Politics

By Lawan Bukar Maigana

“Cowards die many times before their deaths; the valiant never taste death but once.”

When arguably the all-time world’s greatest playwright, Williams Shakespeare, penned the above immortal lines in Act 2 Scene 2 of Julius Caesar, he must have had a long peep into the future of one of his country’s colonies. Moreover, he must have envisioned a special kind of man who exudes rare courage and sound, consistent principles in all he does and at all times.

He is a man who abandons the bandwagon and chooses to remain on the side of truth, fairness and justice even if that stance is unpopular and can cost him his safety and freedom.

Why do some people have sleeplessness over the courage and audacity of Senator Kashim Shettima, a former Governor of Borno State, over his recent opinions on democracy, politics and good governance in Nigeria? Surprisingly, subtle threats are being expressed to warn him to thread softly in some quarters and platforms.

Kashim Shettima is not your kind of everyday politician. His inspirational life story has been that of courage, conviction and consistency and remaining on the right path, on the side of the oppressed and the vulnerable, through thick and thin.

Charismatic, sound, brilliant and masses-oriented, the qualified agricultural economist has dedicated the better part of his adult life to the service of his beloved people of Borno state.

The above outstanding qualities earned him the highest office in the state in 2011 after he served with distinction in at least four different ministries as Commissioner.

After a brilliant career as a first-rate banker, he was Commissioner for Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs (2008), Education (2009), Agriculture and Natural Resources, and finally, Health. He then contested the Governorship election in 2011 and defeated Muhammad Goni of the PDP.

His first term in office endeared him to the hearts of the people. He further proved himself to be a compassionate, responsible and responsive leader who was always there to meet Borno people at the point of their need. His emphasis was on youth and women empowerment and infrastructural upliftment of the state.

In one of his most quoted quotes, American civil rights icon, Martin Luther King Jr said: “The ultimate measure of a man is not where he stands in moments of comfort and convenience, but where he stands at times of challenge and controversy.”

The Boko Haram menace brought the rare leadership skills out of Shettima. He stood his ground to protect his people; he never ran away from the battle. Instead, he put his life on the line and confronted the monsters. He mobilized the police, rallied soldiers and established the Civilian JTF, which helped to stem the tide of the insurgency.

In September 2014, Maiduguri, the seat of government, became very vulnerable to being attacked and overran by insurgents. The fear was so intense that notable residents relocated their families to Abuja. However, Governor Shettima, who was out of the country for an official assignment, abandoned everything and returned to Maiduguri in a show of courage and patriotism. On his return, he mobilized residents towards rising in defence of their ancestry, and they succeeded in pushing the enemies back.

Based on the sleepless nights he endured in the latter part of his first tenure – moving from one shooting or bombing scene  to the other with countless bodies and a river flowing with blood and all the back and forth he did with Presidential Villa actors over whose responsibility it was to protect Borno people – most observers thought he would chicken out and not bother to seek the second term in office

He sought and won reelection in 2015 under the All Progressives Congress, APC, and was unanimously chosen as Chairman of the Northern States Governors’ Forum, an umbrella body of Governors in the 19 States in northern Nigeria.

Alongside sincere peacebuilding, Governor Shettima championed the Reconstruction, Rehabilitation and Resettlement of victims of insurgency. He focused so much attention on the expansion and remodelling of existing schools and building new boarding primary and junior secondary schools to cater for over 50000 unaccompanied orphans whose parents were killed by insurgents across the 27 local government areas of the state.

Shettima also identified and supported a fine, fantastic gentleman as successor so that the journey of good governance he started would not perish on the way. Since coming to power, Professor Babagana Zulum has elevated good governance to world-class. Zulum’s excellence is a massive credit to Shettima. Unlike others, the two great men complement each other a lot and have not been involved in any fight.

In February 2019, Shettima’s glittering political career entered a new chapter when he won the election to represent the people of Borno Central at the Senate. Since then, his voice has been one of the most audible and laudable in the fight for justice and rights for all Nigerians in the Senate.

Speaking truth to power is part of Shettima’s DNA, and no level of elite conspiracy or underhand, high-wire, discreet manipulations, schemings or threats would take that away.

A popular adage in street parlance says: “Something must kill a man.” It is often said to justify some risk-taking that could end a man’s life. But the good people of Borno and other Nigerians of good conscience will not sit by and watch any harm come to Shettima on account of his principled stand on justice, equity and fairness as we move towards 2023.

His political choices and comments are his entitlements. However, if some powerful, vested interests are so uncomfortable with the truth that they want to unleash ‘undesirable elements’ on him, the people are watching with keen eyes and vigilance.

The people of Borno and their allies outside the state will employ all legally permissible and legitimate means to protect Shettima from any form of harassment and intimidation. They will continue to support and protect him till he accomplishes his mission of doing what is just and fair to all and sundry in the polity, not only in Borno, North-East but Nigeria at large.

Lawan Bukar Maigana wrote from Wuye District Abuja and sent the article via Lawanbukarmaigana@gmail.com.

By Muwaffiq Fa’izu Saleh

Since the demise of Sen. Ali Wakili (RIP), many of us have taken an interest in who will succeed him, probably due to our admiration for the unique style in which he carried out the affairs of his constituency (as the then Chairman of the Senate Committee on Poverty Alleviation and member of various committees) to the numerous constituency and developmental projects. There came his replacement in the person of Sen. Lawal Yahaya Gumau, a.k.a. “Maliya”.

Many progressives doubted the ability and capability of Sen. Maliya to sustain the level of Wakili’s performance, not even surpass it. Therefore, all eyes were on him, whether he would deliver or not. Lo and behold, there came a silent achiever in him.

I, however, said “silent achiever” because of how it is being said. The achievements of Senator Gumau are too enormous to be silent, for they are conspicuous. From reviving long-abandoned boreholes to renovating and or constructing and reconstructing classrooms and providing essential reading and writing materials for primary and secondary schools, among other projects. These works cut across his constituencies.

The dividend of Democracy, they say, is the beneficial results of superficial investments made by the people to bring about a government to power. In Sen. Maliya, we have seen quite many of them. They can only be highlighted in the various empowerment programs in his constituents. These include distributing sewing machines, motorcycles, grinding machines, car washing machines, utility vehicles, and SUVs for his political associates, giving various gifts in cash and kind.

In today’s society, the importance of these laudable gestures cannot be overemphasised. As I heard him in one or two speeches where he made some promises, most or all that he focuses on are projects and developments that will directly touch people’s lives, and he made it clear that it always touches his heart to see people suffering. He rarely speaks, but he is a man that works the walk.

Furthermore, you have most likely heard once, twice, or even many times that Sen. Maliya has given an award, a scholarship, or an employment opportunity to a close associate or even a family member. I may not work with figures on these gestures, but some never come to the limelight until one circumstance or another brings them, and I believe some may never do so. I can tell you that of all the qualities of a distinguished senator, this particular one is the most fascinating to many of us. 

The religious institutions are not left out in the pools of the Senator’s good deeds as he extends his hands to them. Suppose you did not hear about him renovating and/or building this and that mosque. In that case, you must have heard about him giving one Imam/Sheikh/religious figure a big and luxurious car (s) or bus (es) for the smooth running of religious activities.

I cannot remember a week in the last couple of months that I didn’t see or hear about the Distinguished Senator fulfilling one promise or another and building on so many good works that he never even promised. It has now reached the extent that Gumau has a new slogan, “Maliya Mai Sati-Sati”. A few days ago, he did some of these stunts that became the talk of the town in a state whose government gives out “Akuya” as empowerment.

Bauchi may be a state where circumstances brought the PDP to govern. Still, with Senator Lawal Yahaya Gumau and many others in the APC making substantial positive impacts on their people, the PDP is already a standing-dead party only waiting to be buried come 2023.

Muwaffiq Fa’izu Saleh wrote from Bauchi State via muwaffiq005@gmail.com.

By Uzair Adam Imam

Students and their parents are worried as the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) threatens to embark on a fresh indefinite strike.

Recall that ASUU suspended its nine-month-long strike in 2020 after reaching an agreement with the Federal Government. Still, after a year, the government is yet to fulfil its promises to the union.

The ASUU’s strike has been described as one of the most lingering issues that has been paralysing Nigerian universities, leading to the delay in students’ graduation and the deterioration of the education system in the country.

Not only that, many people argue that the strike has destroyed the future of many promising youths.

In a statement on Thursday, the Chairperson of ASUU Kano State Branch, Comrade Haruna Musa, and the Union’s Secretary, Comrade Yusuf U. Madugu, declared Monday, February 7, 2022, as a lecture-free day.

Its essence is for ASUU to use the day to sensitise university students, parents and other stakeholders on the brewing crisis arising from the Federal Government’s failure to implement the existing agreements with the union judiciously.

Educational sector at the receiving end

A lecturer at the Department of Nigerian Languages, Bayero University, Kano, Dr Muhammad Sulaiman Abdullahi, said that the strike was killing the country’s educational sector and the economy.

Dr Abdullahi cried: “It is a sad development. It looks childish and an endless menace, especially to the Nigerian educational system. Strike has become a thorn in the flesh of Nigeria’s general development. No nation can prosper morally in such a nasty situation. It is, indeed, unfortunate.”

He added that the situation “generally makes people, teachers, students and their parents to become very dull and uncertain of their future. You can take it to the banks that crime rate will somersault, and new bad things will manifest within the wider community”.

Students at risk

The president of the Mass Communication Students Association (MACOSA), Bayero University, Kano chapter, Comrade Sadisu Sada, decried that industrial action in Nigerian universities had been there for quite a long time.

He said, “It is worrying. The issue affects students directly. And for me, the government is to blame.

“ASUU is doing her best to give the educational system all that it requires. If not, education would have died.”

Umar Isah Dandago, an undergraduate of the Department of Mass Communication in the university, also voiced his grievance, saying this would delay his graduation.

Dandago said: “We would have graduated if not for the 2020 strike. This is a serious problem. A lot of people want to do something, like setting up a new business after university, but because of the strike, it’s becoming almost impossible.”

He, therefore, urged the Federal Government to give ASUU what it demanded, saying, “I believe it’s not even half of what’s being squandered in some things that are not important to us. So let’s get the education we deserve as Nigerians so that we’ll be proud of our leaders and our country.”

Also speaking, Comrade Ibrahim Mukhtar Sulaiman, a level 300 student, said: “Sadly, students taking a four-year course will graduate in five, six or seven years. And this affects not only their academic careers but also their personal life.”

Parents raise alarm

As the strike looks imminent, some parents lamented that the brewing crisis between the government and ASUU jeopardises their children’s future.

A parent, Malam Adamu Kolo, who looked disturbed by the imminent strike, said that his son would have graduated if not for ASUU incessant strike.

Malam Adamu Kolo said, “My son would have graduated this year if not because of ASUU incessant strike. You can see that I am poor. I am hopeless. Our hope is on this boy.”

By Ahmad Deedat Zakari

The chieftain of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Bola Ahmad Tinubu, arrived at Murtala Muhammad International Airport in Lagos on Sunday, February 6, 2022, with a new look.

The 69-year-old presidential aspirant was unconventionally dressed in what many Nigerians called “youthful apparel.”

He was seen on a flat cap, black t-shirt underneath an unbuttoned blazer, scuba trousers and sneakers.

Tinubu was rumoured to be attending hospital for an undisclosed sickness in the United Kingdom. But his media aide, Tunde Rahman, has dismissed the rumour, stating that his principal was in the UK for consultations and meetings.

Tinubu’s ambition to lead Nigeria has stirred different reactions from people on social media considering his age and health status.

By Kabiru Danladi Lawanti

In a liberal democracy, political representation is a straightforward concept. In Nigeria, every four years, there are elections where citizens pause and turn back to see what their political representatives did to them during their four-year tenure. In a defined geographic area or constituencies, the citizens choose from a range of candidates—themselves citizens living in (or near) that same area—and elect a few to sit in the national assembly as representatives of the people of these constituencies. Yet both theoretically and in practice, it is far more complicated.

While representative democracy is often poetically described as government ‘of the people, by the people, for the people,’ it is not only the people who are represented: political parties, ideologies (in this sense religious and ethnic), business, urban and rural people — to name but a few—are also represented. Furthermore, even the very notion of ‘the people’ is amorphous as a representative cannot possibly represent the full diversity of ‘the people’ and all their divergent and conflicting interests.

Since the return of democracy in Nigeria in 1999, many representatives have been sent to Abuja to represent their constituency at the national level. These constituencies comprise a group of local government areas in a particular state. In some states, the constituencies are formed of a single local government area. For example, in Gombe State, there are six federal constituencies: Akko, which covers the Akko LGA, Balanga/Billiri that covers Balanga and Billiri LGAs, Dukku/Nafada that comprises Dukku and Nafada LGAs. Others are Gombe/Kwami/Funakaye, which contains Gombe, Kwami and Funakaye LGAs; Kaltungo/Shongom, which covers Kaltungo and Shongom LGAs and lastly, the Yamaltu/Deba federal constituency that covers Yamaltu/Deba LGA. These constituencies have sent representatives since 1999. Of particular interest to me is the Akko Federal Constituency, where I came from.

Politics, they said, is a network of no permanent foes but only connected interests. In the last 22 years, the constituency has had six representatives. Of this six, two remained the longest-serving representatives – Bello Suleiman and Usman Bello Kumo. Bello Mohammed spent only one tenure in the National Assembly, from 199-2003. In contrast, Umaru Barambu and Samaila Mu’azu Kashere spent two years each in the hallowed chamber after a court sacked Umaru Barambu in 2017.

To be fair to the reps mentioned above, each tried to develop the area in his way. However, a careful analysis of what came to the constituency in the last three and a half years cannot be compared to any in the previous 22 years. The level of human and capital development witnessed is unprecedented in the entire northeast. The only representative that can match the level of human and capital development brought to the constituency by Usman Bello Kumo (UBK) is Mukhtar Betara. This is obvious, knowing that Betara is Chairman House Committee on Appropriation.

A consummate and highly experienced politician, Usman Bello Kumo has a deep commitment and unrivalled passion for grassroots development. For instance, in his second coming alone, 2019 to date in the National Assembly, he has attracted infrastructural development in many areas of human development like education, health, water, roads, electricity, youth and women empowerment all over the constituency for the betterment of their economy and improved standard of living.

As Chairman, House Committee on Police, Hon UBK was able to also send more than 100 youth into the Nigeria Police Force. One thing is clear, UBK has always stood out among other politicians of his calibre. He has never allowed the trappings and grandeur of office to stand between him and his avowed goals of lifting his people from the shackles of poverty, hunger, disease, homelessness and mass unemployment.

As 2023 approaches, we shall soon be inundated with a mix of the serious, the incredible and sprinkles of the comical as political parties jostle to promote candidates of varying capabilities. These include those who appear to have genuine intentions for service to the people and aspirants who seem pretty content with no more than having their faces splashed around on party banners. Already, we have seen some campaigns of calumny against his person when some rabble-rousers, fighting for recognition, working under the instruction of politicians are sponsoring political jobbers to say many things against the man. This, they do discredit him in the eyes of his teeming supporters. One thing is clear; it seems UBK is not even distracted with these political mudslingers.

Holding onto his mission – an intense zeal for total political, economic and social liberation of his people, Hon UBK has always seen his primary vocation in the political arena as being one of service, duty, benevolence and charity towards his constituents. In this regard, he has abided by his campaign promises of using elective office to improve a lot of his people. This is the direct opposite of what his detractors are doing. His opponent definition of representation is that of trying to use political office to feather their nest, irrespective of the economic fortunes of the electorate that voted for them in the first place.

Notwithstanding these outstanding credentials and track record of success, we must remind Hon UBK, as stakeholders and indigenes of this area, that rural areas need his attention. Most of us in the rural regions of Akko, especially villages like Lawanti, Malam Jamo, Gamadadi, Akko and surrounding towns, are currently facing an acute shortage of water never seen in more than thirty years. My last visit in December 2021 to my home town made me pity the dwellers of these areas. Most have to travel many kilometres to get drinking water. Others use water from streams, competing with their animals. It is a pitiful scenario.

There are also allegations that his empowerment programmes are not all-inclusive. Recently, some communities in Gona District have a cause to go to press to complain that his empowerment programmes were only targeted at Kumo, his hometown. 

As a political maestro, who can be taken literally for his words, Hon UBK needs to pause and turn his attention to these people and listen to their complaints, even if they come from a minority voice. We have no doubt, considering the excellent job he did to his constituency in his first coming 2011-2015 and now, his words, as the proverbial saying goes, can be taken to the bank.

As we approach 2023, politicians, including Hon UBK, understand the importance of an alliance. There is no better time to do this than now. And I am sure he needs the rural areas to launch his return to the National Assembly.

Kabiru Danladi Lawanti wrote from the Department of Mass Communication, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, via kblondon2003@yahoo.com.

By Ahmad Murtala

Ever since Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu declared his ambition to succeed President Buhari earlier this month, the political sphere off and online stirred up debates in favour of Tinubu and the potholes along his way. People cite some irrelevant motifs that may hinder Tinubu’s success. However, these are not paramount of any buyable candidate at the moment, and of course, for the electorate.

The intrinsic status quo of our polity entertains those factors that undermine the democracy and the governance—rating region, tribe, religion, age, school attended, above competency and capacity going even further to dig up the ancestral root of a candidate. The result we are cultivating under this administration says a lot about the mistakes we’ve committed in the past – from  2015 to date—by using only those yardsticks to scrutinize a candidate. Can we still pelt with our intelligence to subscribe to the same mistake of the past come 2023, which appears new dawn to our country?

We imported the American presidential system of government, which is quite expensive and implemented its only cover page. It’s a multi-party system that compels too much spending which a saleable candidate capable of taking the lead is hindered from contesting by the processions. These include the ticket, the campaign, and the mobilization. In this context, two major parties are on the run, which the rest endorses the party that has the chance of winning in subterranean manoeuvre.

The Southeast has configured and domesticated PDP as its political party since 1999, while APC appears nascent in the region—the weakness of the ruling party and the deterioration of the security across the country under the watch of APC makes the nascent party lose its credibility far to the NE. If the president is to emerge from the region, two possibilities may arise.

First, northern people stereotype and characterize PDP as evil, callous and looters, which most of the states in the region are under. Second, APC has lost its shining plate before the people based on what appears on the ground since coming to power in 2015. Therefore, no matter the candidate’s credit from the SE, if APC deems it fit to give the flag bearer to the region to entertain zoning as postulated by some northern state governors, the chances are its success would be a bottleneck.

The polarization within the spheres of politics that SouthEast translates to secession if not given a chance to rule, it appears that PDP would have to play the same card of the last election, by choosing the running mate from the SouthEast, here the North would draw a line looking at the indices of the carnage their businesses faced in the region. Meanwhile, APC would play the South-West and the running mate from the North, perhaps a Muslim-Muslim ticket. The result would be determined by the primaries from the parties in a couple of weeks ahead.  

In those countries that have built the social establishments and have smooth working systems with literally little or no corruption, the age of presidential aspirants is not a matter of concern. We see Biden of US—unlike Nigeria when chunks of domestic battle are entangled yet to be addressed. The age of the candidate matters a lot in this context. Tinubu, who appears to be more robust so far from those who declared their aspiration, is brazenly feeble. If not a good diet and wealth make politicians appear strong, most of the politicians at the frontline ought to assume coach duties guiding the upcoming ones. We forbid the like we’ve seen in this administration by encasing the president in the Villa and plunging the country into anarchy.

From the view and the colour of the game, Atiku Abubakar, the former vice president, would swiftly take the PDP flag and Tinubu APC. Both have been dented by the people’s court to have maliciously accumulated wealth—having no other alternative polling box for the electorate. If history is to repeat itself, Buhari contested four times before he won. Now, Atiku is running on his fifth time is likely to have a smooth ride based on APC losing its credibility because of insecurity across the country. 

The extreme thirst for power to fulfil the ‘need hierarchy’ is not dangerous to the beholder alone. The motive is only to possess the authority without a sketched-architectural blueprint and clear manifestos which will coalesce with the national need. Buhari came on this platter, and the result is unbecoming.

So far, the two giants have not made it to the public the what-and-how to attend to the tangled problems agonizing every sector. The currently delicate security and imbalanced economy are at the top, strangling the country by the neck—finding it arduous to breathe. We, for now, don’t need the so-called ‘kingmakers’ who cannot heed or take advice from the public opinion but become foreign puppets—since, intrinsically, the presumption of superiority as the number-one citizen is established. 

Road to Villa 2023 must come from the parties and play the game card to sew the polarization across the region. The Villa in 2023 and beyond begs for a head that has both stick and carrot in his hands, the one who has a clear understanding of foreign policies and has immediate treatment to our problems, both short and long-term solutions. If to suggest best candidates, there are a multitude of them from SS, SW and NW, both fit in into position of President and Vice President, but for now, let’s see the outcome of the parties convention, which is the utmost decider.

Ahmad Murtala sent this article via ahmadmurtala@outlook.com.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

The battle for the 2023 elections will be fascinating. Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu has commenced a challenging but exciting quest to be President of Nigeria in 2023. Tinubu would face five significant obstacles.

Firstly, his faith. Secondly, the choice of a running mate. Thirdly, the rugged politics the PDP would play – the PDP may present a northern presidential candidate and just ‘Siddon-look’, putting the APC on the defensive. And fourthly, how the North would vote relative to Omatekun and anti-Fulani sentiments in the southwest. And fifthly, Vice-President Yemi Osinbajo supporters are on the move, solely focused on the presidency with confidence.

Tinubu, a Muslim from the Southwest, might have a free sail at home because of the complex nature of the socio-political settings of the southwest. But to appeal to other zones in the country, he will be in a quandary regarding his choice of a running mate. If he picks a Christian from the North, the bulk of APC support in the North, particularly the Muslim North, will look the other way. If he chooses a Muslim from the North, the country will undoubtedly be against a presidential Muslim-Muslim ticket. However, if the PDP picks its presidential candidate from the North, he may get some ‘relief’ in the South

Operation Amotekun and Sunday Igboho’s January 2021 one-week ultimatum to Fulani herders to vacate the southwest, Tinubu’s old statement – ‘ I don’t believe in one Nigeria’ will be another weapon that will be used against him in the North.

Tinubu’s war chest is enormous. His political tactics are shrewd; his political structure is solid, widespread, and well-organized They recently ‘bombarded’ the North and scared their opponents. Tinubu is a good candidate but has a big dilemma, as mentioned above.

On the other hand, the 2023 presidential election battle will be exciting – PDP will be on the offensive, while the ruling APC will be on the defensive. The flag bearers of either political party will also have many political hurdles to cross.

Most people expect the 2023 presidential election finale to be an Atiku vs a Tinubu game. Atiku vs Tinubu will be an interesting big game, a very BIG one. Two similar people with similar public perceptions and similar game styles; “I-know-you, you-know-me” scenario will come to play. The two have well-established political structures that can easily scare an opponent. They pay their bills; the contest would be 100 per cent politics, politics, politics- even the choice of the running mates. It will be a fascinating zero-sum game. Both have similar advantages and disadvantages.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Kabiru Danguguwa

January 15, 1966, was the beginning of ethnopolitical division in Nigeria, followed by a civil war a year later. One may argue that colonialists initiated this division when they amalgamated the two, perhaps unrelated, protectorates for easy administration and exploitation in 1914. This manifested in the political parties formed on ethnic lines as a prerequisite for self-rule. Whatever the genesis of our division might be, January 15 1966, has been instrumental.

Different regimes have made several attempts, perhaps in vain, to create unity in diversity to address the above issue. Unfortunately, our democracy has not been a solution either. In a book chapter published in 2018, I argued that Nigeria’s democracy had recorded only one achievement. That’s the sustenance of “democratic rule” since 1999 without the return of the military. This is an outstanding achievement indeed. Thus, I conceptualised Nigeria’s democracy as an electoral democracy.

One of the most critical steps in electoral democracy is the transfer of power from the military to civilians, which happened in Nigeria in 1999. The remaining significant features are conducting elections as provided by the constitution and governing citizens with at least some concern of the process of law. From 1999 to 2019, we witnessed six general elections every four years as the constitution demands. The government also, to some extent, care about the citizens. Political science students may agree that we are operating above a facade democracy and, of course, below the liberal democracy found in the West. Put simply, unlike some countries in Africa and Latin America; we keep our military in the barracks and other places they constitutionally belong.

On the other side of the coin, the 23-year old Nigeria’s democracy is full of conundrums. The democracy is so illiberal that some citizens think of going back to the colonial era or the least, returning to military dictatorship. We often celebrate former military heads of state, especially when comparing them with civilian leaders. We almost unanimously prefer the military personalities of the people that ruled as military heads of state to their characters as civilian leaders. What is wrong with our democracy?

As 2023 approaches, just like the previous general elections, Nigerians are being divided over the choices of political parties and candidates that will govern the county. Several divisions emerged; some have been with us since the 1960s, while others were recently created. The North-South division might have come to stay. Southwest-Southeast has also been there for decades. There’s also Igbo versus the rest of Nigeria, mainly connected to January 15, 1966, and the Civil War.

There are at least two recently created or popularised divisions: Yoruba versus the rest of Nigeria and Yoruba versus the North. The duo, especially the former, is connected to the alleged concentration of the present government’s efforts on the welfare and well-being of Lagos and Lagosians.

Other popular divisions are APC-PDP and intra-political party rivalry between camps and political groups. I don’t believe in the religious division, for there are many Christians in the North and numerous Muslims in the South. There is Nigerian youth versus old-timers rift.

Political trends show that Northern Nigeria is more united politically. The North showcased its unity in 2015 when Boko Haram was on the verge of crippling socio-economic activities in the region. Out of optimism, people hated the regime of the day in favour of a Northern candidate. Forgive my conceptualisation of the North to include those who see themselves as Northerners.

There is a need for another unity as the region faces another severe problem mightier than pre-2015 general elections. In 2023, we must gear our unity using our strengths to present candidates who can deliver irrespective of their backgrounds and political parties. The South has never, since 1999, been united, but Yorubas have been. Look at how Southwest (Lagos), with Vice President, has been benefiting from this administration at the expense of the entire country. I firmly believe that we should only be united, not too ambitious. They say “politics is a game of numbers”, and we have the “numbers”.

Kabiru Ibrahim Danguguwa lectures at the Department of History and International Studies, Yusuf Maitama Sule University, Kano. He can be reached via kabiru.ibrahim87@gmail.com.

By Abdulrahman Yunusa

Borno State Governor Prof. Babagana Umara Zulum’s dealings with the power are enough to prove that he is an exceptional political player. He is extra cautious when sensitive issues are involved regarding the people he leads. He stood for his armless people during the tough days of Boko Haram activities and succeeded.

Unlike any other politician, Zulum neither puts his personal interest above his people’s nor allows his sentiment to overshadow his rationality. On the contrary, he often puts his people first before anything else. Thus, this aptly depicts how he resembles a statesman rather than a politician.

To attest to this, look at how he confronted several tragedies in the past. He does everything to get his people out of the cave of fear. Meanwhile, his recent assertion that says, “I’m not a politician, it’s my destiny that made me governor”, is another point of contention.

Either he said this wittingly to make an endpoint for his political voyage because he figured out something despicable attached to his govt, and he can’t withstand it. Perhaps he gets compromised as other politicians do, or he isn’t satisfied with his performance as a leader. That’s what we anticipated from President Buhari and his cohorts. But, instead, they end up disappointing us.

However, I do not support Zulum quitting politics so soon because he is the only man I have utmost conviction and respect for. And with people of his likes out of this dirty game, I can say we will be at a loss till God knows when.

Though I don’t know what the future holds for us, I’m terrified of losing such a rare gem among Nigerian politicians, for they always stand unique and prove to be the best among the rest.

I pray to have a lot of people of his personality amidst these useless politicians of ours because no matter how awful things go, they will surely change the narratives.

May Allah protect our Zulum, amin.

Abdulrahman Yunusa is a political and public affairs analyst. He writes from Bauchi and can be reached via abdulrahmanyunusa10@gmail.com.

By Ibrahim Tukur

For many years, persons with disability have been encountering various forms of discrimination from the government of all levels in Nigeria. From the onset of Nigeria’s democracy, nay, independence, there had been the executions of different, life-changing, life-saving and life-enhancing projects. However, if meticulously observed, one can see that only a very few numbers of persons with disability have benefited from it. Finally, in its bid to battle against abject poverty, and thanks to the establishment of the National Disability Commission, the current administration began to make a difference.

Persons with disability, for many years, have been using various mediums to battle against the discrimination thrown at them by the government. They clamour for their right, but their efforts yield only a slight result. Although the current administration enacted a law prohibiting discrimination against persons with disability, it has yet to be implemented in its entirety.

Disability-based discrimination is a huge problem that seems to have abounded every nook and cranny of our country. Fighting such entails a decisive element in the vicinity where the discriminations exist.

Persons with disability in Nigeria receive little concern or attention from the government regarding employment, health, education, empowerment etc. This happens as a result of the fact that persons with disability do not have a voice that will fight for them.

To eradicate this irrational discrimination, persons with disability should participate in politics. They can then play roles or be advocates of good leadership to help their kind and the general public.

Ibrahim Tukur wrote via inventorngw@gmail.com.