Northern Nigeria

By Haroon Aremu Abiodun

As they say, “Uneasy lies the head that wears the crown,” but Bello Matawalle, appointed by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu as Minister for State Defence in 2023, has risen to the challenge. His tenure in office so far is marked by a blend of persistent controversies and significant achievements, with the latter shining a bright light on his leadership and the impact of his decisions.

As Governor of Zamfara state, Matawalle was reported to have taken stringent measures against banditry and insurgency, which led to some success in the fight against terrorism in the Northwestern region.

As such, it is not surprising that he and Mohammed Badaru Abubakar, another former governor of Jigawa State, were appointed Ministers to supervise the defence sector.

This feat was accomplished through military precision and a strategic, forward-thinking focus on infrastructure revitalisation. Their joint efforts led to the rehabilitation of military barracks nationwide, improving the living conditions for soldiers and their families—a clear demonstration of their commitment to the military’s welfare and the future of Nigeria’s defence sector.

A recent major highlight of Matawalle’s leadership was his role in revitalising Nigeria’s defence infrastructure. He worked closely with the Defence Industries Corporation of Nigeria (DICON) and the National Agency for Science and Engineering Infrastructure (NASENI) to establish a domestic arms and ammunition production facility.

This initiative is projected to save Nigeria $60 million annually by reducing the need to import military hardware, marking a significant step towards self-reliance in defence production.

Matawalle’s focus on defence sector reforms to improve efficiency has also caught attention. His reforms are designed to build a more resilient military by streamlining procedures and holding the system accountable.

One of Matawalle’s standout initiatives was his hands-on approach to addressing the grievances of military personnel. His open engagement with soldiers about delayed allowances and welfare issues demonstrated a rare willingness to tackle the heart of the defence system’s morale, evoking empathy for the soldiers and their struggles.

Despite these accomplishments, Matawalle’s tenure has not been without its controversies. Allegations of corruption and mismanagement, along with disputes over his qualification to run the defence ministry, continue to cloud his leadership. Critics question whether these shadows will define his legacy or if his achievements will ultimately shine through.

Born on February 12, 1969, in Maradun, Zamfara State, Matawalle’s educational background includes studies at Yaba College of Technology and the University of West London. His journey from a teacher to a politician has been marked by resilience and a steadfast commitment to public service.

After a successful stint in the Zamfara State House of Assembly during the Abacha regime, he served as a state commissioner before being elected to the House of Representatives in 2003. His political career reached new heights in 2019 when he became the Governor of Zamfara State following a Supreme Court ruling that disqualified the supposed winner.

During his tenure as governor, Matawalle made efforts to address the rampant insecurity in Zamfara State, a region plagued by banditry and violence. He initiated dialogue with various armed groups and made efforts to implement infrastructural projects across the state, including constructing governor’s lodges in all 14 Local Government Areas (LGAs) of Zamfara.

Matawalle’s career reflects a blend of determined public service and significant scrutiny, particularly regarding his financial decisions as governor.

A fanatical loyalist of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Matawalle’s leadership in various capacities during this period laid the groundwork for his current role in national defence, where he continues to confront external threats and internal controversies.

Matawalle must prioritise transparency and communication to secure his legacy, ensuring the public understands his decisions and reforms. His continued focus on the welfare of soldiers and veterans, alongside his strategic defence initiatives, will be crucial in determining whether his story will be one of triumph or a missed opportunity.

The final chapter of Bello Matawalle’s legacy is still being written. The world watches as he walks the fine line between triumph and turmoil. Will he be remembered as a transformative leader, or will the crown’s weight prove too much?

His legacy teeters on the edge, and only time will reveal whether his story is one of greatness or missed opportunity.

Haroon Aremu Abiodun is a Mass Communication graduate and a corps member with PRNigeria Center, Abuja. He can be reached at exponentumera@gmail.com.

By Jibril Mutalib

The naira notes live a life as colourful as the country itself. This isn’t just any currency—it wears its experiences on its sleeve, or rather, on its creases, tears, and patches. The naira isn’t just a medium of exchange; it’s a survivor with a story that shifts depending on where it finds itself in this country.

In the northern part of the country, the naira is a seasoned warrior. It has seen the depths of pockets unwashed for years and battled with rain and sun, leaving it bruised and wrinkled. Yet, the good people of the North, perhaps because of their warm hospitality, never turn their backs on the naira, no matter how worn out it appears in most cases. 

A naira note in Sokoto could look like it just took a swim in the gutter, got into a wrestling match with a goat, and lost a few limbs. But fear not! The traders in the North would still embrace it with open arms. Ah, my friend,” a northern trader might say, “kudi kudi ne”, whether it looks like a prince or a pauper. 

As long as it can buy me a cup of fura or a plate of Denkeli, it’s good enough!” If your money is rejected, then it must be very bad. Perhaps it might have undergone an abnormal surgery where you have Obafemi Awolowo appear on a #50 naira note. Lol.

But when travelling to other regions, the naira’s fortunes change quicker than you can imagine. In places like Kwara, the naira is subjected to intense scrutiny—borderline interrogation. The traders will examine it like a detective at a crime scene, looking for any sign of distress. A small tear? Rejected. A hint of dirt? Not in my shop! And don’t even think about presenting a naira note with a sellotape surgery—it might as well be a counterfeit. Lol.

So, the naira itself is living a double life in different regions of the country. In the North, it is a rugged hero, loved despite its flaws. In the South, it is an outcast, shunned for the slightest imperfection. I wonder why naira notes are treated so differently based on location. 

And so, if you ever find yourself possessing a naira note that has seen better days, do not despair. Simply tuck it away safely and wait until you return to the northern lands. There, you’ll find a warm welcome for your weary traveller. And remember, it’s not just about having money; it’s about having the right money in the right place.

In any region you find yourself, blend with how they treat the currency. When you’re in Sokoto, bring whatever naira you’ve got—no questions asked. I’m not saying they accept money in Sokoto; they do but on rare occasions. If your money is denied, it’s already very bad beyond repairs.

By Rabi Ummi Umar

Recently, I found myself in the heart of Abuja—a bustling city surrounded by the everyday hustle and bustle of urban life. The streets were alive with activities—commercial drivers calling out for passengers, pedestrians hurrying to their destinations, and the overall pace of the city reflecting the urgency of modern life.

Though an intern, I was there with some female staff writers of Economic Confidential, a tabloid published by Image Merchants Promotion (IMPR) Limited. This, however, was not for leisure or sightseeing but for an official assignment—to shoot an episode of ‘Economy on the Streets’ for the Economic Confidential’s YouTube channel. Yet, what caught my attention was something that went beyond the task at hand, revealing a deeper issue about women’s involvement in public discourse.

As a budding communicator, this ‘field trip’ was more than just an opportunity to write news stories, features, or opinion pieces. It was a chance to extend my skills beyond the written word, to engage directly with the public through a street interview—what we call a vox pop—to gauge Nigerians’ thoughts on the contentious issue of the reintroduction of fuel subsidies.

It was also a chance to experience the realities of journalism beyond the confines of a newsroom. To my surprise, I noticed that most of the respondents were men. Conversely, women seemed reluctant to lend their voices or share their opinions on the matter.

At first, I rationalised that perhaps the women were in a hurry, given that it was a weekday. I thought they might not have a few minutes to discuss Nigeria’s pressing economic challenges as more important tasks were awaiting them.

However, as the seconds, minutes, and hours ticked by and the number of women who declined to participate grew, it became clear that they did not want to discuss our nation’s challenges.

This realisation took me back to last year when I was on my Student Industrial Work Experience Scheme (SIWES) with News Digest, an online media platform. I was invited as a guest on WE FM (106.3), a radio station in Abuja, to discuss “Women Participation in Politics.”

During that discussion, I argued passionately that there were insufficient opportunities for women to engage in politics, and I stood firmly by my belief. Yet, a year later, my experience during the street interviews has led me to question this stance. The opportunities, it seems, are indeed out there.

On the streets, even though these women were not holding political office themselves, they had the chance to contribute to public discourse. Yet, they chose not to. This realisation troubles me because it raises questions about women’s participation in public life—whether in political offices or the organised private sector.

We frequently hear discussions about gender equality, inclusivity, roles, and the presence of women in positions of power. However, when we look deeper, we might find that men are not the primary reason women like myself remain on the periphery of public discourse or power.

As women, we may contribute to our marginalisation by refusing to seize opportunities, even when they are right before us. This brings me to a few questions we should all consider: Are women not given opportunities because men seek to dominate?

Are women holding themselves back because society expects them to remain confined to domestic roles? Are we, as women, making efforts to break free from these constraints? Or are we simply holding ourselves back?

While I leave these questions for you to ponder, I want to call on women to recognise that opportunities exist to showcase our capabilities, our capacity to deliver, and much more. We should strive to reach our goals based on what we have to offer.

But we must start somewhere, even if it’s as simple as participating in a street interview. Your voice is vital to society’s prosperity. No matter how insignificant you may think your contribution is, your participation in various aspects of society, community, and the nation at large matters more than you realise. Your voice truly matters.

Rabi Ummi Umar is a student of Al-Hikmah University, Ilorin. She can be reached at rabiumar058@gmail.com.

By Abdullahi Yusuf Tela

Introduction 

In many societies, women are constantly reminded of their roles as wives and mothers. They are saddled with the responsibilities of producing and nurturing children and caring for the home. Over the years, however, women have embarked on a struggle aimed at affirming their identities while at the same time doing all they can to transform the societal, cultural, or traditional perceptions of their gender. Women are striving very hard to change these perceptions through education and by creating awareness.

Female writers have significantly helped by making the female characters in their works more prominent. They aim to have female characters that are powerful and outspoken. This is because women in most male writings are often illustrated as subservient. 

In 1966, Flora Nwapa broke the silence of women by publishing her first novel, Efuru, inspiring other female writers. These women used literature to explain the state of their societies, either good or bad, and the importance of female existence in society. These feminist writers include Zaynab Alkali, Buchi Emecheta, Mobolaji Adenubi, and Hilary Rouse-Amadi.

Notably, Azizah, like other female writers, has been able to outline the following feminist angles in her book, A Sackful of Wishes.   

Cultural Feminism:

Cultural feminism celebrates human attributes in women. It focuses on the feminist virtues by celebrating the positive sides of women. In A Sackful of Wishes of Azizah Idris M., Inna Binta, Hadiza’s mother, is a character who portrays aspects of cultural feminism. Inna Binta is a calm, reserved woman who faces a lot of tragedies as a new bride to Mallam Musa. She is hated and manipulated by her co-wife, Mairo Lauje. Inna Binta’s character shows a woman with patience despite the confrontations she faced from Mama Mairo. Cultural feminism believes that there is strength in a woman’s silence. They see the strength in women in the face of oppression. 

Hadiza’s mother, Inna Binta, could endure hardship from her co-wife or return to her parents. Binta remains strong even when Mairo Lauje makes her evil plot to charm her into never staying in Mal Musa’s house. 

Despite all the plots, Binta says, “It’s okay, I can do that . . .as long as she lets me stay with you. You are worth it.”

It is evident from the above quote that Binta, as being put in the cultural feminism, wanted peace for herself, her husband, and her children; that was why she heeded Mama Mairo’s deal. At this point, the cultural feminists view the mother’s strength as crucial. “Mothers have to be strong to take on both roles, loving, protecting, and counselling in turns” (Ngcobo 536).

Marxist feminism: 

The Marxist feminist approach propounded by Karl Marx is embedded in this work. The author portrays Hadiza Musa as someone who earnestly wants to earn for herself and feed her children. When she faces hunger, starvation and poverty, Hadiza immediately engages in a skilled job to take care of her children. She was into plaiting people’s hair and got an immense reward in cash. Hadiza becomes her own woman, independently sourcing and feeding herself and her children. 

It should be noted that Marxist feminists connect the oppression of women to social exploitation and oppression. A Sackful of Wishes by Azizah Idris M. majorly portrays an oppression of the female gender. According to Sotunsa, Marxist feminists believe that male domination is one of the societal ills, and gender oppression must be overcome to overcome societal ills. Hadiza resists the dominance of her husband, AR, whom society believes she needs to bow to. In the text, Hadiza says:  

“I want to start a business.” 

“I don’t have enough money, but I have skill in weaving hair. So, I’m going to start making people’s hair, I want your permission.” (129)

When her husband, AZ, decides to stop her, Hadiza says:

You can’t stop me, you know. You don’t feed me, nor clothe me, you don’t know how I buy my detergent or my body cream or provide the needs of Maahir. You just go out and come home. Some nights, you would try to come near me. Why do you think I got the money for those perfumes and creams that make me feel smooth and appealing to you? You either man up and hold on to your responsibilities or you let me start a business. (129)    

Fortunately for Hadiza, she wins the battle to make people’s hair after Umma Sala, Abdurrazak’s mother, intervenes.   

In portraying her bizarre situation, Hadiza was quoted as thus: 

I resorted to selling two of my wrappers from Mahir’s naming gifts to buy some foodstuffs since I was so heavy, I could not plait my customers’ hair at this stage. I found it difficult to sit for long. They did not sell for much. I saved some of the cash because I knew my situation, and I could need it anytime. I bought some spaghetti and vegetables. My sisters came to check on me the next day. We ate and chatted, and I even gave them some transport fare. Nobody would think things were amiss in my house. (141) 

Another portrayal of Marxist feminism in the text is in the character of Umma Sala, Abdurrazak’s mother. Umma is the boss of the house because her husband, Abdurrazak’s father, is not earning much, and she’s making money with her food business. 

As it turns out, Umma took over control of the house. With her business as a food vendor and other small businesses, whenever she did something in the house, she billed it to Baffa. Whether he had it or not, he would pay when he got some money. 

Radical Feminism: 

A Sackful of Wishes by Azizah Idris M. portrays richly a form of radical feminist approach. Radical feminists view society fundamentally as a patriarchy in which men dominate and oppress women. According to Shulamith Firestone, radical feminists seek to abolish the patriarchy in a struggle to liberate women and girls from an unjust society by challenging existing social norms and institutions. This struggle includes opposing the sexual objectification of women, raising public awareness about such issues as rape and violence against women. 

The central character, Hadiza Musa, exhibits a taste of radical feminism as a woman who mysteriously falls in love with a man so obsessed with her that Hadiza rebels against her husband’s oppressive behaviours. The radical feminism inked in the work portrays Hadiza as a woman who stays firmly and fights against starvation, rape, humiliation, and disrespect from her husband and, subsequently, his. Hadiza Musa rebels to the extent that she leaves her husband’s house several times out of her mother’s frustration and anger. 

Hadiza states that: 

I was fed up with my life. I was just twenty-five years old, but I had seen the difficulties of a sixty-year-old’s lifetime. I did not put on fancy clothes, nor did make-up appeal to me. I had forgotten how to laugh heartily, my soul was a wreck, my spirit in shambles. I was a walking time bomb waiting to explore. The things I bore in my chest were unimaginable. I had a sackful of wishes that I craved, that I needed to explore but could not do that because I was a coward. There, that’s it. (172)

Her rebellious act makes her stand tall against society, which tends to make her return to her horrible marriage. With the assistance of her brother, Yusuf, Hadiza can take the matter to court. She perseveres despite the intricacies of her husband, Abdurrazak, until she finally gets a favourable judgment dissolving the marriage.  

Conclusion

A Sackful of Wishes is one of the many texts that portray the difficulties, hardships, pain, angst, and oppression women experience in their marriages. It is one of the works that uses a feminist approach to fight for women’s freedom and free them from society’s shackles. 

Thus, it is evident from the text that there still exists a repressive and hostile environment against women. The text shows how young Hadiza faces and traverses through oppression and pain from her psychopath husband and his mother. 

Abdullahi Yusuf Tela wrote via abdullahiyusuftela@yahoo.com.

By Abdurrazak Muktar Makarfi

In every society, old age is a phase of life that carries a certain gravity, a reminder of the inevitable passage of time that each of us must face. Seeing an elderly person struggling with tasks that once came easily to them can evoke a deep sense of empathy and respect. 

It is a poignant reminder that no matter how strong or capable we may be today, the years will eventually catch up with us all. This awareness has shaped my interactions with the elderly, fostering a profound respect for them, regardless of their status or achievements. 

When I see an elderly man striving to complete a task that his body can no longer manage, it fills me with quiet sorrow, not because of his struggle alone, but because I recognise that one day, I, too, will face similar limitations. It is this awareness that guides my actions. If an elderly person asks me to stop doing something, no matter how important it may seem, I will stop. Not out of fear but out of respect for the years they have lived and the wisdom they have gained.

This respect for the elderly is not just about acknowledging their age but understanding the value of their experience. They have seen more of life than we have, and their words often carry the weight of that experience. Disregarding their counsel or disrespecting them is not only unkind but short-sighted. It ignores the fact that one day, we, too, will seek the respect and kindness of those younger than us.

Recently, I came across a disturbing video of Sarkin Gobir, a respected elder, who had been subjected to unimaginable cruelty by bandits. The sight of this old man, who had lived through so much, being treated with such brutality shook me to my core. It wasn’t just his status as a leader that made the situation so tragic, but his age. The mere fact that he was an elderly man should have been enough to shield him from such violence. Yet, these bandits failed to see the old age in him, or perhaps they saw it and chose to ignore it, driven by their evil.

When I later heard that Sarkin Gobir had passed away, my heart was heavy with sorrow, not only for his death but for the fate of those who wronged him. They had deprived an old man of his dignity in his final days, and in doing so, they had invited darkness upon their souls. Without Sarkin Gobir’s forgiveness, they are condemned to live with the weight of their actions. And indeed, peace will elude them for the rest of their lives, for they have committed an unforgivable sin against a man who should have been revered, not harmed.

This tragic event serves as a stark reminder of the importance of treating the elderly with the respect they deserve. We are all moving towards that stage in life; how we treat those already there will reflect on us when our time comes. If we are harsh and unkind, we cannot expect to be treated differently when we reach old age. But if we show respect, kindness, and understanding to the elderly, we pave the way for our future, ensuring that we will be treated with the same reverence when our hair turns grey and our steps grow slow.

In conclusion, the reverence of old age is not just a societal expectation but a moral imperative. The elderly have earned our respect through their years of life, and we must honour them for who they were and who they are now. We must remember that we are all on the same path, and one day, we will be the ones relying on the kindness and respect of others. Let us hope that by respecting the elderly today, we will secure the same respect for ourselves in the future.

Abdurrazak Muktar Makarfi wrote via prof4true@gmail.com.

By Abubakar Ibrahim Bako

The Bauchi State political permutation has just started growing, leaving the electorate with futile calculations that would re-jeopardize the state to another version of where it is now. However, since the 2023 general elections, many politicians of substance have gone away from their political allies. But Hon. Usman Adamu Sufi, despite not aspiring for an elective post during the past elections, remains a single person committed to touching the lives of the good people of Bauchi State.

On the plus side, Sufi has garnered goodwill from all sides of the state for the past many years, making the state’s products eagerly await the day they will pay him back for the contributions he has been offering to the state. People’s sympathy is what every politician dreaming of becoming successful needs.

Mr. Adamu’s political dexterity makes him stronger than those who went away from their people until the eve of another election. Notwithstanding, electorates want someone to visit them in the form of condolences, wedding ceremonies, and other things that will make people feel a sense of concern for the commoners.

In addition, Hon. Usman Adamu Sufi appears to be the only person who will play the card for the position of governor without much ado or political stress. This is because he is very clean and healthy, which could pave the way for him to be sold to the electorate, making it difficult for others to win against him.

The way people troop to his camp in the state alerts one to start thinking by saying, “What is this gentle dashing out to them?” Okay, as he is fondly called, Sufi becomes a household name for the humane action he always displays. One can hardly wake up in the morning without hearing about the gesture he extends. He is always making headlines in the state.

Being the last hope for the electorate, I would like to encourage Hon. Usman Adamu Sufi to keep doing what he has been doing to make the lives of commoners manageable. Equally, I would like to urge the people of Bauchi State to be hell-bent on canvassing their massive support for him in any elective post to which he might aspire.

Abubakar Ibrahim Bako writes from Fanfon Shanu, Azare, Bauchi State via Abubakaribrahimbako@gmail.com.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

The Gombe State Internal Revenue Service’s weekly training, with the aim of strengthening staff members for service delivery, is taken to heart.

The training, which is a weekly activity in the service, is well-received by the staff members. Their dedication and submissiveness during the training are quite commendable.

The Gombe State Internal Revenue Service, focusing on improving staff efficiency through consistent training, is indeed second to none.

These sessions, led by the Human Resources and Intelligence Department, seem to be making a significant impact on the staff’s commitment and performance. The continuous dedication to training will probably enhance the overall service delivery in the state.

By Nura Jibo

In March 2020, Thwaites, the world’s biggest and riskiest glacier (moving ice) in Antarctica—bigger than Borno, Jigawa, Bauchi, and Gombe combined—broke away due to climate change warming the water beneath it.

The impact of the meltdown of this moving ice, which raised the sea level by 0.05% in March 2020, caused a catastrophic flood disaster globally that brutally affected towns and villages such as Magarya, Hadejia, Ringim, Dabi, Auyo, Kafin Hausa, Miga, etc.

The Thwaites (moving ice) is already on the verge of total collapse because its outflow speed has doubled in the past 30 years. Every year, it loses 50 billion tons of its body mass into the oceans and eventually inside the rivers and dams (NERC, 2021).

Within ten years (2009 to 2019), the Thwaites’ melting accelerated, making it change direction at a speed greater than 10 kilometres per annum. Its tongue, or rather ice tip, had already lost its integrity via melting, which made it weaker due to the effect of climate change.

In 5-10 years, the rapid melting of the Thwaites would swamp vast areas of troughs and low-lying coastal and drylands around the world, including Borno, Jigawa, Gombe, Yobe, Adamawa, Bauchi, and Benue, within a few decades (Jibo et al., 2020; Fred, 2024).

On December 13, 2021, and February 15, 2023, a group of American Geophysical Union and British scientists met at a global conference to discuss this catastrophic climate change disaster in Antarctica that affected the world’s oceans, rivers, and seas very terribly. They concluded that the Thwaites would most likely collapse within the next five years. Their reason is that this glacier “sheds billions of tons of ice into the ocean, contributing about 4% to the annual sea level rise.”.

Indeed, the total collapse of the Thwaites in the next five to ten years is a recipe for a global, unprecedented disaster that could wipe away several cities, towns, and villages, including the Vanuatu Islands and Pacific and African dryland states such as Borno, Jigawa, Yobe, Bauchi, Gombe, Adamawa, and Benue, to mention a few.

If the Thwaites collapse and melt completely, the sea level will rise by two feet. This would wipe out several regions and damage several countries worldwide.

Certain islands across the globe, such as the Marshall Islands, Kiribati, and the Maldives, would be completely wiped off of the map (Henry, 2023). 

Nonetheless, this isn’t the only thing that would happen if Thwaites collapsed. Changes in ice-shelf flooding would increase an unprecedented flow rate of 120 kilometres of underwater mountains.

As of today, climatologists and meteorologists have envisaged that the melting of this glacier would also likely destabilise the structure of the entire earth’s crust, not only its surrounding glaciers and ice shelves but also causing the global sea level to rise by an additional ten feet. 

Indeed, scientists at the AGU, Yale School of the Environment, and NERC that are conducting a study on Thwaites said that the glacier “is hanging on by its fingernails” and humanity needs to prepare themselves for the coming years (Henry et al., 2023). 

Therefore, as humanity commiserates with the entire people of Maiduguri over the early warning signs of the Thwaites along Nigeria’s drylands, it is very likely that it has already passed a point of no return unless there is drastic intervention. As Fred (2024) asserted elsewhere, “It is too late to prevent its collapse, but others say we could have 200 years. But it certainly could be beyond its tipping point, and we have to be prepared.”

The Thwaites climate change paradox:

It is a scientific fact that a polluted cloud doesn’t rain itself. It tends to grow bigger, and in the end, it bounces sunlight out to space. The effects of fossil fuels and terrible human activities in industries have caused global air pollution and depleted the ozone layer very badly. This singular man-made negative contribution to the planet has caused mankind to make a huge mistake in driving home environmental pax Africana and global environmental regeneration (Jibo, 2024).

Indeed, Borno, Jigawa, Yobe, Gombe, Bauchi, Adamawa, and Benue will struggle to cope with the torrential rainfall runoff that will engulf the entire River Gongola through the River Benue via Opalo and Imburu, passing through Kiri, Mada, and up to Jigawa along the Bare and Sabara tributaries.

A map obtained from the Google Earth platform has shown some “promise” over this interesting water body mass run-off.

The other three paradoxical impressions given by the Thwaites are as follows:

The shattering of the ice.

Ocean melting.

Losing grip on seamount.

According to Pettit et al. (2021), there are already signs of fractures propagating along weak zones of the Thwaites. This is aggravated by the melting down of the seabed due to warming, and the entire ice could be gone by 2030 or even before that time.

Nura Jibo MRICS has been a United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) Designated Contact Point (UN-DCP) on Climate Change for 14 years.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

The aftermath of the ten-day “End Bad Governance” protests has conveyed three clear messages: two to President Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, and one to the senior members of his administration from the North—notably Vice President Kashim Shettima, National Security Adviser Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, Secretary to the Government of the Federation George Akume, Deputy Senate President Barau Jibrin, Speaker of the House of Representatives Tajudden Abbas, and others.

Firstly, despite the protests in the North escalating into widespread looting, arson, underage participation, and political exploitation and hijacking, they have sent a clear message to President Tinubu. His two key policies—the removal of fuel subsidies and the floating of the naira—are deeply unpopular and have sent many people into prison poverty.

Secondly, the Tinubu administration has squandered crucial political goodwill in the North. Beyond the economic hardships, this loss of political support in the region is significant, as it could impact Tinubu’s prospects for a second term. The Tinubu/Shettima ticket was built on this very foundation. Furthermore, the protests took place nationwide on three unique political faces: they were a form of revolt in the upper North, and the Southeast remained silent. At the same time, the Southwest found itself in a catch-22 situation.

The third message from the aftermath of the protests is directed at the senior members of the Tinubu administration who hail from the North. They now face the Herculean task of restoring the Tinubu government’s lost goodwill in the North. To do so, they must address two critical issues. A deep and unbiased look at the “End Bad Governance” protests in the North reveals not only a message to Abuja but a kind of internal revolt—an uprising against ‘oneself,’ so to speak. 

Furthermore, Yobe, Bauchi, Borno, Jigawa, Katsina, Kano, and Kaduna states experienced the worst violence during the protests. Interestingly, a 2024 report shows that these states are among the top northern states with the highest rates of out-of-school children: Yobe (62.9%), Bauchi (55.7%), Borno (54.2%), Jigawa (51.1%), Katsina (45.9%), Kano (41.6%), and Kaduna (40.6%).

Northerners who are senior members of the Tinubu government must find a way, before 2027, to not only convince but also help Tinubu implement policies that will lift people out of poverty. A quick approach is to leverage the Dangote Refinery and other private and state-owned refineries. Given that Nigeria’s daily fuel consumption hovers around 45–50 million litres, the government should step up its programme to boost crude production specifically for local refineries, allocating it to them in naira and at a lower cost. This would lead to more affordable fuel prices, eliminate the need for imports, and save foreign exchange. 

Furthermore, to be fair to the Tinubu government, it inherited Nigeria’s finances in the ‘red’. Tinubu has two options to get the books into the blue—the hard and the simple options. Tinubu chose the simple option: remove the fuel subsidy and float the naira. The hard way, which is the more sustainable one, involves fixing all the state-owned refineries, increasing crude production to at least 2 million litres per day, supplying local refineries with cheap crude to translate to affordable pump prices, and boosting food production by helping genuine farmers with farm implements, soft financing, and extension services.

The northern elites, both in government and outside, must read between the lines and comprehend them well. For example, the northern members of Tinubu’s government must understand that the government’s public relations (PR) efforts for Northern consumption are currently communicated in a ‘language’ that the masses do not understand. This approach requires not just a revitalisation of strategies but a complete overhaul of its managers and a redesign of its medium.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Uzair Adam

Details have emerged on the death of Halilu Sububu, a notorious bandit leader who had been terrorizing Zamfara State and neighboring areas.

Sububu, also known as Buzu, was killed in an ambush set by Operation Hadarin Daji troops on Thursday.

Sources indicate that the ambush occurred at Kwaren-Kirya village on the Mayanchi-Anka road in Zamfara.

The Daily Reality gathered that Sububu and his fighters were engaged by the troops while attempting to cross a stream.

Only three of their motorbikes managed to escape the scene.

Local residents in Mayanchi and surrounding villages are celebrating the operation and expressing gratitude to the military, calling for continued efforts to address banditry in the region.

Originally from Niger Republic, Sububu had established control over illegal gold mining sites in the Anka Local Government Area and was a significant figure in the region’s criminal activities.

Several media reports have indicated that he had been wanted by the Defence Headquarters since May.

The military has reported recovering weapons and motorbikes from the bandits, marking a notable success in the ongoing anti-banditry campaign in Nigeria’s northwest.