Northern Nigeria

By Muhammad Sulaiman

The Senate of the Federal University Birnin Kebbi (FUBK) has commended Dr. Leo Stan Ekeh, CEO of Zinox Group and Founder of konga.com, for his generous commitment of fifty million naira to enhance the university’s IT infrastructure. The commendation was issued at the 34th Senate Meeting held on Thursday, 30 January 2025, in the Senate Chambers of the university. 

The Senate acknowledged the tremendous support and commitment of the IT boss and philanthropist, who is passionateabout education and technological development in the institution and the country at large. 

Chairman of the Senate and Vice Chancellor of FUBK, Prof. MZ Umar, informed the Senate that he, along with the Chancellor of the University, HRM Eze (Dr.) Cletus I. Ilumuanya, CON, the Obi of Obinugu, recently visited Dr. Ekeh in Lagos, where he reaffirmed his commitment to providing the university with essential IT resources.

FUBK Bulletin reports that Dr. Ekeh received an honorary Doctorate from the University at the maiden combined Convocation ceremony, held on 12 October 2024.

Meanwhile, the Senate considered the Examination Results for the 2023/2024 Academic Session after Dr. Mohammed Bashar Danlami, the director of examinations and registration, presented them.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

No emirate, its Emir’s stool, or palace comes into existence without the foundation of law and authority, coupled with the community’s request, acceptance, loyalty, and support. This straightforward process involves the people’s demand, legislative endorsement, and executive approval.

The creation of the two new emirates and five chiefdoms by Governor Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri was guided by two principles: first, the community’s request and demand, and second, the provisions of the Adamawa State Chiefs (Appointment and Deposition) Law 2024, which has been formally gazetted and is now part of the state’s statutory framework. Without this law, the governor would lack the power and legal authority to fulfil the community’s requests.

The Fufore Emirate was established based on the demands of the 12 districts and their people. For those suggesting that Gurin, Malabu, and Ribadu or any other districts were coerced into joining the Fufore Emirate, consider the example of Zumo and Song. They chose not to join the new Yungur Chiefdom and remained with the Adamawa Emirate, while Gurin, Malabu, and Ribadu opted to be with Fufore. It’s straightforward: in a democracy, you get what you ask for.

Governor Fintiri didn’t simply wake up one morning and declare, “Let there be Fufore Emirate,” and it came into existence. It was the product of requests, demands, negotiations, mutual understanding, and the backing of law and authority.

There is a popular saying that one cannot cry more than the bereaved. Up to this moment, most of the noise about the creation of the Fufore Emirate is coming from people outside the 12 districts.

None of the 12 districts—Ribadu, Daware, Bengo, Verre, Nyibango, Kofsopah, Malabu, Malabu Kofa, Mayoine, Gurin, Beti, and Wuro Sham.—has filed a petition or challenged the creation of the Fufore Emirate or their inclusion in it. In fact, the heads of all 12 districts were the first to pledge their allegiance and pay homage to the new Lamido of Fufore, His Royal Highness Alhaji Sani Ahmadu Ribadu.

On behalf of the 12 district heads, the District Head of Malabu was both emphatic and unwavering in his expression of loyalty and support for the new Emirate during the reception of the new Emir in Fufore.

The Fufore Emirate, like any other emirate in Nigeria, is a product of law—established by the Adamawa State House of Assembly and gazetted in Adamawa. The emergence of the new Fufore Emirate, its Emir, and the allegiance and support of all 12 district heads and their subjects are outcomes of law, clear legal provisions, government authority, negotiation, and the people’s requests and demands. These are the fundamentals of tradition, custom, and democracy. 

Let us allow the citizens, friends, and neighbours of the Fufore Emirate to celebrate, as this expansion of horizons will foster development and strengthen unity, prosperity, and peace.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

The Northern Elders Forum (NEF) has strongly condemned the arrest and detention of the former Executive Secretary of the National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS), Professor Usman Yusuf, describing it as a political manoeuvre aimed at silencing opposition voices.

Professor Yusuf was apprehended by officials of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) at his residence in Abuja on January 29, 2025. He was subsequently arraigned before the Federal High Court in Abuja on January 30, 2025.

Justice Chinyere Nwecheonwu of the Federal High Court in Abuja refused to grant Yusuf’s bail, stating that the case should be adjourned to allow the EFCC time to amend the charges against him.

Reacting to the development, NEF’s spokesperson, Professor Abubakar Jika Jiddere, described the arrest as part of a broader political scheme to suppress opposition voices critical of certain government policies. The group has called for Yusuf’s immediate release, emphasising that silencing dissenting voices undermines democracy.

By Bilyamin Abdulmumin, PhD

Every nation has its beacon of hope. India has Mahatma Gandhi, Singapore, Lee Kuan Yew, China, Mao Zedong, South Africa, and Nelson Mandela. In the United States, it’s Abraham Lincoln, while Ghana reveres Kwame Nkrumah. Zimbabwe holds on to Robert Mugabe, Kenya to Jomo Kenyatta, Egypt to Gamal Abdel Nasser, and Ethiopia to Haile Selassie.

Northern Nigeria’s guiding light is Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto—a man whose name is written in gold on the sands of history. A towering figure with a heart as vast as the Sahel, he was a custodian of Islam, a protector of culture, a unifier of regions, and a calculated risk-taker. Bold in action and resolute in purpose, he stands tall as the North’s brightest son.

Almost all of Sardauna’s life and legacy have been well documented and were public knowledge; it has been told through various forms and platforms like nostalgia, reminiscence legends, truth, and myth. Sardauna is generally known for one thing: an unnegotiable love for the North- a love rooted in modernization and unification.

Thanks to Sardauna’s vision for proficient and disciplined graduates to fill the gap in the northern civil service, the all-encompassing, majestic, and larger-than-life ABU Zaria was born. Sardaunan’s vision for institutional independence extends beyond academia: it includes independence in finance, energy, media, aviation, and food security.

Monuments and megastructures in Sardauna’s name that still stand and reverberate speak volumes about the foresight, determination, and vision of this legendary figure. This uncommon vision for the North to develop and be independent fetched Sardauna, both friends and many foes. But it never deterred him. He forged on from strength to strength.

Whether known or unknown to Sardauna’s distractors, he was never anything close to being a bigot. His actions tell a different story: his consideration of the whole North transcends every primordial boundary like tribe, region, and religion. Sardauna merely wanted to discharge his duties best to the people he was entrusted with. If Sardauna could govern Nigeria, he would ensure the country excels among its peers. He will pursue the Nigerian interest with the same vigour and rigour as the North.

Perhaps the most controversial stance of Sardauna after the Northernization agenda was his determined campaign against independence. This is what Southerners and Easterners, especially his colleagues such as Awolowo, Akintola, and Azikiwe, could not wrap their heads against. Was it not the independence that people die to get, but here is a potential premier kicking against it or, at best, asking for its delay? This particular unpopular campaign that Sardauna embarked on and his colleagues in the North are two sides of the same coin.

As of 1952, when agitations for self-government began to mount, the majority of staff in the North were Whites, Southerners, and Easterners of Nigeria’s geopolitical zones, so Sardauna clamour was until the North became not only united and literate but capable of piloting its affairs before independence. This argument and most of other Sardauna’s interests would prevail, and the regional self-government was granted in 1955 to 56 instead, before the independence four years later.

This unprecedented vision of Sardauna for the delayed independence is a revolutionary—a potential antidote to the challenges plaguing many post-colonial nations. This could be the first time a potential president of a potential country could not be desperate, but instead harbour delayed independence subject to the capacity of the country.

Yesterday marks 59 years since Sardauna’s cold-blooded assassination by Lieutenant Colonel Nzeogwu. Yet, his legacy lives on, etched in the hearts of Northerners and Nigerians alike. May Allah forgive the shortcomings of North’s brightest son and grant him Jannatul Firdaus, amin.

Bilyamin Abdulmumin, PhD, wrote via bilal4riid13@gmail.com.

By Hamisu Adamu Dandajeh, PhD

Recently, I have not encountered anyone more deserving of an Honorary Doctorate Degree globally than Sheikh Sharif Ibrahim Saleh Al-Hussaini Maiduguri CON. The 87-year-old global scholar and researcher has authored over 400 books and 100 conference papers in Arabic. 

Sheikh is a global mufti who currently heads the Supreme Council for Fatwa and Islamic Affairs in Nigeria (NSCIA). Throughout Nigeria’s history as a nation, no recognised Islamic scholar has made such remarkable contributions to the body of quality knowledge as the Mufti himself.

This renowned Sheikh embodies knowledge and humility and is a product of the Tsangaya System. Sheikh Sharif is, in fact, overly qualified. European universities established an Honorary Doctorate in the 15th Century to recognise exceptional individuals who have made substantial contributions to a particular field, society, and humanity despite lacking traditional academic credentials.

Sheikh Sharif has written extensively on nearly every facet of Islam, encompassing Quranic sciences, Hadith, Islamic law, history, philosophy, Islamic jurisprudence, linguistics, Islamic polity, Tauhid, Fiqh, Tafseer, Sufism, Arabic literature, Islamic law, inheritance, astronomy—indeed, astronomy—and the peaceful coexistence between nations.

While some universities worldwide have drifted away from the 15th-century original purpose of awarding Honorary Doctorates, instead prioritising celebrity appeal, fundraising, politics, diplomacy, and commercialisation, Ahmadu Bello University in Nigeria remains committed to upholding the original intent, as evident in the recent award to Sheikh Sharif. 

Sheikh Sharif has spent his entire life teaching, learning, researching, and contributing to community development, which aligns with the exact purpose of universities globally. He has exemplified scholarship and knowledge sharing, promoted interfaith dialogue, and fostered a culture of peaceful coexistence. 

Sheikh Sharif has produced many scholars of global repute, including Sheikh Professor Ibrahim Maqari, now the Chief Imam of the Central Mosque in Nigeria. He is building one of the biggest Islamic centres (Markaz) in Abuja to advance international teaching and research.

Sheikh Sharif brings class, integrity, dignity, and prestige to the Honorary Doctorate. We hope that, going forward, the nomination, review, selection, and conferment processes will remain transparent and accountable. 

To know what is next for Nigerian universities after this remarkable award, here is what Abdulbasit Kasim, a friend and a postdoctoral fellow at the African and American Studies at Stanford University, USA, added: “After awarding Shayk an honorary doctorate, Ahmadu Bello University should proceed to the next phase of translating and incorporating his books into the University curriculum. If I can include Shayk’s work on history, politics, philosophy, and economics in my Stanford syllabus, there is no reason why Nigerian students in humanities and social sciences should study Antonio Gramsci and Karl Popper but not Sharif Ibrahim Saleh and Adam Abdallah al-iluri. While this honorary degree has aesthetic value, I hope Ahmadu Bello University will diversify and broaden the curriculum beyond [the] Western canon.”

Thank you, Ahmadu Bello University, for honouring an erudite scholar. Congratulations, Sheikh Sharif Ibrahim Saleh Al-Hussaini Maiduguri, on your well-deserved Honorary Doctorate in Law award.

Hamisu Adamu Dandajeh, PhD, is a Senior Lecturer in Sustainable Fuels, Energy and Climate Change at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria – Nigeria.

By Isah Dahiru

The recent interview with popular Kannywood actress Nafisa Abdullahi has ignited a heated debate across the social landscape of northern Nigeria, capturing the attention of various commentators, particularly on social media. In her comments, Nafisa made a bold assertion, claiming she is in complete control of her body and mind, and no external pressure will sway her from dressing or presenting herself as she chooses. While many regard Nafisa as a rising icon in the realm of feminism, others view her stance as a challenge to societal norms, often overlooking moral values and even biological realities that define the differences between men and women.

However, I firmly believe that Nafisa and those who share her views are fundamentally misguided. Our bodies are not commodities to be paraded for public admiration. We are not here merely to fulfil some visual pleasure or as adornments for others’ gaze. Instead, we are human beings endowed with dignity and deserving of respect. As the saying goes, “Modesty is the garment of wisdom,” and our attire should reflect the strength of our character, not just the shapes of our bodies.

Some may view Nafisa’s perspective as a rallying cry for women’s rights, but we must question: at what cost? Feminism, when reduced to a struggle for the right to dress indecently or act without moral constraints, becomes an empty movement. True feminism should not undermine the fundamental principles of respect, but rather empower women to pursue their dreams, shape their futures, and contribute meaningfully to society. Yet, today, far too many feminists have turned their movement into a celebration of physicality and superficiality, often at the expense of deeper issues that affect women—such as access to education, healthcare, and opportunities for economic advancement.

“Not all that glitters is gold,” and the so-called “empowerment” that comes from making oneself a spectacle for public approval is fleeting at best. Our communities need leaders who inspire change through actions that address real problems, not through empty displays of vanity. Nafisa and her supporters must realise that feminism was never about endorsing self-destructive behaviours but advancing equality and opportunity for women, especially in the most critical areas—health, education, and justice.

Moreover, the widespread glorification of such behaviours leads to a dangerous distortion of the feminist narrative. In the pursuit of gender equality, many have lost sight of the core values that have guided humanity for centuries. As the Yoruba proverb says, “A child whose mother does not discipline will be disciplined by the world.” While Nafisa may feel empowered by her choices, she must ask herself whether these choices empower women or diminish their potential. Are they fostering respect, or are they merely setting up an unrealistic, unsustainable standard that undermines the integrity of the feminist movement?

The case of Nafisa is also emblematic of a broader issue in modern-day feminism: the movement has become entangled with other societal problems, including the normalisation of self-objectification. This is particularly damaging in northern Nigeria, where the pressures of social norms and expectations are often at odds with personal freedoms. It is one thing to advocate for women’s rights but another to ignore the vital cultural and moral fabric that holds communities together. The old adage, “When you are in Rome, do as the Romans do,” speaks to the importance of understanding context and respecting traditions that shape our societies.

Furthermore, it is essential to note that the modern feminist movement has, in many ways, become an outlet for personal grievances—whether stemming from personal insecurity or trauma. In some cases, it’s a response to physical abuse, neglect, or toxic home environments. Unfortunately, this mindset often distorts the movement into focusing on external appearance and aggressive defiance rather than internal healing and social harmony. Feminists like Nafisa who endorse such ideologies must ask themselves: Are we fighting for the right to make healthy, empowered choices, or are we simply reacting to our wounds?

“Empty vessels make the most noise,” the proverb warns. Feminism, when misdirected, can become just that: an empty echo of ideals without true substance or lasting impact. Instead of dwelling on appearances, activists should channel their energy into solving tangible issues affecting women daily. Why not focus on creating innovative solutions for women in business, technology, or healthcare? Why not work toward making pregnancy and childbirth safer for women in rural areas? Let’s think about addressing the millions of girls who are denied an education or the thousands of children living on the streets of cities like Jos and Kano. These are the real battles feminists should be fighting.

The world has always advanced through the cooperation of men and women, and both genders have vital roles to play in society’s development. Nafisa and her followers should consider taking a more constructive approach. Instead of focusing on outward appearances and ideological battles, they could use their platforms to bring about meaningful change. 

Let Nafisa invest her energy into projects to help women access technology, provide better healthcare, or champion the cause of good governance. As the saying goes, “A man with a good wife is like a man with a treasure chest”. True success comes not from looking beautiful for the world but from making contributions that endure long after physical beauty has faded.

Time waits for no one. The years spent in idle pursuits are years lost. Like all of us, Nafisa is in her prime, and it is her responsibility to use this time wisely. Rather than spending it on fleeting concerns like hair and makeup, let her invest in causes that uplift women and contribute to the collective well-being of society. Her legacy can be more than just a pretty face—it can be one of deep, transformative impact. “He who does not cultivate his own field, let him not expect to reap the harvest.”

The choice is hers—will she become a true role model, not just for how she dresses, but for the change she brings to the world?

By focusing on true empowerment and social progress, Nafisa can transcend the superficiality of celebrity culture and contribute to a more meaningful, lasting legacy for herself and the women who look up to her.

Isah Dahiru is a pharmacist who wrote via easerdahiru@gmail.com.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

“Change is the only constant in life,” -ancient Greek philosopher Heraclitus.

The Danfodio Jihad, led by Sheikh Usman Dan Fodio in the early 19th century, had several prominent flag bearers. These individuals were given flags by Usman Dan Fodio as symbols of authority to lead the jihad in different regions. The most notable flag bearers include:

 1. Muhammad Moyijo – Kebbi

 2. Abu Hamid – Zamfara

 3. Ummaru Dallaji – Katsina

 4. Mallam Musa – Zauzau

 5. Mallam Isiyaka – Daura

 6. Mallam Suleiman – Kano

 7. Buba Yaro – Gombe

 8. Mallam Alimi – Ilorin

 9. Mallam Dendu – Nupe

 10. Mallam Yakubu – Bauchi

 11. Modibbo Adama – Adamawa

 12. Mallam Zaki – Katagun

 13. Mallam Sambo – Hadejia

 14. Mallam Dantunku – Kazaure

 15. Muhammad Manga – Misau

 16. Muhammad Wabi – Jama’are

 17. Muhammadu Namoda – Kauran Namoda

 18. Sambo Dan Ashafa – Yan’Doto

Over time, these scholars and leaders and their territories evolved from jihad leaders and scholars to traditional authorities—‘The Native Authority’—which the British later integrated into their indirect rule system. Emirs in the northern emirates wielded substantial power over their territories, overseeing local administration, tax collection, law enforcement, judicial authority, and maintaining order.

In 1976, during local government reforms under General Yakubu Gowon’s administration, the Native Authority system was formally replaced with a standardized, democratic local government structure across Nigeria.

Initially, emirates and chiefdoms in Nigeria had no graded ranks—only First Class Emirs, Chiefs, and Hakimis or Dakacis. Over time, a grading system (First, Second, and Third Class) was introduced, which the emirates, chiefdoms, and their people adapted to.

These territories witnessed the creation of states and local governments and the emergence of new emirates and chiefdoms. For instance, Gombe State now has nine first-class emirs:

 1. Abubakar Shehu-Abubakar: Emir of Gombe and Chairman of the State Council of Emirs and Chiefs

 2. HRH Alh. Abdulkadir Haruna Rasheed: Emir of Dukku

 3. Muhammad Kwairanga Abubakar: Emir of Funakaye

 4. HRH Ahmad Usman Mohammed: Emir of Deba

 5. Umar Muhammad Atiku: Emir of Akko

 6. HRH Alh. Adamu Haruna Yakubu: Emir of Pindiga

 7. HRH Alh. Umar Abdulsalam: Emir of Gona

 8. HRH Alh. Muhammed Dadum-Hamza: Emir of Nafada

 9. HRH Alh. Abubakar Ali: Emir of Yamaltu

Gombe State also has five chiefdoms: Mai Tangale, Folo Dadiya, Mai Kaltungo, Mai Tula, and Dala Waja. The Tula Chiefdom carved out of the Kaltungo Chiefdom, was created in 2001 by the Gombe State House of Assembly.

Similarly, Bauchi State has six first-class emirs: Bauchi, Katagum, Misau, Jama’are, Ningi, and Dass.

Borno, not part of the Danfodio Jihad, has eight emirates: Borno, Bama, Damboa, Dikwa, Biu, Askira, Gwoza, Shani, and Uba. The Uba Emirate was created in 1976.

The Kano Emirate has experienced the creation and abolition of emirates by successive governments. Governor Abubakar Rimi established new emirates in 1979, which Governor Sabo Bakin Zuwo reversed in 1983. Governor Abdullahi Ganduje recreated them, but only Governor Kabir Yusuf reversed the decision. On June 16, 2024, Kabir Yusuf signed the bill, creating Gaya, Rano, and Karaye as second-class emirates within Kano State. The Kano Emirate has navigated these changing times, which is inevitable!

As of April 25, 2023, there are 28 first-class traditional rulers in Nasarawa State. In April 2023, Governor Abdullahi Sule announced the elevation of the status of 22 traditional rulers in the state.

Taraba State has 56 graded chiefs: 6 first-class, nine second-class, and 40 third-class. Former Governor Darius Ishaku created 9 of the traditional chiefs.

Emirates and chiefdoms have transformed, their people have evolved, and their geography has been altered. Some were established during the Danfodio Jihad, others through historical processes, and some by administrative laws.

The Sardauna Province, with its emirates and chiefdoms in both Adamawa and Taraba states, is a product of recent history, created after the United Nations referendum of February 11, 1961, in which 59.97% voted to join Nigeria. Sir Ahmadu Bello promised that those who joined Nigeria would be granted a separate province with benefits similar to those of Northern Nigerians- thus, the present emirates and chiefdoms in the province.

Leaders with foresight accept change and encourage and push for it. It was reported that when the administration of former Governor Boni Haruna of Adamawa State considered upgrading the Hama Bachama, Gangwari Ganye, Emir of Mubi, Amna Shelleng, Murum Mbula, and Kwandi Nunguraya (Chief of Lunguda Kingdom) to first-class status, the late Lamido Aliyu Mustapha also advised and encouraged the upgrading of the Hama Bata. Surprisingly, the late Lamido Aliyu Mustapha was the only first-class Emir in Adamawa State at the time, and his emirate was one of the largest in the Danfodio Dynasty, spanning parts of Cameroon, Chad, including Central Africa. 

When Governor Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri announced the appointments of emirs and chiefs for two newly created emirates and four chiefdoms, some people questioned the appointment of His Royal Highness Sani Ribadu as the new Emir of Fufore Emirate. They overlooked and forgotten the fact that emirates and chiefdoms have evolved.

Individuals without royal lineage have become kings, emirs, and chiefs. Traditional titles are now more accessible, and the role of kingmakers has also evolved, with emirates and chiefdoms determining their kingmakers. Emirates, chiefdoms and kingdoms have evolved, their territories have transformed, and their people have embraced the inevitable changes of time.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Abubakar Aminu Ibrahim

Language is a powerful tool. It shapes how we think, communicate, and understand our beliefs. In the Islamic faith, words carry immense weight, for they are tied to sacred meanings and spiritual truths. This is why using the term “Qur’anic festival” to describe any event associated with the Qur’an is both misplaced and misleading. While the word “festival” may seem innocuous, its implications are incompatible with the spiritual essence of the Qur’an and the traditions it upholds.

A festival is often marked by joy, festivities, and entertainment. While it can sometimes carry religious undertones, its modern usage is predominantly cultural or secular. On the other hand, the Qur’an is a divine revelation—a book of guidance, wisdom, and moral discipline. It is meant to elevate the soul, inspire reflection, and connect individuals to their Creator. Associating the Qur’an with a “festival” risks reducing its sacredness to something casual, even trivial.

Consider the Islamic celebrations of Eid al-Fitr and Eid al-Adha. These are joyous occasions deeply rooted in worship, gratitude, and submission to Allah. Their joy is spiritual and reflective, not superficial. To call these occasions “festivals” would diminish their profound meanings. Similarly, attaching the word “festival” to the Qur’an creates a disconnect between its sacred purpose and the secular image that the term often evokes.

Moreover, using the term “Qur’anic festival” opens the door to misinterpretation. To the uninformed, it might conjure images of parades, loud music, or revelry—activities that Islam often cautions against when taken to excess. For instance, a Qur’anic recitation event might aim to deepen one’s connection to Allah, but labelling it a “festival” could unintentionally attract a crowd expecting entertainment rather than spiritual enlightenment. Precision in language is vital in Islamic traditions, and terms like “gathering” or “symposium” better preserve the solemnity of such occasions.

The Qur’an is not just a book; it is Allah’s final message to humanity, and its recitation, study, and understanding are acts of worship. To frame these sacred practices as part of a “festival” undermines the dignity of the Qur’an and the reverence Muslims owe to it. Imagine referring to a gathering for tahajjud (night prayers) or a Qur’anic competition as a “festival.” Such terminology strips the event of its spiritual depth and misrepresents its purpose.

It is also important to, with all sense of humility, caution scholars and traditional leaders against carelessly inventing new terms or traditions on a whim. If some have historically criticised the celebration of Maulud (the Prophet’s birthday) as an innovation, why then should the term “Qur’anic festival” be any less scrutinised? This is not to argue the correctness or incorrectness of the concept of Maulud, Qur’anic events or similar practices but to highlight the inconsistency in applying principles of linguistic and theological precision. The issue is, first and foremost, with the choice of the word “festival” attached to the Qur’an.

The Qur’an deserves words that uplift its message, preserve its sanctity, and reflect its divine status. It is a guidance for humanity, a light for those in darkness, and a connection to Allah that transcends worldly pleasures. Let us honour its dignity by rejecting terms that fail to encapsulate its sacred purpose.

Abubakar Aminu Ibrahim (AbuMuhd) can be reached via matazu247@gmail.com.

By Salisu Uba Kofarwambai

“Daba” comes from the Hausa term for a gathering place where people would sit and converse during their leisure time. Over time, the term took on a different connotation, referring to a spot where idle individuals would congregate, discuss, and plan their criminal activities, often fueled by drug addiction.

Historically, Hausa society had warriors known as Yan Tauri. These brave adventurers possessed magical powers and charms that made them nearly invincible in battle. They were also skilled hunters, often engaging in fierce competition over their prey. However, the Maitatsine crisis in the late 1970s to early 1980s marked a turning point for Yan Tauri. The crisis erupted when the followers of the heretic preacher Maitatsine clashed with the Nigerian government. 

Maitatsine, a Quranic teacher from Cameroon, had attracted a large following in Kano before beginning to preach against orthodox Islamic teachings. He started labelling people as infidels for merely watching TV or drinking tea with milk. When his son was killed at the street fight in Sabon Gari, Maitatsune started attacking people and killed many Kano residents.

The federal government refused to intervene, mainly due to party rivalry and Governor Abubakar Rimi’s criticism of the ruling party, NPN, and President Shehu Shagari. Thus, the Kano state government was left to handle the crisis on its own. The state government enlisted Yan Tauri’s help to combat the Maitatsine followers. Yan Tauri fought bravely, killing many followers, but this exposure to violence and bloodshed had a profound impact on them.

Following the Maitatsine crisis, Yan Tauri began to metamorphose into Yan Daba, a group notorious for their thuggery and violence. Politicians exploited Yan Daba for their gain, employing them as enforcers and thugs. During Governor Rimi’s tenure, the divide within the People’s Redemption Party (PRP) in Kano State further exacerbated the situation. The party split into two factions: the Santsi group, led by Governor Rimi, and the Tabo group, led by Malam Aminu Kano. Both factions employed Yan Daba thugs, leading to a deadly fight between the two groups.

Notorious Yan Daba members during this period included Gogarma, Mal Hadi, Gambo Cooperation, Sarki Change, Sabo Wakilin Tauri Mai Adashin Sara, Uba Dala Bala Turu, and many others. These thugs were known for their brutality and willingness to do whatever it took to achieve their objectives.

The reign of terror by Yan Daba continued until Major General Muhammadu Buhari came to power in 1983. Buhari’s administration cracked down on Yan Daba, arresting, killing, or forcing many of its members to flee Kano.

Then, in 1989, during General Ibrahim Babangida’s effort to transition Nigeria back to civilian governance, the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and the National Republican Convention (NRC) were established. These parties significantly influenced Nigeria’s move towards democracy. However, they also, perhaps unintentionally, aided the revival of Yan Daba in Kano as politicians continued to manipulate them for personal gains.

Yan Daba’s activities plagued Kano, with members engaging in robbery, assault, and other forms of violence. The emergence of notorious gangsters marked their reign of terror.

With the return of democratic rule in 1999, Yan Daba continued to pose a significant problem in Kano. Politicians continue to exploit them for their own gain, and their activities remain a major challenge for law enforcement agencies. Over time, Yan Daba has evolved, with many members now engaging in phone robbery and other forms of cybercrime.

Today, Yan Daba remains a challenge, with members engaging in various forms of criminal activity. Their history should be a cautionary tale about the dangers of exploiting violence and thuggery for political gain.

Salisu Uba Kofarwambai wrote from Kano via salisunews@gmail.com.

By Usman Muhammad Salihu,

The Harmattan season, marked by cold temperatures, dry air, and dusty winds, is a distinctive weather phenomenon in Nigeria. It brings relief from the relentless heat of the dry season but comes with challenges that affect health, agriculture, transportation, and the economy. This fascinating yet demanding season requires careful management to minimise its effects on individuals and communities.

Health Woes in Harmattan

Harmattan has a significant impact on public health. The dusty winds carry fine particles that irritate the respiratory system, causing a surge in asthma, pneumonia, and other respiratory ailments. Those with pre-existing conditions often experience aggravated symptoms, with children and the elderly being the most vulnerable.

Cold temperatures exacerbate the situation, aggravating conditions such as arthritis and causing widespread skin dryness, flaking, and cracking. Chapped lips and eye irritation are common, while the prevalence of colds, flu, and other viral infections increases as the body struggles to adjust to sudden temperature drops.

To address these health challenges, individuals are advised to:

Dress warmly, especially during the mornings and evenings.

Wear protective masks to minimise exposure to dust-laden air.

Moisturise regularly and stay hydrated to maintain skin health.

Health facilities should prepare adequately, stock essential medications, and run public education campaigns to help people stay safe.

Transportation in Crisis

Harmattan haze, thick with dust, reduces visibility and disrupts transportation. It increases the risk of road accidents and causes delays or cancellations of air travel. These disruptions have far-reaching economic implications, hindering logistics, delaying goods, and frustrating travellers and businesses.

Agriculture and Environmental Risks

For farmers, Harmattan is both a blessing and a curse. While the dry conditions benefit certain crops, they also heighten the risk of bushfires, which can devastate farmlands and forests and worsen food security concerns.

To mitigate these risks:

Farmers should adopt sustainable practices, such as cultivating cold-resistant crops and implementing irrigation systems.

Communities must engage in bushfire prevention by practising responsible land clearing and safely disposing of flammable materials.

Economic Pressures

The economic burden of Harmattan is heaviest on low-income households. The increased demand for warm clothing, blankets, and heating appliances often leads to price hikes. Due to the harsh weather, outdoor workers, such as farmers and street vendors, experience reduced productivity, which impacts their earnings.

To alleviate these challenges, governments and non-governmental organisations can:

Provide subsidised or free warm clothing and healthcare services.

Launch public awareness campaigns to educate people about coping strategies.

Navigating Harmattan’s Challenges

Harmattan is a paradoxical season of relief and struggle—a vivid reminder of nature’s duality. Its challenges across health, transportation, agriculture, and the economy demand resilience and adaptability. With proactive planning, community support, and individual vigilance, Nigerians can turn this season into an opportunity to strengthen preparedness for future seasonal changes.

Usman Muhammad Salihu is a fellow of PRNigeria. He sent this article via muhammadu5363@gmail.com.