Politics

By Garba Sidi.

It is with deep concern and growing anxiety that we observe the unfortunate political manipulation of development projects initiated by the former Chairman of Hadejia Local Government, Hon. Abdulƙadir Umar Bala, popularly known as T.O. Instead of initiating new projects of his own, the current Chairman, Honourable Yaro Abba Ari, has resorted to politicizing the legacy of his predecessor by either repainting existing infrastructure or dismantling projects completed under T.O.’s administration.

One glaring example is his unnecessary repainting of the town’s main gate — a project that had already been fully executed and completed before T.O.’s exit from office. Rather than embarking on a new initiative, the current chairman chose to repaint the already beautified gate just to claim credit, an act which many see as wasteful and driven by political jealousy.

Even more disturbing is his decision to demolish the small market built by the former chairman at Kofar Mandara within the town of Hadejia. That market had provided a much-needed business environment for local traders and also brought ease to residents in the neighbourhood who could access daily essentials without travelling far. This demolition represents not only a disregard for community welfare but also an irresponsible squandering of public funds invested in the project — an act that is completely unjust and alarming.

As it stands today, Honourable Yaro Abba Ari has spent a whole year in office as the new Chairman of Hadejia Local Government. Yet, there are no visible new projects or initiatives that have directly benefited the people of Hadejia. All we witness are his constant movements and public appearances with little or no tangible impact. The people of Hadejia continue to ask what exactly his administration is focused on, but we have yet to find a convincing answer.

Under the leadership of the former Chairman, Hon. Abdulƙadir Umar Bala (T.O), every ward or neighbourhood facing electricity challenges was provided with solar-powered streetlights. This significantly reduced crime and improved safety at night in those areas.

Moreover, the former Chairman supported the initiative of His Excellency Governor Malam Umar Namadi (Ɗanmoɗi), who had trained young people in borehole repairs. T.O. ensured that these skilled youths were employed by the local government to repair all faulty boreholes within Hadejia, thereby empowering them and improving access to clean water.

Recognising the water challenges faced by communities that rely on electric-powered boreholes, T.O. made it a point to distribute petroleum to every ward whenever there was a power outage. This allowed residents to run generators and continue to access water without interruption.

During his time in office, when Hon. Bala (T.O) noticed an increasing number of beggars — including women, young girls, and children — which was becoming a social problem, he initiated a reintegration program. He sent them back to their hometowns and provided them with startup capital to help them become self-reliant.

He also took decisive action against the growing problem of prostitution, especially among independent sex workers residing in the Gandun Sarki area. He ensured their relocation to their families and provided support to improve their lives, thereby contributing to the moral and social well-being of the entire Hadejia community.

In addition, the former Chairman did not forget the prisoners. He routinely visited the correctional facility in Modaci, Hadejia, to provide food and welfare materials to inmates, showing that his concern extended even to those behind bars.

He constructed numerous shops, aiming to stimulate the local economy and provide employment opportunities for the youth, paving the way for economic self-dependence.

Given all these progressive and people-centred efforts made by Hon. Abdulƙadir Umar Bala (T.O.) during his tenure, it is truly disheartening and alarming to witness the destruction and politicisation of his legacy. This act is motivated by political rivalry and not the public interest.

I am calling on the people of Hadejia to rise and take action — to rescue our town from the regressive direction it is being pushed into. We must unite to defend and preserve the progress that has been made, and ensure that our leaders are held accountable, not driven by political envy but by the duty to serve.

By Malam Aminu Wase

The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), once Nigeria’s foremost opposition force, is currently grappling with a profound internal crisis that threatens to undermine its political relevance ahead of the 2027 general elections. At the heart of this turmoil is the controversial role of the Acting National Chairman, Umar Damagun, whose leadership has come under intense scrutiny amid allegations of collusion with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration.

Sources within the party allege that Damagun has entered into a clandestine, financially motivated agreement reportedly worth billions of naira, prioritising personal enrichment over the party’s integrity and survival. Such accusations, if substantiated, confirm long-standing suspicions of internal sabotage that have contributed to the erosion of the PDP’s foundational structures and cohesion.

Compounding the party’s woes is the recent defection of two of its most influential stalwarts, former Jigawa State Governor Sule Lamido and former Kaduna State Governor Ahmed Mohammed Makarfi, who have openly declared their support for an emerging opposition coalition. Their departure signals not only a significant loss of political capital but also highlights growing dissatisfaction with the current leadership’s direction and strategy.

Within the PDP, a palpable divide has emerged. While some factions advocate for strategic alliances with other opposition groups to challenge the ruling party effectively, others insist on reinforcing the PDP’s internal mechanisms and rejecting any coalition that could dilute the party’s identity. Calls have also intensified for Damagun’s removal, citing constitutional provisions that mandate the national chairmanship be zoned to the North Central region, a directive the current leadership has been accused of flouting.

Despite these fractures, Damagun has publicly dismissed claims of disloyalty and sabotage, reaffirming the party’s commitment to reclaiming power in the upcoming elections. However, the growing unrest among party loyalists and the departure of key figures underscore the urgent need for the PDP to address its internal challenges decisively.

As Nigeria approaches the 2027 elections, the PDP faces a critical juncture. The party must navigate this internal upheaval with transparency, unity, and strategic foresight to restore confidence among its supporters and maintain its position as a viable opposition force. Failure to do so risks not only political marginalisation but also the erosion of a legacy built over decades as a pillar of Nigeria’s democratic landscape.

Malam Aminu Wase writes from Kaduna. He can be reached at aminusaniusman3@gmail.com.

By ‎Sadiq Aliyu Waziri

‎With cliches such as the game of politics, playing politics, the political arena, politics is a dirty game, politics is a game of chess, politics is a game of power, politics is a game of cat and mouse, and many others alike, which metaphorically compare politics to a game, many that participate in it think it is a game-literally. It was Dr. Abdulaziz T. Bako who made the analogy, on Facebook sometime back, of how football fans supported their clubs to how many Nigerians took politics. However, is politics a game? 

‎The former Nigerian President, General Muhammadu Buhari, passed away two days ago. Moments after the announcement, photos of the widow of the late former President were seen circulating on social media. The images were captioned, stating that the deceased had bequeathed her to seek forgiveness from Nigerians on his behalf. She pleaded with Nigerians to forgive her husband before he was laid to rest. ‎

‎Since the announcement of the passing, followed by Aisha Buhari’s words, people became divided, with a section of them expressing their shock, forgiving and praying for the deceased. In contrast, others reminisce about Buhari’s time in office, voice out their dismay, and even go to the extent of publicising their rejection of the late President’s prayer. Again, there has been another section of people who even publicly celebrate the death. 

‎Let us recall that Buhari, just two years ago, was the most powerful, famous, and arguably the most loved Nigerian politician before he came to power in 2015. Who would have thought then that people would say unkind words about him or even celebrate his death? People idolised him; they fought and died for this man to gain power. 

‎Perhaps seeing Buhari’s widow, who at once felt she could not put up with a teasing statement from an immature university student, at people’s mercy, begging on her husband’s behalf, might make those who “play” the “game” of politics rethink their position, to realise that it is not a game. It never has been and never will be. 

‎To many of the player-participants, politics is merely a game to be played and won, with the ultimate goal of securing leadership positions and staying relevant. To many of the supporter-participants, it serves as an avenue to support and cheer the players, making money, securing appointments in some cases, and engaging in trolling one another. They come out and defend whatever wrong their bosses do and discredit and blemish whatever right their rivals do, simply because it’s all a game to them.‎

‎If they take politics as a game, it is at their own peril. And, it is high time that the people who participate in politics and take it as such understood that politics touches people’s lives. And that they do not have separate lives from their political activities. Every action, decision, cheer, support, defending, discrediting, blemish, etc., will be accounted for. They could view politics as a game, if that is what they choose, but it’s about this world for the next one.   

‎

‎Sadiq Aliyu Waziri wrote via sawaziry@yahoo.com.

By Sabiu Abdullahi

The Presidency has said President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is entitled to seek a second term in office, just as the late former President Muhammadu Buhari did.

Bayo Onanuga, the Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, made this known during an interview with Trust Radio on Wednesday.

He urged Northern politicians to exercise patience and respect the rotational power arrangement, arguing that the South supported Buhari for eight years and should be allowed to complete its own turn.

Onanuga dismissed recent claims by the Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF) about Northern marginalisation.

He described such complaints as a veiled attempt to weaken Tinubu’s government.

“This president is a Nigerian. He deserves the same two terms that Buhari had. Let’s not sacrifice the country for personal ambition,” Onanuga stated.

Addressing allegations that federal appointments under Tinubu favour the Southwest, Onanuga challenged those making the accusations to present credible data rather than general assumptions.

He also dismissed reports of lopsided infrastructure development. He said the Tinubu administration inherited several incomplete and abandoned projects across the country.

Onanuga pointed to appointments in the security sector as proof of inclusiveness, saying Northerners head key agencies under Tinubu’s leadership.

“You need to get your statistics right. It’s all political mischief designed to undermine the President. There are bad roads across the country, not just in the North.

“The National Security Adviser, Chief of Defence Staff, and the two Defence Ministers are all Northerners. Places like Birnin Gwari and Igabi (in Kaduna) are now safer. I drove from Kaduna to Abuja without incident, a journey that was once unthinkable,” he added.

Dear Honourable Yaro Abba Ari,

I write to you as a deeply concerned indigene of Hadejia Local Government Area, more specifically, a resident of Dubantu Quarters. I do so with a strong sense of responsibility and hope, believing that your esteemed office, under your capable leadership, will give due attention to the pressing issues that have plagued our community for quite some time.

First and foremost, I would like to sincerely commend your administration for the developmental strides made in various parts of the local government area. These achievements reflect your commitment to progress and service delivery. However, I am compelled to draw your immediate attention to some ongoing challenges that continue to affect the people of Dubantu Quarters — challenges that, if not addressed, may further deteriorate the well-being and safety of our community.

The first major issue of concern is the worsening condition of the drainage systems in Dubantu Quarters. Every year, particularly during the rainy season, our community suffers from excessive waterlogging and flooding. Rainwater, due to the absence or blockage of proper drainage, flows freely over the roads and into homes, causing significant disruption and damage. The situation has unfortunately become a recurring crisis that leads to the destruction of properties and, in the worst cases, loss of innocent lives. Residents live in constant anxiety as heavy rains turn roads into rivers, making movement dangerous and threatening the safety of families.

Secondly, I would like to bring to your kind attention the growing security and social concerns in specific parts of Dubantu Quarters — particularly areas that remain in complete darkness at night due to a lack of public lighting infrastructure. These dark zones have become gathering points for immoral and misguided youths, who often engage in illicit activities such as the abuse of toxic substances — including syrul (codeine cough syrup), ganja, and other harmful drugs. These activities not only endanger the lives of the individuals involved but also pose a significant threat to the safety and peace of law-abiding citizens, especially during the night hours.

Despite numerous efforts by responsible members of the community to curb this growing menace, their attempts have been largely ineffective due to the absence of necessary support, tools, and enforcement capabilities. The community is doing its best with the limited resources at its disposal, but the situation clearly calls for strong governmental intervention. 

As a result, and in the spirit of community development, I humbly and earnestly appeal to you to take the following specific actions:

Reconstruction and proper maintenance of Drainage systems in Dubantu Quarters will help ensure that rainwater is channelled correctly, reducing the devastating impact of seasonal flooding and safeguarding the lives and properties of the residents.

Installation of solar-powered Street lights in critical dark areas within Dubantu Quarters. Improved lighting will not only enhance visibility and security but will also deter criminal and immoral behaviour that currently thrives under the cover of darkness.

Collaborative Engagement with Law Enforcement Agencies and Community Leaders to Develop and Implement a Strategic, Community-Driven Solution to the Issue of Drug Abuse. This should include awareness campaigns, youth sensitisation programs, and the creation of positive alternatives that engage our young people in meaningful and productive activities.

Your timely intervention in these matters will go a long way in alleviating the hardship currently faced by the residents of Dubantu Quarters. Moreover, it will serve to reaffirm the trust and confidence that the people of Hadejia Local Government Area have placed in your leadership.

We remain optimistic that you will treat these concerns with the urgency and seriousness they deserve, and that your office will take immediate steps to implement lasting solutions.

Thank you very much for your time, attention, and anticipated positive response.

Yours sincerely,

Garba Sidi

An Indigene of Hadejia Local Government Area

sidihadejia@gmail.com

By Zayyad I. Muhammad 

Bauchi is one of the few states, perhaps the only one, in northern Nigeria that has consistently upheld a politics rooted in independence. The people of Bauchi are known for their distinct political culture: no candidate, political party, or ideology can be imposed on them. Incumbency holds little sway, and public or political office holders often fail to win elections.

From the days of the Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU) in the First Republic, to the politics of the Second Republic, and even the cult-like support for Muhammadu Buhari in more recent times, Bauchi has carved out a political identity that is both unique and enduring.

A review of Bauchi’s electoral history, particularly in gubernatorial contests, reveals a striking pattern of political independence that many analysts regard as unmatched in Nigeria. 

For instance:

In 1979, they elected Tatari Ali as Governor under the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) against their kinsman within the North East, in the person of Alhaji Ibrahim Waziri of the GNPP.

In 1992, they elected Alhaji Dahiru Mohammed Deba as Governor, alongside Alh Ibrahim Tofa of NRC, against the popular candidature of MKO Abiola 

Somehow in 1999, after a rerun election, PDP managed to win, and Adamu Mu’azu got elected as Governor, but later lost the bid to win senatorial elections after serving for 8 years as Governor. 

In 2007, Mal. Isa Yuguda won as Governor under ANPP against the incumbent PDP when Yar’Adua was president. 

In 2011, the state aligned with the opposition APC to produce Mohammed Abdullahi Abubakar as Governor, but lost his re-election bid despite being the sitting governor to the Present Governor Bala Mohammed of the PDP.

This pattern speaks volumes:

Abuja or any ‘interest’ cannot and has never dictated the governor’s emergence in Bauchi state. Imposing candidates rarely work. Incumbency does not guarantee re-election. High-profile public and political office holders have little impact. Governors have lost re-election, senatorial bids, and attempts to anoint successors in several Cases. The swinging nature of Bauchi politics is one of its most intriguing features

Equally remarkable is the background of those elected. Since 1999, Bauchi governors have consistently emerged from modest or unexpected circumstances- ‘Zero level, so to speak. Governors Adamu Mu’azu, Isa Yuguda, Mohammed Abubakar, and the present Bala Mohammed all came from zero disposition, meaning they did not hold a position or office for at least two years during the election period. This trend illustrates the state’s openness to merit and its resistance to political imposition.

Looking ahead to the 2027 elections, it appears to be the state with the highest number of contestants so far. 

1. Mohammed Auwal Jatau – the current Deputy Governor of Bauchi State

2. Muhammad Ali Pate – the current Minister of Health

3. Dr. Nura Manu Soro – Ex-Finance Commissioner and President Tinubu campaign Coordinator. 

4. Ambassador Yusuf Tuggar, current minister of foreign affairs. 

5. ⁠Senator Shehu Buba, a serving senator from the APC 

6. ⁠Alhaji Bala Wunti, former MD of NAPIMS

7. ⁠RTD Air Marshal Sadiq, former APC gubernatorial candidate 

8. ⁠Senator Halliru Jika, former senator 

9. ⁠Dr. MUSA Babayo, former chairman of TETFUND 

10. ⁠Senator Dahuwa Kaila, a serving senator, among numerous others. 

With such a lineup and Bauchi’s long history of voter independence, the 2027 elections promise to be as competitive and unpredictable as ever.

Bauchi’s politics remain firmly anchored in progressive and populist traditions. Candidates without a clear vision or strong grassroots connection are regularly rejected at the polls, and 2027 is likely to uphold that tradition.

Only time will tell.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

The passing of former President Muhammadu Buhari marks not just the end of an era but also a significant political loss for two of the three key political parties in Nigeria, the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and the rising coalition force, the African Democratic Congress (ADC).

For both parties, Buhari represented more than just a former head of state; he was a political symbol with immense influence. His mere presence at a campaign rally, no matter how brief, would have carried tremendous weight, particularly among his loyal base, which is estimated to be over 12 million strong. These supporters, often described as a “cult-like” following, have remained fiercely committed to him since his early political days under the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) and the Buhari Organisation. However, the number may have decreased by now.

In recent times, many former CPC loyalists and Buhari-era political operatives have appeared to find a new home in the ADC, reshaping its structure and lending it a dose of national relevance. This quiet but strategic realignment has positioned the ADC as a potential beneficiary of some of the Buhari political legacy, especially in northern Nigeria, where his influence remains deeply rooted. However, a good number of the CPC bloc and the Buhari Organisation have remained in the APC.

Had Buhari lived to make even a symbolic appearance at an APC campaign event, it would have significantly dampened the ADC’s momentum and reinforced the APC’s claim to his enduring political capital. Conversely, had he chosen to lend his image, even silently, to the ADC, it would have sent shockwaves through the APC, raising questions about its hold over his base.

Now, with his passing, both parties are left in a competitive vacuum, each scrambling to appeal to the millions who revered Buhari for his perceived integrity, simple lifestyle, and northern populist appeal. The political battlefield is wide open, and neither the APC nor the ADC can confidently claim to be the rightful heir to Buhari’s legacy.

However, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu may have gained an early edge. His respectful and dignified handling of Buhari’s death, marked by prompt tributes, state honours, and symbolic gestures, may resonate with many of Buhari’s followers. In Nigerian politics, such symbolic acts are never underestimated. They signal alignment, loyalty, and shared values, all of which matter deeply to a base that is emotional, ideological, and still seeking a new political anchor.

As the 2027 election cycle approaches, the real question becomes: Who will inherit the Buhari political machinery? The answer may shape the future of both the APC and ADC, and by extension, Nigeria’s political landscape.

 Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Ibraheem Muhammad Mustapha

The passing of former President Muhammadu Buhari on July 13, 2025, presents a fascinating and troubling paradox for the information ecosystem. Instead of closing a chapter, it appears to have reopened a well-worn, debunked narrative that the “real” Buhari died during his medical trip to London in 2017, and was replaced by a clone or body double named “Jibril” from Sudan. 

As a fact-checker who has previously addressed and debunked this claim, this moment is a sobering litmus test for me and other fact-checkers, as it poses an elementary question of whether classical fact-checking is effective. My analysis leads me to a disquieting conclusion: we are not merely fighting a deficit of information, but a surplus of emotionally resonant, identity-affirming mythology.

Motivated Reasoning and the Psychology of Belief

To grasp the tenacity of the “Jibril” theory, we must first dispense with the simplistic notion that its believers are merely ignorant or unintelligent. The phenomenon is far more complex, rooted in predictable and well-documented psychological mechanics. The primary force at play is what political scientists Milton Lodge and Charles Taber have extensively studied as motivated reasoning. This framework posits that humans, especially in politically charged contexts, behave less as impartial judges and more as motivated attorneys seeking to arrive at a conclusion that aligns with their pre-existing beliefs and identities. For Nigerians whose political identity was defined by opposition to or deep disappointment with the Buhari administration, the “Jibril” narrative was never a hypothesis to be tested; it was a conclusion to be defended.

This dovetails seamlessly with the basic cognitive dissonance theory as was first postulated by Leon Festinger in the 1950s. From the perspective adopted by Festinger, an individual suffers great mental discomfort when they hold contradictory beliefs or are confronted with new information that challenges their existing beliefs. For a citizen who felt alienated, disenfranchised, experienced worse economic conditions or insecurity under a leader they may have once supported or hoped would succeed, the psychological stress is immense. It is far less dissonant to embrace a radical conspiracy that the “real,” competent Buhari is gone than to accept the more painful and complex reality that his administration, for a host of intricate reasons, fell short of expectations. The “Jibril” theory, therefore, is not a failure of logic but a psychological coping mechanism, a path of least resistance to resolve an otherwise unbearable internal conflict.

The Power of Narrative and the Poverty of Facts

Furthermore, fact-checkers fundamentally misunderstand the nature of the battle when we arrive armed with a dossier of facts and data to a war of narratives. Human cognition is not optimised for data points; it is wired for stories. The “Jibril” theory is a masterclass in narrative potency. It contains a villain (the cabal that orchestrated the switch), a victim (the Nigerian populace), a tragic secret (the president’s death), and a mystery to be solved. It transforms the believer from a passive citizen into a heroic truth-seeker, possessing gnosis —a secret, elevated knowledge unavailable to the deluded masses. In contrast, what does the truth offer? It offers the mundane and often unsatisfying complexity of economic policy, security logistics, and bureaucratic inertia. The conspiracy narrative is simply a better, more emotionally gripping story. It provides a scapegoat, assigns clear blame, and creates a sense of intellectual superiority in the believer.

For its most ardent believers, “Jibril” is a symbol of how distant, disconnected, and unrepresentative Buhari’s government felt. Claims that he no longer spoke Fulfulde fluently or looked physically different were not weighed as forensic evidence; they were experienced as embodied metaphors of alienation.

 The Core Crisis is Institutional Distrust

This entire dynamic is supercharged by a catastrophic collapse of institutional trust, which I see as the true Achilles’ heel of fact-checking as a profession. Our work as fact-checkers is predicated on the assumption that a trusted, authoritative third party can adjudicate truth claims. The “Jibril” case demonstrates the collapse of this assumption. The theory gained traction in an environment of profound distrust in public institutions. When citizens do not trust the government to tell the truth about policy or the economy, why would they trust it to tell the truth about the president’s identity? The fact-check is DOA (Dead on Arrival) because the source is already deemed compromised. Therefore, in an environment of deep-seated cynicism towards government, media, and experts, any attempt at debunking is easily reframed as part of the cover-up. Hence, the more forcefully an official source denies a conspiracy, the more it can convince believers that the conspiracy is real. This phenomenon was documented by researchers Brendan Nyhan and Jason Reifler, who identified the backfire effect: each denial is interpreted as a sign of panic from those trying to hide the “truth.” President Buhari’s own need to address the rumour in 2018 (“It’s the real me, I assure you”) was, for many believers, served not as a refutation but as high-level confirmation that they were indeed onto something big.

Reassessing the Role of the Fact-Checker

Therefore, I am forced to reassess our role as fact-checkers and the efficacy of our traditional methods. The “Jibril of Sudan” case study demonstrates that reactive debunking is akin to trying to unring a bell. The path forward must be a paradigm shift towards what social psychologist William J. McGuire pioneered as Inoculation Theory. Rather than merely correcting falsehoods after they have taken root, we must pre-emptively “vaccinate” the public by exposing them to weakened forms of misinformation and deconstructing the manipulative techniques being used. The goal is to build cognitive antibodies against emotional manipulation, conspiratorial thinking, and logical fallacies.

Also, we need to learn how to fight a narrative war, not a Factual Skirmish, because we cannot defeat a powerful story with a list of facts. We must counter it with a more compelling, truthful narrative. This involves storytelling that explains complex realities in an accessible and empathetic way.

Then we need to embrace the method of empathy before evidence. The first step in engaging a believer is not to present a fact-check but to acknowledge the underlying grievance. A conversation that starts with, “I understand the frustration with the country’s direction that leads people to seek drastic explanations,” is more likely to open a door for dialogue than one that starts with, “You are wrong, and here’s why.”

Lastly, the ultimate antidote to misinformation is trust. This is a generational project, not a short-term fix. It requires sustained efforts from the media, government, and civil society to operate with transparency, accountability, and a genuine commitment to public welfare.

The persistence of the “Jibril of Sudan” theory, even in the face of death, is not an indictment of our work as fact-checkers. It is a diagnosis of a deeper societal condition where trust has eroded, and narratives have become more powerful than reality. It signals that the core battle is not over facts, but over trust. Until we can begin the long, arduous work of rebuilding faith in the institutions that serve as arbiters of reality, we will remain locked in this frustrating cycle. The work of a fact-checker, I now believe, must evolve from being a mere verifier of claims to becoming an architect of a more resilient, critical, and trust-based information ecosystem.

By Zailani Bappa

In the last few days, we have been engaged in a debate over whether it was right or not for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to rename the University of Maiduguri (UNIMAID) after the late President Muhammadu Buhari. I want to add my voice to this as well.

I am a staunch fan and supporter of the late President, and I cherish his exemplary qualities, which are truly uncommon among our present-day crop of active politicians. I respect him alive and in his death. I am also a graduate of UNIMAID.

Despite the above, I strongly disagree with Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s decision to rename my alma mater after President Muhammadu Buhari at this time. The move, to my understanding, is self-serving, dishonest and, obviously, unpopular. And if the President has to do it, there are so many other things available to manipulate for achieving political ambition. 

Just imagine renaming the University of London, or the Oxford University or the Harvard University to another name at this hour. These names have become top brand symbols worldwide and are synonymous with the excellence the Universities are demonstrating.

So is UNIMAID. Its service of excellence has become synonymous with this name for more than five decades. Universities with names of persons, such as Ahmadu Bello University and Bayero University, built their present reputation from the outset, along with those names.

In truth, if President Bola Ahmed Tinubu wanted so desperately to seize the demise of President Muhammadu Buhari to advance his political opportunities in the Northern part of Nigeria ahead of the upcoming elections, he should have renamed the University of Ibadan or the University of Lagos after the late President which will prove to the Northerners more of his nationalistic and unbiased posture. 

After all, the latter of the above Universities was reportedly saved from this kind of unwholesome political decision by his active participation when it was to be renamed after the late MKO Abiola. I will sign and urge everyone to sign the petition currently circulating, which opposes this highly offensive decision.

By Sale Rusulana Yanguruza 

When a leader and loved one passes away, we often reflect on their legacy, the meaning of their life, the impact they made during their lifetime, and the significant contribution they made to society. Upon receiving the sad news about the demise of the immediate former President Muhammadu Buhari, what quickly came to mind was his honourable and distinguished efforts to end insecurity, eliminate corruption, and transform the agricultural sector in Nigeria.

His love for Nigerians prompted him to contest in three elections, and he lost the first two. The losses made him shed tears, but he still contested again. He didn’t give up and strived in 2015; he won and was declared the winner of the presidential election. On corruption, Buhari wasn’t just a fighter against corruption in Nigeria; he was a leader who despised untrustworthy individuals. A president who came to office with a unique energy aimed to end his enemy,”corruption”, and politicians who loot citizens’ property.

When Femi Adesina was granted an interview immediately after Buhari’s demise was announced, he boldly said, “Buhari was as clean as a whistle. Nobody can accuse him of anything that has the slightest affinity to corruption.” Adesina’s words imply that Buhari was incorruptible, as no one could accuse him of corruption; his life was a testament to his integrity. While Buhari saw corruption as a disease that was drastically hampering and tempering development in Nigeria, he stated, in his words during an anti-corruption speech in 2016, “If we don’t kill corruption, corruption will kill Nigeria.”

No one can doubt Buhari’s assertion that corruption must be eradicated before Nigeria can develop. However, unfortunately, during his first tenure, Buhari made significant efforts to ensure that all stolen assets by politicians were returned to Nigerians and implemented measures to prevent further occurrences. Yet, as time went on, Buhari was said to be poised, which led him to spend about three months abroad during his first tenure as the president of Nigeria. That story paved the way for a lot of rumours, which people spread, saying he had died, but with God’s grace, he was back and continued with his activities, finished his tenure, and sadly, today, he has met his maker.

Buhari has backed his commitment by putting in place some necessary measures, such as the Treasury Single Account (TSA), the Whistle-Blowing Policy, and the establishment of the Presidential Advisory Committee Against Corruption, to combat the systemic theft of public resources and, by extension, its pernicious effects on human rights and development. Yes, Buhari is known for Mai Gaskiya, which earned him votes in 2015. He was the first president who made leaders who had stolen the country’s finances fear him when he was declared president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria in 2015, beating the incumbent president, Goodluck Ebele Jonathan.

 Looked at Buhari and Boko Haram

When Buhari was elected, before his swearing-in as President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria on May 29, 2015, he met with the President of Chad, Idriss Déby, to discuss collaboration on ending insecurity, particularly from Boko Haram in Borno State. Buhari didn’t stop there; he took an official visit to Niger to discuss the issue with the president, aimed at addressing the Boko Haram problem. As Vanguard reported on June 1, 2015, the visit by the newly inaugurated Nigerian leader to Niamey was directed and aimed at decapitating the head of the group as a final solution to the insurgency that had wreaked havoc on the country’s North-East region.

Do you know that Buhari’s first trip as president of Nigeria to an outside country was about insecurity? 

Chad and Niger were Buhari’s first foreign visits outside Nigeria after he was sworn in as president, with the matter of insecurity bedevilling the region, particularly in the northeast. In his inaugural speech in 2015, Buhari said, “The most immediate challenge is Boko Haram insurgency. Progress has been made in recent weeks by our security forces, but victory cannot be achieved by basing the Command and Control Centre in Abuja. The command centre will be relocated to Maiduguri and remain until Boko Haram is completely subdued. But we cannot claim to have defeated Boko Haram without rescuing the Chibok girls and all other innocent persons held hostage by insurgents. This government will do all it can to rescue them alive.”

To support Buhari’s statement, when I attended the Town Hall Meeting organised by News Central Television in Maiduguri, Professor Babagana Umara stated that the Chibok Secondary School, where the girls were abducted, had reopened and is running actively, with Teaching and learning currently taking place in the school.

Undoubtedly, all this was part of the efforts put in by the former President of Nigeria, President Muhammadu, who gave his attention and good synergy to end it. Without a doubt, the long-standing insecurity in the region was drasticallyreduced. Though Boko Haram has carried out some recent attacks, one cannot deny the fact that the former President was at the forefront in reducing it in the region during his tenure.

Is Buhari an Agricultural Transformer? 

Buhari has always been a president who advocated for Nigerians to take agriculture very seriously. President Buhari stated this while delivering a lecture on Tuesday in Abuja at the launch of the National Young Farmers Scheme, a program designed by the National Agricultural Land Development Authority (NALDA). The program aims to spark greater interest among young people in farming.

According to the President, agriculture remains the backbone of the Nigerian economy, being the largest contributor to the nation’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Although the advice was intended for Nigerians, today our youth have largely accepted the President’s advice and returned to farming, which they were previously unable to do.

Legacy is not leaving something for people; it’s leaving something in people.” – Peter Strople

Rest in perfect peace, Baba.

Sale Rusulana Yanguruza wrote via salesaifullahi931@gmail.com.