Northern Nigeria

By Ibraheem A. Waziri

I am a son of Northern Nigeria, born into the 5th generational cohort—those of us ushered into life between 1968 and 1983, as the civil war’s echoes faded. From here, I’ve watched two giants of the 4th cohort, Nasir El-Rufai and Nuhu Ribadu, shape my homeland’s fate. They’ve lifted it at times, fractured it at others. To me, they’re more than names—they’re lodestars. Their brilliance has guided my hopes and, too often, left them drifting. 

El-Rufai has fueled my writing since 2013; his ideas have been a steady muse. Ribadu entered my life that same year, stepping into my Zaria home during my wedding week celebration, his vision setting my spirit ablaze. Now, in February 2025, their legacies show a compass split—its needle quivering between rival trails. For the North, for Nigeria, their reunion isn’t a wish. It’s a lifeline.

My tie to El-Rufai is ink, not intimacy. We met once, briefly, after he claimed Kaduna’s governorship in 2015—a moment too quick for him to recall. His ideas, though, I’ve known deeply. His 2015 election plans for Kaduna stunned me—clear, ambitious, a reformer’s blueprint. I dissected them as a commentator, later mapping his neoconservative path in my 2019 reflections. 

El-Rufa’i’s nine-page manifesto promised education, security, and infrastructure. He mostly delivered. I saw justice in his 2015 demolition of illegally grabbed lands at Alhudahuda College—even as friends grieved homes I’d known, now dust. El-Rufai is the architect and the systems man. A neoconservative who bets order can revive a stumbling North.

Ribadu came with a handshake and a dream. In my wedding week, through Abdulaziz Abdulaziz and Gimba Kakanda, he arrived at my Zaria doorstep, joining the celebration and seeking my support. Over tea and warmth, he sketched a Nigeria free of corruption’s grip. With my friend Dr. Waziri Garba Dahiru (now a professor), we told him how Dr. Aliyu Tilde’s pre-2011 presidential elections essay about him won us—and many Northerners—to his side over Muhammadu Buhari, the people’s hero then. His EFCC days had already made him a legend—a crusader chasing the mighty with a fire that echoed the North’s heart. He left my home with admiration, hoping that his progressive flame could guide us.

As a commentator, I’ve watched him and El-Rufai since—two men who once moved in harmony under President Olusegun Obasanjo. El-Rufai restored Abuja’s master plan with a surveyor’s eye. Ribadu hunted corrupt titans. Together, they danced a tandem of renewal. Both of the 4th cohort, born amid the civil war’s shadow, inherited a Nigeria of strife and potential. But ambition and ideals broke them apart. By 2011, Ribadu’s Action Congress of Nigeria presidential run clashed with El-Rufai’s loyalty to Buhari’s Congress for Progressive Change. The North’s compass cracked—progressive zeal versus conservative steel. 

El-Rufai’s rise in Kaduna cemented his neoconservative crown. Ribadu’s drift to the PDP and 2015 Adamawa loss dimmed his star. Yet his 2023 ascent as Tinubu’s National Security Adviser reignited it—tackling banditry and Boko Haram with a seasoned hand, though not without stumbles. Now, I see their rift clearly. 

El-Rufai’s Kaduna triumphs in 2015 earned my praise then. Ribadu’s path has shifted over time. Their jabs—subtle or stark—echo a generational clash I explored in my 2023 piece on the 4th cohort overtaking the fading 3rd. El-Rufai’s 2023 attack on Buhari’s inner circle, claiming they sabotaged Tinubu, and Ribadu’s quiet rise in Abuja hint at distance—yet also hope they might align again.

Why does this split haunt me? Northern Nigeria, my home, is a paradox—brimming with promise, torn by poverty, insecurity, and neglect. Bandits mar its forests. Boko Haram stalks its northeast. Education lags despite a proud past. 

As I wrote in 2019, the North’s fate is Nigeria’s pulse; its 19 states beat with the nation’s life. El-Rufai and Ribadu, with their tested mettle, stand among its best shots—but only together. El-Rufai’s Kaduna model—retooling institutions, lifting schools—maps a revival. Ribadu’s anti-corruption past and NSA role could strangle chaos at its source. Alone, they falter. Ribadu’s moral blade needs El-Rufai’s structural frame.

Reconciliation demands humility—something both have shown in fleeting glimpses. Why now? Nigeria’s security bleeds worse in 2025—bandits bolder, insurgents entrenched—while Tinubu’s early presidency offers a window for bold moves. Their Obasanjo-era alliance proves they can align. Back then, they were reform’s twin engines under his steady hand. Obasanjo could call them to the table again, his voice a bridge. 

Tinubu, as Ribadu’s boss and one whom El-Rufai respects, could push them too, melding Ribadu’s security clout with El-Rufai’s administrative spine. Friends like Abdulaziz or Dr. Tilde might spark it, but these giants could seal it. A Northern summit could fuse their strengths: Ribadu choking chaos at its roots, El-Rufai rebuilding what’s left. Nationally, their pact could drive devolution—state police, fiscal federalism—easing the North’s woes and binding Nigeria’s seams.

I’m no bystander. El-Rufai’s policies reshaped the Kaduna streets I walk. Ribadu’s 2013 visit lingers in my home’s walls. Their rift cuts me because I’ve staked my words—hundreds since 2013—on their promise. The compass lies broken but not lost. El-Rufai, the builder; Ribadu, the purifier—two halves of a whole I’ve followed for a decade. Their reunion could heal the North’s scars, pointing it toward hope. 

For Nigeria, it’s a shot at a shared destiny. As a 5th cohort voice, I plead in 2025: Mend the rift, reforge the compass, and let El-Rufai and Ribadu rise as our North Star. The stakes are mine. The hour is now. Our future demands it.

By Hadiza Abdulkadir

HardFacts Studios has announced the upcoming premiere of The Bitter Feminist, a docudrama series that addresses the challenges faced by women in Nigeria and sub-Saharan Africa. 

Set to debut at the iRep Festival in Lagos in March 2025, the series, created by Daniel Chukwuemeka and Ijeoma Chinonyerem, centres on Ringret, a young woman from Northern Nigeria who endured rape and forced marriage.

Co-creator Ijeoma Chinonyerem stated, “This project is significant for us. It’s about giving [a] voice to women whose stories often go unheard and challenging narratives perpetuating inequality.”

The five-episode series illustrates the lives of women identifying as feminists, highlighting their resistance to traditional gender roles. Through impactful storytelling and candid interviews, The Bitter Feminist addresses critical issues, including misogyny, child marriage, and consent. 

Directed by Priye Diri and produced by Isaac Newton Akah, the series promises to empower viewers and stimulate meaningful conversations about gender inequality.

By Abubakar Idris Misau

Part (I)

In his natural quest and curiosity, it’s enticing that man wants to understand everything about all things – even though it’s an obviously unattainable goal. Observing, reading, speculating, conspiring, discussing, studying, manipulating, theorising…, in answering an “if” question of history, the man hardly provides a strictly wrong or right answer. This is simply because anything could be anything. Everything is just within the spectrum of possibility. What “if”, for example, Nigeria was colonised by the Spaniards?; Is a question that can be answered from multiple dimensions.

Reviewing the autobiography of the Former Head of State and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB), titled A Journey in Service, is an inexhaustible assignment.

On a lighter note, borrowing the easiest yet [at least in ruffling feathers] most effective text analysis, a style often used by the critics of Sheikh Fantami and or his works, let us by taking a glance at the title of the memoir furiously carry our pens and jump into action. After all, we’ve heard hearsays much enough to take a side. Phew…

Firstly, they say he confirmed the victory of the renowned 1993 Presidential election by the business mogul Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale (MKO) Abiola. And, in a gentlemanly manner, this evil genius made no attempt to contest the annulment that occurred under his watch, prioritising peace instead. He expressed regret and sought forgiveness.

Is that right?! 

Well, he can say that. He is such a nice guy [in Donald J. Trump’s voice]. I like him. He’s a successful guy, a really successful guy.

Meanwhile, based on what we know about the man if not for his health status, Badamasi, a maestro in rhetoric, would definitely make an excellent graduate assistant (GA) in my University’s Department of Political Science. Though a GA for a start, the author of ‘A Journey in Service’ would most certainly be awarded his MSc the day he resumes, his PhD in a week, and attaining readership is a possibility within a month. By the time he is to be crowned with the professorship title during the immediate convocation, naturally, our character would be too humble not to request to be re-nicknamed the political GOAT – for, many steps ahead of Maradona, he is clearly the combination of Ronaldo, Messi, and Mbappe.

In the court of analysis, however, the one crucial question we ask whenever we put history on trial is whether to judge our subjects by their ideals or the outcomes of their actions. Give it a look: While politicians insist that they stand for democracy and human rights (thus, better than soldiers), the argument of the uniform men is not any weaker; they are the nationalists whose role it is to restore order, fight corruption, and wage war against indiscipline – by sometimes risking their own lives (hence, the right patriots to lead). The whole debate sounds so sweet and convincing that one is tempted to suggest a system of government or constitutional arrangement that allows for a tenure for one and another for the other – continually.

Leaning towards social critics, however, it is hard to believe either side. For if for nothing, their actions contradict the gospels they preach. Even to compound that, most of the military-era soldiers are now politicians in their own rights. Recall, for instance, it’s a fact known to many that when G-34 (which, among other groups, was to become the People’s Democratic Party (PDP)), was established by some Nigerian politicians, one of their aims was to form a movement with a force capable of extinguishing military governance, for good, once and for all. 

With Alex Ekwueme (the first elected Vice President (1979-1983) and Professor Jerry Gana (who previously served as a Minister) as the first Chairman and Secretary of the PDP, respectively, it’s laughable that retired soldiers not only joined but ended up hijacking the party to make one of them the presidential candidate and later the first president in Nigeria’s fourth republic. So, who is who? Who are we to believe? Who are we to blame? Who is deceiving who? Who is the actual heroic champion of the power? Are the politicians ready? Can we even see any difference between the civilians and the soldiers?

Once pictured as a civilian vs military dichotomy, transmuted to a South vs North dichotomy, the ‘June 12’ incident, nobody ever sees it as a Muslim vs Christian dichotomy. However, it was a power heist involving friends – with MKO at the receiving end.

In my view, ours is a zero-ideology political arena. I especially expect Marxists (hoping we still have them) to agree with me here: the bunch of unforgiving capitalists who rule[d] Nigeria, death or alive, soldiers or politicians, whatsoever, have no regard for the ordinary citizens in their mind. Quote me.

Part II

Helen Keller, the blind, deaf American human rights activist, disability advocate, and excellent writer, said, “The country is governed for the richest, for the corporations, the bankers, the land speculators, and for the exploiters of labor.”

As a Nigerian (socially between the working and middle classes) with my vision and hearing still intact, Alhamdulillah, I can’t see or hear anything different. Thus, I am so fed up with hearing “democracy was r*ped” or “A and B were dictators.” What wasn’t r*ped, and who wasn’t a dictator fisabilLahi? Is it Fulgencio Batista or Fidel Castro? 

In case it isn’t clear as [and appearing for] what it is, we may well take another look. In the interest of democracy and development, take the most recent samples to the nearest laboratory. Tell me, for I genuinely want to understand: of what importance was it to the North when their son was the president, or to the South when their own was helming the boat (oh, yacht)?

All military Heads of State and democratically elected Presidents aside, the relationship between Babangida and Abiola was for a very long time so good that some historians and analysts were perplexed by what unfolded before them after the annulment: the bitterness, the chaos, the deaths, and then the silence. With not much to hold on to, conspiracy theorists took to the street with “the General knows the politician very well, so…” But since he was elected by his countrymen, in a process seen by many to be free and fair, that makes no sense whatsoever. 

Close to the above is another contention, shared by the legendary historian, Max Siollun, in his ‘Soldiers of Fortune’, that MKO wouldn’t have been as successful without the role played by his soldier President friend IBB. So, if it was, as explained by a friend recently, a case of two elephants fighting whence the grasses suffer, so be it. However, suffice is to say that it was never about the sold dichotomies. It can’t be about anything to do with talaka. It was all about their own interests. They are the very same people, birds of the same feather, two sides of a single coin.

Wonderful! I also forget other issues such as the assassination of Dele Giwa, the execution of Mamman Vatsa, and his refusal to appear before the Oputa Panel – the Nigerian 2001-commissioned Human Rights Violation Commission. Here, I think we must content ourselves with just one question, since our sources indicate that he expressed hope for the resolution of the Giwa mystery and seems to deliberately avoid the barysphere. My question, albeit odd, is not directed towards the author: Now that we have the other side of the story, are Nigerian human rights activists – including journalists and lawyers – on par with IBB? I only wish Chief Gani Fawehinmi (SAN) were alive. The book would have made an excellent exhibit… May his soul rest in peace.

In conclusion, the words of a “rebel” came to mind. I have yet to encounter a better description of Nigeria and its people than the one found in ‘Because I am Involved’ by the first president of the former Republic of Biafra, Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu. It was this Oxford-educated Nigerian military officer who remarked, “Our leaders are pseudo leaders; our intellectuals are pseudo-intellectuals; our professionals are pseudo professionals; while our occupations are pseudo occupations. Our middle class is pseudo middle class; our elite are pseudo elite; our socialists, Marxists, liberals, and even our conservatives are often very much pseudo.” 

Standing on the shoulders of William Shakespeare, our nation resembles a theatre, with players performing upon its stage while some manage the script and many observe with delight. From NSA-Canada to USAID-Boko H*ram, and now to the June 12 saga, we exemplify ‘one day, one drama’. Moreover, as can be readily deduced, Ojokwu was indeed a pseudo-rebel, just as this writer is a pseudo-writer.

…

To be continued!

Abubakar Idris Misau writes from Katsina, Nigeria. He studied Forestry and Wildlife at the University of Maiduguri and can be reached at abubakaridrismisau@gmail.com.

By Muhammad Rabiu Jibrin (Mr. J)                 

Isn’t the religious institution now on the brink of suffering the same fate as the traditional institution, whose integrity, moral authority, and influence have been swept away by the political hurricane?

Historically, the Nigerian traditional and religious institutions were best known as the custodians of culture and justice, commanding immense respect and dignity. They were no-go areas with clear boundaries known to politicians. Their political neutrality, ethical brevity, and golden silence made them stand out, shielding them against political threats and disrespect. But with the gradual mental shift and negligence of purpose, the passage of time paved unnoticeable ways for political interference in their affairs, rendering them into a vulnerability that warms what once cooled them.

Although the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria does not clearly prohibit traditional rulers from engaging in politics, it expects public officeholders, including traditional rulers, to remain neutral. The state laws of most states, if not all, prohibit traditional rulers from participating in partisan politics, as such acts can be seen as a breach of their traditional duties and a justification for removal.

History has shown that most allegations against Emirs were connected to issues like partisan politics, outspoken nature, and mismanagement, among others. On March 9, 2020, the Kano State government under Governor Abdullahi Ganduje officially dethroned Sanusi Lamido Sanusi as the Emir of Kano. His grandfather, Emir Muhammadu Sanusi I (1953–1963), faced the same issue under the Premier of the Northern Region, Sir Ahmadu Bello, on April 10, 1963. Similarly, Emir Mustapha Jokolo of Gwandu (1995–2005) was deposed in June 2005 by the Kebbi State government under Governor Muhammad Adamu Aliero, while Emir Abubakar Atiku of Zurmi (2010–2012) was removed from his position by the Zamfara State government in 2012.

Having successfully influenced traditional institutions, are Nigerian politicians not now attempting to test the same waters on religious institutions through their appointments and donations services?

How our religious leaders glorify and endorse politicians while also criticising one another on political matters in mosques, churches, or during their religious sermons is akin to setting a bushfire that would consume all its inhabitants. It is not difficult for politicians to offer them lucrative sums of money, gift them extravagant cars, and so forth, enabling them to manipulate their views and dilute their words during sermons for material gain.

The silver lining is that the spiritual blueprints and the footsteps that guide them would resolutely remain unchanged till eternity, no matter their deviation.

The recent verbal altercation between Sheikh Sani Yahaya Jingir and Sheikh Muhammad Kabir Gombe, which stemmed from the issue of the ‘Qur’an Festival,’ is disheartening. I view Sheikh Sani Yahaya Jingir as a cleric who strives to speak the truth but often talks excessively. He is a mature, responsible Sheikh who should not demean himself by engaging in disputes with younger individuals like Sheikh Kabiru Gombe. His reputation, knowledge, and age should elevate him beyond such conflicts. He ought to discourage the young, emerging ‘Shuyukh’ under his mentorship from becoming involved in such matters, let alone involving himself.

As for Sheikh Kabiru Gombe, I see his utterances as disrespectful and illogical toward a man of that age, no matter the heat of the moment. If two ‘Shuyukh’ and their followers resort to ranting and calling each other names, what credibility do their preachings hold, and how will their followers perceive them? Where is the unity, patience, and love for one another that Islam teaches and which they claim to promote? No matter the misunderstanding, religious leaders should be careful with their words toward one another in all circumstances.

In conclusion, unless our religious leaders fight selfishness among themselves, adhere to the teachings of Islam, respect one another despite divergent views, and remain united, the future will unravel unfavourably. Only by adhering to the holistic teachings of Islam and the prophetic tradition can they stand resolute against any factor that seeks to erode their strength.

Muhammad Rabiu Jibrin (Mr.J) wrote via muhammadrabiujibrin@gmail.com.

By Ishaka Mohammed

My employers often commended my efforts, increased my salary and gave me bonuses even when I didn’t see any significant impact of my tutelage as a private school teacher. I was worried about my studentsʼ poor comprehension, negative attitude towards learning, and low morals. I couldn’t even stop them from cheating in tests and exams.

Although it was safe to link my failure to a lack of formal teaching qualifications, I expected the impact of the workshops I attended. And to cap it all, most of the teachers I knew (with the required qualifications) weren’t getting any better results. I was frustrated; I blamed parents, society and inadequate facilities—in that order.

However, I was joyous to get a job with an international school in 2024. The school offered excellent educational facilities, teacher training, a six-figure salary, pension, heavily subsidised lunch, and transport and accommodation allowances, among other things. Everything about the school was promising.

Nonetheless, my first meeting with the students ended my excitement. I worked harder than ever before, but as each new week brought tougher challenges, I conceded that I could neither minimise nor tolerate the disruptive behaviour and utter disrespect of the children of politicians, diplomats, business tycoons, etc. They came to the school for two reasons: to have fun and build rapport with their future business partners or political allies.

I quit the job after a term. While I was leaving, some senior colleagues commended my courage to do what they had been unable to do for years despite facing the same challenges that prompted my resignation.

I became jobless but happier, and I didn’t wish to teach again. But a call from a school proprietor in a distant state changed my mind. The head of the department I resigned from recommended that I attend a school he believed would suit me.

This happened when I was already preparing to start a new position in a different industry. My prospective employer is notorious for delaying salary payments.

After weighing the salary factor and the state of education in Yorubaland, I chose to return to teaching, and bingo! My new students meet all my criteria, particularly regarding their morals. Even though they come from privileged backgrounds, they are humble, respectful, and eager for knowledge. 

There was a day when we didn’t have enough teachers to invigilate the tests, and I was the only one who seemed concerned. Two halls were left without invigilators, yet everything went smoothly. I was impressed by the students’ maturity and honesty.

My meeting with these students has reminded me of many things, one of which is the importance of being oneself. While I recognise the significance of adaptability, I still believe that some principles should not be compromised. I appreciate the gentleman who referred me to my new employer. I commend the parents and guardians of these learners, the school management, and all the staff for nurturing such remarkable members of society. Once again, I am optimisticthat Nigeria will be better in the future.

Ishaka Mohammed wrote via ishakamohammed39@gmail.com.

By Nasiru Ibrahim

“The introduction of AI and automation is a double-edged sword: it holds immense potential for efficiency, but its consequences on job markets, especially in developing economies like Nigeria, need to be addressed through strategic workforce planning and skills development” (Bessen, 2019).

This article examines the positive and negative impacts of AI on the workforce, supported by economic theory and real-life examples from Nigeria.

Artificial intelligence is the direct opposite of human intelligence. It showcases the ability of machines, such as computers, to carry out tasks that require human intelligence. AI performs tasks such as writing, problem-solving, analyzing data trends, driving self-driving cars, harvesting fruits on farms, and other tasks traditionally performed by humans.

AI automation involves the use of artificial intelligence and technology to automate repetitive tasks that humans traditionally carry out in their daily lives. It enhances productivity, efficiency, and scalability, reduces production costs, and ensures round-the-clock availability for services such as banking.

AI depends on data to perform tasks and learns from humans through data annotation or labelling. This indicates that it cannot recognise images, interpret voices, or understand statements unless trained by humans. Generative AI like GPT–4 is transforming the labour market while influencing the demand and supply of labour in the overall economy. The automation of repetitive tasks in both skilled and unskilled jobs by companies has raised concerns about whether AI will harm or benefit the workforce. This debate has led to the application of traditional economic theory to explore and explain the economic effects of AI.

Economic Theory on AI

Austrian Economist Joseph Schumpeter’s theory of creative destruction explains how new technology and innovation reshape economies by replacing old jobs and technologies with new ones. This theory supports the argument that AI can create new industries, jobs, and opportunities, as seen in Nigeria’s growing tech sector, which includes Fintech, E-learning, E-commerce, and Agritech. Below, we explain these theories with examples from across Nigeria.

Firstly, in Fintech in Lagos, companies like Flutterwave and Paystack now employ AI engineers and data scientists to develop fraud detection systems and personalised banking tools.

Secondly, in E-learning in Abuja, platforms like Ulesson use AI for tailored learning experiences, creating roles like app developers and AI trainers.

Thirdly, in E-commerce in cities like Lagos and Kano, Jumia and Konga use AI for supply chain optimisation and chatbots, fostering jobs in logistics tech and digital marketing.

Fourthly, in Agritech in Kaduna, Thrive Agric employs AI for farm monitoring and analytics, generating demand for data analysts and field specialists.

Human Capital Theory

Human Capital Theory, developed by Gary Becker and Theodore Schultz, emphasises the importance of education and skills in economic productivity. In Nigeria, the demand for human capital has increased in sectors such as machine learning, data annotation, and AI development. The rise of AI has fostered a need for expertise in areas like data science and machine learning. Initiatives like Data Science Nigeria are aiding individuals in acquiring these skills, enhancing their employability and contributing to the nation’s economy. This aligns with Human Capital Theory, which asserts that investing in education and skills enhances productivity.

Pareto Optimality

AI has the potential to increase productivity and efficiency in Nigeria’s economy without worsening the condition of any particular group, achieving Pareto optimality. AI in Nigerian healthcare, such as AI tools for diagnosing diseases, is helping both patients and doctors. These tools make diagnoses faster and more accurate, improving care without harming anyone. This is an example of Pareto Optimality, where everyone benefits without undermining the benefit of anyone.

Dr. G. Yoganandham (2024), Professor & Head of the Department of Economics, in his paper titled Impact of Artificial Intelligence (AI) on the Economy, Politics, Ecosystem, Innovation, and Promoting Inclusive Workforce Frameworks (2024), stated:

“The global economy could benefit by $13 trillion from artificial intelligence by 2030, although 375 million jobs may be displaced. The workplace is one of many areas where AI will bring a revolutionary impact. It can streamline processes, reduce costs, and enhance decision-making. AI can also improve customer satisfaction by analysing data for predictive analytics, reducing accidents in construction and manufacturing, and creating new employment opportunities in data science, machine learning, and AI education.

However, workplace AI raises ethical concerns about racial bias, privacy, security, and democracy. While some argue it may lead to robotic employment, there is ongoing debate about its potential to foster innovative work, create new career paths, and improve judgment.”

From the above theories, it can be deduced that on the one hand, AI, ceteris paribus, could have a positive effect on the expanding workforce in Nigeria, in terms of:

Firstly, AI fosters the creation of new jobs and opportunities. It fosters the emergence of new industries and job roles, particularly in data science, big data technology, AI engineering, and cybersecurity. Companies like Data Science Nigeria (DSN) are equipping Nigerians with skills in data analytics and machine learning, creating employment opportunities in the tech industry.

Secondly, AI enhances productivity and efficiency. It reduces production costs and streamlines processes, enabling businesses to operate more efficiently. In agriculture, Hello Tractor uses AI to connect smallholder farmers with tractor owners, increasing farming efficiency and reducing costs.

Thirdly, improving demand forecasting and profitability. AI tools optimise supply chain management and demand forecasting, leading to increased profitability for businesses. Jumia, Nigeria’s leading e-commerce platform, employs AI algorithms to predict customer preferences, enhance inventory management, and boost sales.

Fourthly, upskilling the workforce. AI encourages the development of skills that align with technological advancements, offering workers better career prospects.

On the other hand, AI could have a negative impact on the workforce in Nigeria, in terms of:

Firstly, job displacement due to the automation of repetitive tasks can affect low-skilled workers, particularly in the manufacturing and service sectors. In Nigeria’s financial sector, banks such as GTBank have adopted AI-powered chatbots (e.g., Habari), thereby decreasing the need for human customer service representatives.

Secondly, bias in hiring and decision-making. AI systems trained on biased data can create discrimination, particularly in hiring processes.

Thirdly, ethical and privacy concerns. AI-driven technologies often raise privacy, security, and data misuse issues.

Fourthly, there is limited access to AI resources. Many Nigerians, particularly in rural areas, lack access to the infrastructure and education required to benefit from AI advancements. For example, I live in Gwiwa Local Government Area, Jigawa State, but the entire local government lacks basic ICT facilities, let alone advanced technological resources that would help people understand artificial intelligence.

While AI promises to increase efficiency and productivity in various sectors in Nigeria, such as agriculture, the question remains: Will the benefits outweigh the job losses, particularly in a country with high unemployment and underemployment?

In Northern Nigeria, where more than 50% of the population is engaged in agriculture, a phased approach is urgently needed. Before AI can be widely adopted, attention should be directed towards improving mechanised farming techniques to enhance food security and tackle inflation. 

Given the shortage of skilled labour prepared to use AI in agriculture, it is essential to prioritise education and training, followed by the mechanisation of farming practices. This would ensure that the workforce is adequately prepared to embrace AI when it is introduced. AI has the potential to boost agricultural productivity by facilitating the timely harvest of crops and minimising the risk of poor yields.

The lack of education in Northern Nigeria exacerbates these challenges. According to the World Bank, the literacy rate in Nigeria stands at approximately 31%, with the Northern region experiencing a significantly higher illiteracy rate. This deficit in educational access has fostered a profound sense of frustration, as many individuals find it difficult to survive amid escalating economic hardships.

People in these regions often face unmet needs, yet politicians offer solutions that don’t address the core issues. This disconnect between the people’s needs and the actions of those in power further deepens the divide and hinders progress. Many feel that immediate economic policies, such as harsh taxation and subsidy removals, are prioritised over long-term, sustainable solutions. There is an urgent need for more inclusive and sustainable economic policies that address the technological transformation driven by AI and tackle the underlying social inequalities.

While AI adoption in agriculture has the potential to boost productivity and reduce costs, the key to its successful integration lies in addressing the fundamental issues of illiteracy, poor governance, and lack of infrastructure, particularly in the Northern regions. Only through a concerted effort to improve education, promote mechanised farming, and gradually introduce AI can Nigeria hope to mitigate the potential displacement of jobs while reaping the benefits of technology.

Ibrahim is a graduate of the Department of Economics from Bayero University, Kano, and writes from Jigawa.

By Usman Mujtaba Shehu

The National Youth Service Corps scheme idea was to expedite contacts across cultural zones and bridge the cultural gaps, and surmount cultural stereotypes.

Being in an NYSC dress is a dream come true for me. Having visualized how it would feel or how I would look in it about two decades ago, I’m thrilled to experience it finally. When I was younger, I used to wear my father’s NYSC ceremonial shirt. Although it was oversized, the tip reaching my knee sparked my interest in the NYSC program.

The question isn’t just about the dress but about the experience and feeling of being a Corp member. That’s what many people long for. During the registration process, I didn’t encounter many hitches. The main challenge was the duration of my university program, which was prolonged due to the long ASUU strike and the emergence of the COVID-19 pandemic.

Apart from these two reasons, all the delays were natural, stemming from the nature of my school’s (ATBU) calendar. The NYSC registration, receiving my call-up number, and anticipating my state of deployment were challenging. I spent 13 hours in the CAFE in the queue waiting to be registered. Additionally, I waited several more hours to receive my call-up number and was eventually deployed to Dakin Gari Orientation Camp in Kebbi State.

When I saw the call-up letter, I was sad, and my mind wandered to the 1-day, almost 12-hour journey ahead. After arriving at Birnin Kebbi, I had to find a taxi to the camp, which was a struggle. It took me 4 hours to get a cab and another 2 hours to reach my destination. I arrived at the camp in the evening, around 5:30 pm. Luckily, the registration queue had been reduced, so I didn’t have to wait.

After checking my bag, I proceeded to the admin block for registration. I discovered my platoon from my state code, which was like a registration number. And from the last digit, I knew I was in platoon 4. I collected my meal ticket, which served as a food ID, and was given a mattress and bed space in the Boys’ Hostel (3).

After settling in, I attended another registration session conducted by the platoon officer. Once completed, I received a set of light-green khaki, the NYSC ceremonial shirt, an orange boot, a white cover shoe, a customized cap, and two pairs of short white trousers and shirts. I felt mixed emotions, reflecting on the future and how it would unfold.

Is it true that the orientation is difficult? In the NYSC Orientation Camp, you feel a sense of belonging regardless of your background or who you are. This is rooted in the NYSC act and the orientation design, which aligns with their motto of “humility and service.” The process is humbling, bringing together people from diverse tribes, such as Yoruba, Hausa, Igbo, Ebra, Tiv, and Fulani.

Religious activities are also accommodated, with three Christian prayer points and one mosque. This allows Corp members to practice their faith without discrimination.

The sense of togetherness is reinforced by the uniform dress code, which includes white shirts and trousers, customized shirts with NYSC alphabets emblazoned on the front, and khaki trousers with boots and customized caps for ceremonies. Trust among Corp members develops quickly as they view themselves as similar or familiar, united by their platoons.

Platoons unite Corp members, and my platoon (platoon 4) leader, a Yoruba from Lagos, exemplified this unity. With 10 platoons, each comprising over 100 Corp members from different states, backgrounds, languages, and cultures, we were united under a shared platoon identity designed by NYSC to foster unity and patriotism.

People tend to trust those within their in-group, and belonging is a primal instinct. When Corp members display attitudes, beliefs, or platoon membership, others tend to like and trust them more. My response to lowering the Nigerian flag every 6:00 pm still amazes me. Every activity would come to a halt when the trumpet was blown.

My new identity became my platoon. I made new friends across all platoons, but Platoon 4 became like family. Competitions were organized to strengthen bonds within platoons. I participated in the football competition and cheered for my platoon in the parade competition, cooking, cultural dance (Edo Dance), and other events.

I attended over 30 lectures and sensitization sessions with my platoon, covering education, health, relocation, finances, and more topics. I only separated from my platoon during the Skill Acquisition and Entrepreneurship Development (SAED) launch. Corp members were allowed to choose their training. I attended and listened to about 30 lectures and sensitization sessions with my platoon. The lectures cover almost all areas, including education, health, relocation, finances, etc.

That was how we were shared with eight different skills Acquisition classes. I chose ICT and learned basic Data analysis and graphic design using pixels.

The orientation is rigorous and tedious. But when I reflect on the whole objective of the NYSC initiative itself, it’s worth it. It’s not a pointless activity but a scheme meant to instil discipline, love of country, and love of one another. As mentioned in the national anthem: ‘Though tribes and tongue may differ, in brotherhood we stand’.

Usman Mujtaba Shehu wrote via usmanmujtabashehu@gmail.com.

By Garba Sidi 

Historically, in Jigawa State, no member had served in the House of Representatives three times before Ibrahim Usman Kamfani Auyo did so. Although there is no tenure limitation for the House of Representatives position in the Nigerian constitution — from Section 65, which states qualifications to contest the position, to Section 66, which outlines details of disqualifications — nowhere does it state the tenure limitation for.

Members like Hon. Musa Sarkin Adar served from 2003 to 2015, representing Kebe and Tambuwal Constituency, and Hon. Aliyu Madaki served from 2003 to 2015, representing Dange-Shuni, Bodinga, and Tureta Federal Constituency, all from Sokoto state, North West. Hon. Muhammed Tahir Mungono served from 2003 to 2015, representing Mungono, Marte, and Nganzai federal constituency, and Hon. Babagana Kingibe served from 2003 to 2011, representing Biu, Kwaya, and Bayu federal constituency, both from Borno State, in the North East. 

Hon. Emmanuel Jime served from 2007 to 2015, representing Makurdi and Guma Federal constituency of Benue State. Hon. Ahmed Idris Wase served from 2007 to 2019, representing Wase federal Constituency of Plateau State, both from North Central.

Hon. Femi Gbajabiamila Served from 2003 to 2023 representing Surulere Federal Constituency of Lagos State and Hon. Lasun Yusuf Served from 2011 to 2019, representing Irepodun, Olorunda, Osogbo and Orolu Federal Constituency of Osun State, both from South West. 

Hon. Nkeiruka Onyejeocha Served from 2007 to 2023, representing Isuikwuato and Umunneochi Federal Constituency of Abia State and Hon. Ifeanyi Chudy Momah Served from 2003 to 2011, representing Ihiala Federal Constituency of Anambra State both from South East. 

Hon. Essien Ayi Served from 2003 to 2015, representing Oron, Mbo, Okobo, Udung-Uko and Urue-Offong Federal Constituency of Akwa Ibom State and Hon. Leo Ogor Served from 2007 to 2023, representing Isoko Federal Constituency of Delta State, both from South South. 

All of these members served more than two terms, as listed above. Section 14(2)(a) of the Nigerian constitution states, “The security and welfare of the people shall be the primary purpose of government. ” This section implies that members of the government, including the House of Representatives, have a responsibility to serve the interests of their constituents. 

As we know, the responsibilities of a member of the House of Representatives as outlined in the Nigeria constitution, are to play a crucial role in creating and voting on laws, they are expected to: assist their constituents, addressing their concerns and helping them navigate government services, members also can speak on the House floor to express their views on legislation, policies and issues affecting their constituents, members vote on bills that impact their constituents, ensuring that their voices are heard in the legislative process, doing all these they must ensure that they are in the best interest of their constituents.

Looking at these responsibilities laid out in the backbone of Nigeria’s leadership framework (Constitution), every good citizen should abide by the rule of law documented in it. Kamfani Auyo initially accepted these responsibilities, but after being sworn in, he turned away from the law and acted in ways that pleased only himself and his party leaders. We have often heard that he gifts cars and other things to these leaders to gain their support so that he can run as he likes. 

Some people in his constituency feel that Kamfani Auyo has not fulfilled the responsibilities that rest on his shoulders. Their criticism concerns his inability to raise motions among his fellow members and address some pressing issues in his constituency. Some argue that his lack of deep western education is the reason for this, but I oppose that notion. 

If we consider how his fellow member from the same state, Hon. Muhammed Gudaji Kazaure, representing Kazaure, Roni, Gwiwa, and Yankwashi, used his unpolished grammar to address his people’s problems, it became a habit for the Speaker of that reign, Femi Gbajabiamila, to ask Kazaure if there was an issue he needed to bring to the House. 

So, why can’t he learn from Kazaure and do what is necessary for the interest of his people? We didn’t vote for him to simply sit and watch his fellow members discuss their people’s problems while there are numerous issues in his constituency, day by day, putting the lives of many at risk—like kidney disease, which is primarily affecting the elderly, leaving their families in grief and sorrow to this day. 

Many federal roads require reconstruction due to the accidents they cause, which result in the loss of limbs and, all too often, lives. Yet, inaction persists, as funds are merely allocated to purchase motorcycles for a select few, while a portion is distributed as small amounts of capital to a few of his political associates, which they then boast about on social media—that’s all. 

Their low IQ prevents their supporters from urging their masters to prioritise lasting solutions for themselves and future generations. They consider the sums he occasionally gives to them—taken from the millions in the constituency’s treasury—sufficient, even though they cannot even cover their basic needs. Their online defenses are full of unpolished rhetoric and spelling errors. He is merely using them for his own benefit. Unfortunately, their cognitive sense is not in a good condition to understand this. 

May God be our helpers.

Garba Sidi wrote via sidihadejia@gmail.com. 

By Hadiza Abdulkadir

Kano State Government has inaugurated a High-Powered Committee to profile and regulate Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) and donor organizations operating within the state. The move aims to ensure transparency, accountability, and alignment with the state’s development priorities.

Speaking at the inauguration, the Secretary to the State Government (SSG), Umar Faruk Ibrahim, emphasized the crucial role of NGOs in sectors such as health, education, and governance. However, he noted growing concerns about unregulated activities, necessitating a structured oversight framework.

The committee has been mandated to profile all NGOs and donor organizations, investigate their funding sources, assess their activities, and recommend a regulatory framework. It has also been granted the authority to suspend or shut down any organization found engaging in suspicious or unauthorized activities. Additionally, it can escalate cases to security agencies for further investigation and prosecution if necessary.

The committee is chaired by Comrade Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya, the Commissioner for Information and Internal Affairs, with Mallam Tijjani Auwal, the Commissioner for Religious Affairs, serving as Vice Chairman. Other members include key government officials, security agencies, civil society representatives, and religious groups.

In his remarks, Waiya assured that the committee would carry out its mandate with diligence and fairness to ensure NGOs operate within legal and ethical boundaries while contributing to Kano’s development agenda.

The committee is expected to work closely with stakeholders to enhance transparency and accountability in the operations of NGOs and donor organizations in the state.

By Fatimat Ibrahim Abedoh 

Students frequently justify their disappointing academic performance by claiming they intended to pursue a different course but ended up in another or that they dislike their current course. Kudirat Oyiza Abdulkareem has disproved this narrative by demonstrating dedication and a strong desire for success.

When Kudirat Oyiza arrived at Bayero University, Kano (BUK), in 2018, she was filled with uncertainty. She had applied for Medicine, but fate had other plans. She was offered Forestry and Wildlife Management, a course she had never even heard of. At that time, the only image that came to her was of lions.

Her mother was the only one who seemed familiar with the course, as her late father had been a forest officer. However, she was too young to remember what he did. Confused and unsure, she considered rewriting JAMB, but her sister advised her to give the course a chance.

Turning Uncertainty into Excellence

The first semester was tough. The weight of studying a course she had not chosen left her unmotivated. Yet, despite her doubts, she ended the semester with the highest GPA in her faculty with 4.72. Instead of celebrating, her sister reminded her that she could do even better. A friend encouraged her to set a higher standard for herself, grading her performance as though she were still in her secondary school, NIOMCO Staff Secondary School, where an “A” started at 80% instead of BUK’s 70%.

With this mindset shift, she achieved a perfect 5.0 GPA in her second semester at the 100 level.

Finding Purpose Beyond Grades

By the 200 level, she had started seeing Forestry and Wildlife Management beyond academics. She became curious about its real-world applications and how to use her knowledge to tackle climate change, food insecurity, and environmental sustainability. This curiosity led her to connect with forestry students worldwide, engage in meaningful discussions, and explore the impact of her field.

Her passion for the environment extended beyond her studies. She traveled across the country, attending various developmental projects and workshops related to her course, visiting six states. She also volunteered with over 10 organisations, mostly remotely, using her skills to address pressing environmental issues.

In addition to her academic work, she co-founded the Forestry and Wildlife Student Association of Nigeria, BUK chapter, where she served as the financial secretary in her final year.

Overcoming Challenges and Staying Resilient

Her journey was not without challenges. Financial struggles loomed over her education, and there were times when different individuals paid her school fees. Even her faculty stepped in to support her. To ease the burden, she applied to teach during school breaks to earn money, an experience she cherished as it aligned with her passion for teaching.

Time Management: A Key to Success

Despite all her engagements and travels, Kudirat Oyiza remained focused on her academics. Her secret? Time management. She was conscious of how she spent her time, balancing her studies, social life, and work commitments.

“I know my brain doesn’t retain half-baked information,” she admits. 

As a slow learner, she needed to review material multiple times to grasp concepts fully. While others might read something once, she would read it three to four times until it stuck. She also knew that her brain wasn’t efficient at night, so she developed a unique scheduled time for mainly reading mornings. 

She always set targets for herself and monitored her time carefully to meet them. During exams, she allocated time based on the number of questions and avoided dwelling on a single one, no matter how confident she was. This strategic approach to time management became her trademark.

A Grand Finale: Graduating at the Top

Fast-forward to 2025, she graduated as the best student in her department, faculty, and the entire university, which speaks volumes about her determination and resilience.

Looking back, she sees her success as a reward for hard work, not just a gift. 

She remains grateful to God, her siblings, friends, mentors, and everyone who supported her through the highs and lows.

But this is just the beginning. She is eager for the next chapter, ready to take on new challenges with the same grit and passion that brought her this far.

She says, “Do the things others aren’t willing to do, and you will get the things others will never have.”

Fatimat Ibrahim Abedoh, a Fellow PRNigeria, writes via abedohzahara@gmail.com.