame the parental irresponsibility of northerners. 

For southern Nigerians, especially the Nollywood crowd, an ‘Almajiri’ is a beggar, a product of a failed education system, a terrorist, a bandit, and an ‘aboki’. They use concocted figures bandied about by alphabet soup agencies to proclaim ‘over 10 million almajiri are out of school’ and, therefore, twigs of the terrorism inferno. How can someone who has been part of a system of education for over half a century be considered out of school? But for Nollywood, if it is not ABCD, then it is not education. 

“Northern Nollywood” films are the precise reasons why there will ALWAYS be different film cultures in Nigeria. Kannywood talks to its publics, happily churning out now TV shows that address issues it deems relevant—in its own way. Both the northern and southern parts of the country (covering the three major languages) were actively engaged. However, they were mutually non-legible to each other. This was essential because they operate on virtually opposing cultural mindsets – making the emergence of a truly “Nigerian cultural film” impossible. 

Quite a few writers seem to suggest that Kannywood is a ‘subset of Nollywood’, and indeed, many would prefer for the term Kannywood (created in 1999 by a Hausa writer) to be dispensed with and replaced with Nollywood (created in 2002 by a Japanese Canadian writer). It is to protect our cultural representation in films that I stand as a lone voice in advocating for a ‘Hausa Cinema’ to reflect the cultural universe of the Hausa.

Professor Abdalla Uba Adamu can be reached via auadamu@yahoo.com.

By Dr Raji Bello

Following encouragement from some friends, let me say what I’ve been a bit reluctant to say. It is based on my conviction as a dispassionate and non-partisan observer and of course, as a non-indigene of Kano State.

The root cause of the emirship imbroglio in Kano, in my view, was the inability of Muhammadu Sanusi II to subordinate himself and his office to the Ganduje administration as required by the terms of his appointment. This is essentially what triggered every other thing that has happened and which has led us to where we are today. To correct any problem permanently, we need to examine its root cause.

I am not saying that Sanusi is not an emir of high intellect who is enormously popular among the people. This assessment of mine is based on only one criterion — his willingness or ability to comply with the terms of his appointment — and it is made without prejudice to his qualities, endowments and accomplishments as an individual, technocrat and emir. Like other human beings, the emir is not perfect. He might have excelled in 9 out of 10 criteria but his failure in the 10th is the cause of the emirship crisis because it happened to be a very important criterion.

All post-colonial emirs and traditional rulers have been obligated to demonstrate loyalty and due courtesy to government be it colonial, democratic or military. History is replete with examples of the huge price that was exacted each time an emir fell short on loyalty towards government.

As an intellectual of high standing, the emir must have been aware of that history. When he set out to be emir, he should have been conscious of the terms of appointment and should have fully reflected on whether it was the appropriate platform for someone of his disposition or not. The emir seems to want the Kano emirship in its pristine 19th century form when it didn’t answer to a non-traditional authority. This betrays a lack of situational awareness and good judgement because the reality is that the 19th century is long gone and can never be brought back. So if anyone is interested in becoming emir in the 21st century, it has to be under 21st century terms.

The Ganduje administration had accused the emir of multiple infractions from political partisanship, insurbordination and failure to demonstrate courtesy towards it. Some of these infractions had played out in public for all to see and hear which means that they were not false accusations. I do not fully endorse the former government’s actions (which bore traces of the usual Nigerian impunity) but it is clear that it was provoked into taking actions against the emir. I believe that all state governments are inclined by default to respect the traditional institutions within their states and hostilities only break out when there is a breach of the terms of appointment (usually, but not always) on the part of the traditional rulers.

There is no individual who is so important or popular that they would enjoy exemptions from complying with the terms of their appointment. This is an incontrovertible fact. A friend told me that the emirship style of Aminu Ado Bayero is a bit bland compared to that of Muhammadu Sanusi II. I replied that this is true but the Aminu style is actually the correct one.

Post-colonial emirship is not a radical or revolutionary platform and, after the 1976 Local Government Reforms, the traditional institutions in northern Nigeria lost all the vestiges of authority that were previously delegated to them under the Native Authority system. The post of traditional ruler is now just a custodianship of heritage whose essential features are loyalty, co-operation and circumspection.

Yes, Sanusi is wildly popular, has a deeper intellect, a gifted oratory and displays a higher sartorial elegance but it was Aminu Bayero who was doing the emirship correctly under its current terms. Those who cheered Sanusi as he breached the terms of his appointment were not helping him or the Kano emirship institution.

By Muhammad Suleiman Yobe 

The Chairman of the technical committee on the mini sports festival, Alhaji Musa Muhammad Yaalleman, also the chairman of the Jigawa State Badminton Association, went around to supervise the preparations to kick off the Jigawa State Mini Sports Festival 2024 across the five selected participating associations.

During the supervision, the chairman was accompanied by the senior special assistant on sports and other members of the technical committee. He commended the executive governor of the state, Mallam Umar Namadi, for approving the conduct of the festival for the teeming youths in the state.

He said the state has many potential and talented youths, which, if properly utilised, will make the state more productive in all sporting activities.

He equally appreciates the efforts of the state commissioner of sports, Hon. Sagir Ahmad, for giving all associations the necessary support directly to organise their program and selecting the experienced team to handle the successful conduct of the program.

He said that these initiatives have immensely benefited the association in terms of court repair, sporting equipment purchases, and the rest.

He thanked the governor and Commissioner for sports for fulfilling their promise about the conduct of this festival.

He also appealed to the Commissioner to make this program quarterly, as this would help reduce tension and crime and increase revenue and employment for the state.

By Sabiu Abdullahi 

The Flame Tree Writers’ Project, in partnership with the Heinrich Böll Foundation, has announced a call for applications for a writers’ workshop targeting emerging writers from Northern Nigeria.

The initiative aims to support young writers in honing their craft and envisioning a more democratic and peaceful Nigeria.

According to Abubakar Adam Ibrahim, founder of the Flame Tree Writers’ Project, “This has been a passion project of mine for so long, and I am excited that, with the support of the Heinrich Böll Foundation, it is coming to fruition.”

The workshop, scheduled for June 24–28, 2024, in Abuja, will be co-facilitated by NLNG Nigeria Prize–winning authors Abubakar Adam Ibrahim and Chika Unigwe.

Participants will receive guidance in writing a short story suitable for publication in an anthology. 

Ere Amachree, Program Manager at the Heinrich Böll Foundation, noted, “The foundation is excited about the Flame Tree Writers’ Project, as it advances our vision of promoting writing as a means of political expression, just like Heinrich Böll, the German writer after whom our foundation is named.” 

The call for applications is exclusively for writers from the 19 Northern States of Nigeria, aged between 18 and 35. Female emerging writers are strongly encouraged to apply. 

Interested participants must meet the eligibility criteria and submit their applications to flametreewritersproject@gmail.com by June 1, 2024. 

Encouraging writers to apply, Mr. Abubakar said, “It’s not just a workshop but a project that will publish the stories from the workshop in an anthology of new writing and get them into institutions of learning, where they will be taught as part of the growing and exciting corpus of literature from this part of the country.”

By Rabiu Isah Hassan

Citing the killing of an army officer by bandits in Katsina recently, Sheikh Musa Yusuf Assadussunnah shows the futility of military measures in resolving the pastoralist-peasant conflict in northern Nigeria. By this daring act, the insurgents have demonstrated that the military, much less the vigilante, cannot end the insurgency. According to him, the only solution is a truce. From other sermons by clerics and numerous online items from the conflict area, it appears Assadussunnah is misreading the situation. Not only are the insurgents receiving severe setbacks, but the signs are also ominous. 

The army officer might have been killed not because the troops were weak or ill-equipped but because he exposed himself to unnecessary danger. The way the vigilante and locals praise his determination and commitment suggests he might have been motivated to sacrifice himself for Nigeria and significantly for a Hausa cause. In a way, the prolongation and viciousness of the conflict have started affecting the soldiers on the ground; as in any internal crisis, the armed forces, which are supposed to be neutral, are gradually and inexorably drawn into its vortex.

No group has drawn the wrath of most Nigerian groups, perhaps except for the Igbo during the Nigerian crisis of 1966-1970, like the ethnic Fulani presently. Anti-Fulani sentiments, always simmering below the surface mainly due to perceived historical wrongs, are now erupting due to the current widespread atrocities of mostly pastoral Fulani. An inchoate coalition of mostly Hausa youths and northern minorities is emerging based on shared grievances against the Fulani. Their violent rhetoric, both online and offline, reflects the extent to which the Fulani have slipped down from decent beings and citizens to savages and aliens. No amount of infractions against the ethnic Fulani is seen as grotesque or repugnant.

The troops on the ground and the Hausa vigilante have fused into a hardened armed fist against their perceived enemy. From diverse reports, a discernible pattern is emerging. As the soldiers attack the bandits, the vigilante form their rear, mopping up any stragglers and often dispersing or exterminating ethnic Fulani along their path. The vigilante are also at liberty to arrest, detain, and kill any ethnic Fulani or Hausa informers in an attempt to root out collaborators or destroy the bandits’ supply channels. When the bandits feel the heat, they attack, maim, and kill Hausa peasants randomly. They threaten to stop farming this season, forcing the government and the sedentary population into another truce. This only inflames the soldiers and the vigilante, resulting in more indiscriminate attacks against ethnic Fulani.

Some Islamic clerics still maintain that military operations will not end the insurgency and that the government should negotiate with the bandits to end the bloodletting. These statements make the bandits believe in their invincibility anddangerously encourage them to see their actions as serving an ethnic cause. In a bizarre twist, the bandits have come to link their survival with that of the ethnic Fulani. Since they no longer see themselves as the cause of the Fulani predicament, their removal from the scene is out of the question. This intransigence is further fueling the binary that currently pits the Fulani against the Hausa. Thus, instead of viewing the conflict as occupational and the bandits as criminals, some sections of the ulema have come to regard it as communal, with the insurgents seen as activists.

What some clerics and others fail to appreciate is that both the Hausa-speaking sedentary population of the Northwest and the pastoral Fulani have become one community through centuries of exchange. The pastoral Fulani are essentially an occupational and remnant group continuously absorbed into the general Hausa population. In other words, they do not exist as separate and closed groups. Like similar groups throughout history, the bandits are deviants that have emerged due to internal crises. They need to be tamed or destroyed, not hailed as vanguards of any ethnic group.

With the bandits vowing to fight to the bitter end, they risk dragging the rest of the ethnic Fulani into the abyss with them. The intensity and randomness of their attacks testify to this deranged stance. The indiscriminate reprisals from the other side are making life unbearable for the ethnic Fulani. As the noose tightens around them, there is little chance for their offspring to continue the fight as they hope. A war of attrition would only lead to their decimation; they cannot withstand the combined strength of the Nigerian state and the Nigerian masses. 

Unlike the Igbo, who returned to their homeland following the pogroms in Northern Nigeria, the ethnic Fulani are losing their remaining sanctuaries. If the war becomes protracted or its viciousness intensifies, the country risks sliding into the fate of Mali and Burkina Faso. With the bandits terrorising almost half of the country and the army engaged in fighting them in about a quarter of it, hatred against the Fulani is increasing among the soldiers. 

Like the inchoate movement developing among the ethnic Hausa and northern minorities online, a conspiratorial group with similar configuration and motivation could develop within the army. Given the toxicity across the land and the increasing hardship, they might attempt a putsch. As in Mali and Burkina Faso, where the raison d’être of the juntas is the containment of the Fulani in the case of the former and their destruction in the latter’s case, an idealistic junta in Nigeria would unleash its reign of terror not only against the ethnic Fulani but also against their symbols.

There is only one possible way to avert this Armageddon. Many groups before them have avoided this ruinous outcome. Recently, the Kanuri, who formed the bulk of the supporters of Boko Haram, quietly abandoned their weapons and dispersed among the general population as the magnitude of the catastrophe loomed. The followers of Maitatsine had followed the same course after realising the folly of confronting the state. After valiant resistance against Rabeh at the end of the nineteenth century, many Kanuri surrendered, and others fled. The leaders of the Sokoto Caliphate retreated in the face of superior arms. After their defeat at Burmi, a few withdrew from the territory and eventually submitted to the British authorities in Sudan. At the same time, the majority reconciled themselves to the new order in Northern Nigeria. When the Biafran secessionists realised that their intransigence would only lead to more destruction of the Igbo, they removed themselves from the scene to pave the way for surrender. These were the practical and noble paths taken in Germany and Japan at the end of the Second World War and countless previous conflicts. 

The preservation of the ethnic Fulani must supersede the bandits’ ego, and only surrender would spare their kinsmen from possible destruction. They should give themselves up and be tried in a military tribunal. Like the Nuremberg trials at the end of the Second World War, they must be sentenced based on the gravity of their offences. The minors could be assembled and enrolled in a rehabilitation program. A bold resettlement and integration plan must be rolled out for the pastoral Fulani. Parallel communities should not be allowed to resurface; the pastoralists should be settled among the sedentary population to end mistrust and bigotry. The homogeneous, stable, and prosperous nation that would emerge would be the compensation for these painful sacrifices. 

Rabiu Isah Hassan wrote from the Arewa House/Department of History, ABU Zaria. He can be contacted at rabiurafani@gmail.com.

By Kamal Buba Danladi

Amina Buba is the first female urologic surgeon from Northern Nigeria, and we got the opportunity to have a quick chat with her after achieving another milestone by being awarded the Mbonu/Anugwu prize as the best candidate in the West African College of Surgeons Urology Fellowship Examinations. This also makes her the third female urologist to be awarded the Urology prize in the college’s nearly 60-year history. 

Can you share some insights into your journey to becoming a urology specialist?

Interestingly, my journey into Urology was never planned. In fact, throughout medical school, I never contemplated specialising in Urology. I wanted to become a gynaecologist. I attended conferences and even won a prize for my work in obstetrics and gynaecology as a medical student. However, when I qualified as a doctor and did a rotation in gynaecology, I quickly realised that the surgery attracted me to that speciality. I also didn’t quite enjoy the immense pressure that obstetricians faced (with respect to my O&G colleagues). Long story short, I began my surgical training by writing the Membership examinations of the Royal College of Surgeons, England. Then, I returned home to start my residency at the University of Abuja Teaching Hospital, Gwagwalada, to become a Breast/Oncoplastic surgeon.  

My first rotation as a surgical trainee was in Urology, and I fell in love with this speciality. I worked in a team where, despite the challenges of practising in Nigeria, people gave their best care to patients. I love that there are so many subspecialties in Urology and that it is constantly evolving. I owe a lot of my success to the people who taught and inspired me at the University of Abuja Teaching Hospital, where I started and completed my surgical training.

 What challenges did you encounter during your urology fellowship preparation, and how did you overcome them?

Training to become a fellow is a lengthy process that requires tenacity, physical and mental strength, and God’s guidance. It is also a great lesson in the power of patience and perseverance. Willpower and unshakeable faith are what got me through. I always “prayed like I didn’t work hard and worked like I didn’t pray.” I am so thankful to God for His continuous grace, mercy, and guidance.

Throughout my training, I was very fortunate to have had a solid support system, which superseded the noise of the few people who tried to discourage me. I always give credit to my family, friends and bosses. My parents never questioned my decision to specialise in a male-dominated speciality; instead, they constantly motivated me. My mum is a nurse by profession, so she understands medical terminology. Sometimes, I would sit her down and explain what I have studied during my exam preparation. She would ask me questions and challenge me.

My mum would surprise me with study desks and chairs when she noticed my posture changed because of long study hours. My dad would sometimes stay up late to wake me up to study, and my two older sisters are priceless! They were always at the other end of the phone, full of encouraging words. I also have a very small but close network of friends on speed dial. I cannot even begin to speak about the immense support I had from certain colleagues and bosses. There are too many names to mention, but I am sure they’ll know I am talking about them when they read this.

I found studying for a major examination difficult while still working full-time. I would sometimes function on 4 hours of sleep at night. I quickly learnt how to utilise every single minute of the day. I also learnt that the fellowship examination tests cumulative surgical knowledge gained over several years of training. Preparing for the fellowship exams starts on day 1 of surgical residency. I think I calmed down a bit with “burning the midnight oil” when I recognised this.

 How does it feel to be recognised as the Best Candidate in Urology by the West African College of Surgeons?

It’s very humbling! I feel deeply honoured, and I don’t think words can adequately capture how it feels to have one’s work recognised like this.

 As the third woman to win the Urology prize in the West African College of Surgeons history, what message do you have for other aspiring female surgeons?

Do not be blinded by the ‘female surgeon’ title. As my colleagues would say, ‘We are all surgeons, and there is no woman in surgery’. Your patients depend on you just as they do your male colleagues, so do not expect any special treatment because of your gender. After all, when you are standing in the operating room, knife in hand, those bleeding blood vessels do not bleed less ‘because the surgeon is a woman’. However, they bleed less in the hands of a skilled surgeon who dissects with care and sticks to the right surgical planes. Surgery is an apprenticeship; mastery is key, so work hard, and your work will speak for itself by God’s grace. I am still a work in progress, and I am constantly learning. I believe the only way to achieve prowess is through hard work. There are no shortcuts in surgery. Strive for excellence and do not accept mediocrity.

What advice would you give to medical students or young professionals interested in pursuing a career in urology?

Believe in yourself. I do not have two heads. If I can do it, so can you. Remember, dishonesty is the greatest disservice you can do to yourself, so be honest with yourself. And carefully introspect – why do you want to do this? Do you enjoy helping people? Do you have the tenacity? Can you work under stress and pressure? If yes – then go for it and give it your best. Maintain a good work-life balance whilst at it. Make sure you have a life outside of Surgery, identify good mentors, work hard and pray hard.

How do you plan to continue contributing to the urology and surgical education field in West Africa?

I plan to assume clinical, teaching and managerial roles in shaa Allah. I would like to see universal health coverage in Nigeria being established in my lifetime. Like I always say, our leaders ought to focus more on healthcare. The knock-on effects of neglecting healthcare systems are numerous. For example, regarding surgical training, you need patients to train appropriately. Patients are unwell and need to be treated whilst surgeons need to operate. The more surgeries a surgeon performs, the better they get. Where will you get the caseload/volume from if people are too poor to go to hospitals because they cannot afford to pay out of pocket, as seen today in most parts of the country? Let’s not even talk about the detrimental human, personal and economic effects of a lack of universal health coverage.

 What role do you see for women in urology in the future, both in West Africa and globally?

Globally, women are doing great things in Urology. For example, one of the global experts in Holmium laser enucleation of the prostate is an American female urologist called Amy Krambeck. Canadian and Swedish studies published in reputable journals have found patient outcomes to be better when operated on by female surgeons. As stated by Prof McNally in an article published recently, “Those women who have gone through the extraordinarily complex, difficult hurdles to become surgeons are the best of the best”.

Here in West Africa, we slowly embrace the idea that women in surgery are here to stay and that we can only grow from strength to strength. I soon saw women in urology become experts in their chosen subspecialties, delivering world-class surgical care and taking on teaching, leadership, and managerial roles as they changed the narrative and inspired future generations. Remember that women are natural multi-taskers!