Politics

Isma’il Hashim Abubakar, PhD

If there is one government institution that citizens of Shari’a states in Northern Nigeria ought to regard as their personal property which cannot be politicised and subjected to jeopardy and machination due to its direct relevance and importance in preserving Muslim norms and values, that institution will undoubtedly be the Hisbah Board. 

In other words, by virtue of being Muslims, all Muslims in these states and, of course, in the rest of northern Nigeria are expected to regard themselves as natural and bona fide members of Hisbah, even if they do not wear the Board’s uniform, are not participating in its anti-immorality patrol and of course not in the payroll of government. This, therefore, underscores the collective and societal support and endorsement that Hisbah is supposed to enjoy since its creation and transformation during the tenures of Engineer Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso (1999-2003 and 2011-2015) and Malam Ibrahim Shekarau (2003-2011).

During the administration of Shekarau, the time when Hisbah was entirely transformed and formally mainstreamed into government bureaucracy, representing one of the major arms of Shari’a implementation agencies established by the state government, Hisbah Board confronted daunting challenges and opposition from all angles that only a sincere political will, uncommon determination and superior commitment would have saved it from being scrapped.  

Olusegun Obasanjo, Nigeria’s President (1999-2007) who opposed the transformation of Hisbah, sought to use all the presidential powers at his disposal to not only thwart the Hisbah from undertaking its task of sanitising the moral climate of Kano but also to proscribe it and mischievously label it as a terrorist organisation. Obasanjo’s wrath on Hisbah was merely a manifestation of his unsuccessful struggle to sabotage the implementation of Shari’a, whose winds had blown with an unprecedented force in 12 northern states. Even Obasanjo’s resort to legal machinery could not abort the Shari’a project. He, willy nilly, oversaw a federal government that had to allocate grants to states whose main priority was to promote moral values and eradicate vices that bedevilled the society, the hallmarks of the Shari’ah program as advocated by its proponents at the turn of the 21^st century.

Obasanjo ultimately banned Hisbah through an announcement by his Inspector General of Police, who also shamelessly alleged that Hisbah guards were trained in Libya, and ordered the arrest of the Hisbah commandant, the late Shaykh Yahaya Farouk Chadi and his deputy Malam Rabo Abdulkarim. The Kano State Government headed by Shekarau gathered all its strength and entered into a decisive battle with the federal government, irrespective of whether this could culminate into a funny, fruitless and audacious fight between a rat and an elephant, leaving no one with a doubt as to where the victory and defeat ordinarily lied. 

After all, Shekarau was pushing for his second term as general elections were approaching, which explains how the attention of Shekarau and his government would be divided. This scenario could be juxtaposed with the climate of anxiety that befell the current governor, Abba Kabir Yusuf, who almost lost hope after the first and second rulings of the tribunal and appeal courts in favour of his opponent, Nasiru Yusuf Gawuna. The development necessitated a momentary pause in regular government activities. It brought about a wild and arbitrary push of things that could be interpreted as valedictory stages of a short-lived tenure. Stability was restored in the psyche of the government and its supporters only after the Supreme Court issued a final verdict that annulled the rulings of both the tribunal and appeal courts and affirmed victory for Abba Kabir Yusuf.

The Shekarau-led government, which, before institutionalising Hisbah, had followed the legislative procedures to get the Board appropriately legalised and signed into law, summoned enough courage to sue the federal government in court. The legal battle ended in favour of the Kano State Government after the court, in March 2007, a few weeks before the elections, described the arrest of the two top heads of Hisbah as illegal and forced the federal government to pay them damages. Nonetheless, allegations had gained currency in Kano by that time that Farouk Chedi, who died in 2010 after a protracted illness that made him look too frail and emaciated, was a consequence of an intravenous poisoning applied to him while in detention. This gradually ravaged him and eventually took his life.

Like Chedi, Chedi’s successor, Shaykh Ibrahim Maibushra, was also a professor at Bayero University, Kano. He built on the intrepid pedestal chartered by his predecessor and the government that recruited him. Maibushra displayed extreme gallantry by, as I was told by a Hisbah guard, going to the extreme of jeopardising his job when he detained an elite belonging to a royal family who was caught committing a crime. 

Maibushra’s zealousness to discharge his duty was, as evidenced by the report above, not limited to the poor whom his guards frequently chased but rather knew no discrimination between the poor and the elite or between the weak and the strong. The suspect remained in Hisbah’s custody, and even after the interference of bigwigs within and outside the royal family, Maibushra stood on his ground and refused to release the man. With the endorsement of the then patriarch and the most respectful royal figure within Nigeria and beyond, Maibushra continued to retain his detainee and treated him the way every Tom, Dick or Harry was ideally treated once he fell into the hands of Hisbah. 

Maibushra, I was told, was so fearlessly courageous to chase and catch not only low-ranking soldiers but also high-ranking officers like army colonels. Of course, needless to say, without the support of the government of the day, the Hisbah commandant would have been in greater trouble. However, it was likely that Maibushra would not have performed contrarily, regardless of whoever held the reins of power at the time.

When Shaykh Aminu Daurawa emerged as the new commandant of Hisbah after the election of Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso in 2011, only ‘pessimistic’ people would doubt his competence and preparedness to at least show equal sacrifice, even if not outshine his predecessors. After all, Daurawa was one of the most outspoken voices who denounced their membership in Shekarau’s Sharia-related committees, criticised the mode of Shari’a implementation of the Shekarau administration and rallied around Kwankwaso, culminating in the latter’s victory against Salihu Sagir Takai, the candidate of the then ruling ANPP. 

There were high hopes that Daurawa would build on Hisbah’s achievements and improve in the areas he criticised in the past administration. Interestingly, although Kwankwaso did not primarily campaign on the Shari’a mantra, the Islamic clerics within his circles, including Daurawa himself, had assured electorates that Kwankwaso would be more forthrightly supportive toward Shari’a implementation since he was believed to be more no-nonsense, fearless and invincible than his predecessor. 

Although there was a relative shortage in the money allocated to Hisbah for running costs and operations, Kwankwaso deserved commendation for reportedly giving Hisbah’s leadership adequate autonomy to carry out operations with little interference. A source from Hisbah confided in me that Kwankwaso admitted being callow about Shariah and Islamic knowledge in general and, as such, gave Islamic clerics within his circle enormous power to decide on any matter relating to religion, including issues affecting public religious institutions to whose leaderships Kwankwaso assigned the various clerics who campaigned for, supported or backed his election bid. With an intrepid head of government like Kwankwaso and with zero challenge from either the federal government or any other visible quarters, Daurawa was expected to leverage the available power and resources of government to improve in areas he unleashed censures on the past administration. 

Of course, mass wedding (auren zawarawa) was one of the main notable projects and inputs which Daurawa’s Hisbah championed. At the same time, all other ground operations and patrols were conducted not better than what was obtained in the Hisbah under the leadership he inherited. Meanwhile, Daurawa was behind the decline in sacrifice in the model of Chedi’s leadership or Maibushra’s flat and indiscriminate approach toward criminals and their cronies among influential partners. 

It was Daurawa who appeared in one video, which still circulates on social media and confessed that as Hisbah commandant, he deliberately avoided arresting the elite and concentrated on the poor because, according to him, the poor are powerless and easy to deal with, unlike the elite who could use their influence to manipulate his sack from the job. In my opinion, this public confession of weakness and a thirst to remain politically relevant, which Daurawa made, partly set the foundations of what Hisbah is going through at this trying moment. 

Daurawa has been the longest-serving Hisbah commandant since its institutionalisation. He served between 2011 and 2015 during Kwankwaso and was reappointed by Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, serving for more than four years. Even as relations between Kwankwaso and Ganduje worsened, Daurawa, who belongs to Kwankwaso’s camp, was retained at the time. Politicians with political loyalty to Kwankwaso were not carried along. 

Similarly, after resting for only four years throughout the second tenure of Governor Ganduje, which distanced him from the corridors of power, Daurawa successfully reunited with his seat immediately after the emergence of Abba Kabir Yusuf as Ganduje’s successor in May 2023. Although it is an uncomfortable truth that cannot be denied, Daurawa has got so engrossed with his rank in Hisbah more than being too courageous enough to live by the dictates of his old credentials or even at least to maintain the tempo of his predecessors, one of whom had even lost his life in the cause of his Hisbah. In contrast, the second would have lost the job entirely had he not got a superior intervention.

It is precisely this stand and posture that Daurawa is expected to display when tired of the massive campaigns to turn the Muslim north immoral by impolite TikTokers, the Hisbah resorted to preaching and interacting with TikTokers a few months ago with the hope that they shun promoting lewdness and vices which contribute to moral degeneration of northern Muslim society. That was a good move since it would serve as a warning that would justify applying force in bringing TikTokers to order and sanitising the too much spoiled social media space. 

The recent arrest by Hisbah of Murja Ibrahim Kunya, a prominent TikToker, had restored some hope that Hisbah leadership did not only want to, at the time its activities are most needed, remain a timid institution principally different from how it used to be 20 or so years ago. Murja Kunya was taken and presented before the court. It was a relatively good move. Still, it would have been safer and better if she was presented to the court within Hisbah, and of course, this would have saved Hisbah from further disgrace and wanton defeat that resulted from what unfolded later. People woke up on a certain morning in February 2024 with the news that Murja, who was detained in prison and awaiting trial, was arbitrarily released in mysterious circumstances.

Whatever the case and whoever was responsible for her release, someone with even the slightest inkling of the sensitivity of the Hisbah Board and the foundations upon which the institution was set up would never expect a mere arrest of an immoral TikToker would attract the interest of some influential figures within the circle of Kano State Government. Most people rejoiced after Murja’s arrest that the development would mark the end of the ascendance of an empire of vulgarity and obscenity that has taken the grip of northern Muslim social media. 15 or 10-year jail term for Murja, which religiously inclined and Islamic-compliant people prayed Murja would be served with, would have deterred hundreds of TikTokers receiving inspiration from her from treading along her path. 

The release of Murja represents one of the most shameful artificial calamities that Hisbah would witness in its two decades of operation; unless all stakeholders, including the remaining figures in the past administrations and all concerned Muslims, have risen to this big challenge, the decline of Hisbah would be one of the last phases of the fall of Shari’a which started at the turn of the century and reached peak, only to fall to this too low level. Who is Murja Kunya, and how can one ever imagine that she would be an obstacle to Hisbah?  It is disheartening and regrettable that a responsible government in the past would challenge, fight and successfully defeat the Obasanjo-led federal government in a legal battle on Hisbah, but a different, less committed Hisbah leadership cannot fight a mere gullible TikToker.

Daurawa has, during one of his interviews with the press in the aftermath of Murja’s illegal escape from prison, commented that Hisbah has done all within its power, implying that it has no business whatsoever with what transpired afterwards. Although this is partly true, it is altogether unacceptable; Daurawa would have used every means possible to register his protest against the sabotage of Hisbah by a fifth columnist within the government that appointed him. 

There are two reasons for Daurawa’s protest, even though a voluntary resignation would have been a decent solution. Daurawa criticised the Shari’ah implementation process in the past because he was dissatisfied with the government attitude of the day. Now that he was put at the helm of affairs, it would only be reasonable if Hisbah’s principles and values were protected or if he took his leave. Secondly, continuing to remain in a government that has less commitment to eradicating immorality and vices, as illustrated by Murja’s release, would be equal to prioritising one’s position over preserving ideals that one has been preaching for decades.

Finally, although the ugly picture of the fate of Hisbah painted in this essay seems to be discouraging, Hisbah is yet the most visible of all government machinery that has been symbolically and, of course, practically reminding Muslims that Kano and other sister states are still legislatively covered by Sharia. A political will, which we hope will be revived by Kano power brokers, can anytime restore the tempo and spirit of Sharia and decisively tackle and fight the social media agents who have been hell-bent on depriving Muslims of their norms and values. Although very painful to admit, one can say that for now, immorality is gradually winning the war against morality in a society that used to prefer death rather than surrender to a violation and corruption of norms and values. 

One of the most cogent ways of tackling social media immorality, which I hope relevant government agencies like Hisbah will adopt, is having a unified network of a joint task force within Hisbah and similar institutions in some northern states and, if possible, to sign this into law after passing necessary legislative process. This would make it easy for Hisbah to detain criminals everywhere in these states without struggling with issues of arrest warrants and areas of jurisdiction.

Dr Ismail wrote this piece from Rabat, the Kingdom of Morocco and can be reached via ismailiiit18@gmail.com. 

By Ibrahim El-mu’azzam

It’s a very hard moment for Nigeria. It’s really unbelievable and unbearable to the extent that many Nigerians have forgotten the sweetness of life. Everything is turning from liquid to concrete. We are even getting used to it, only that we are poor in strength to withstand it.

Today, a Nigerian has taken the insecurity problem, with all its significance less valuable. The government has completely abandoned many people to their fate. It isn’t that we have removed the “in” from the “insecurity” but we are more focused on the gunmen and kidnappers that have all of us; hunger and poverty.

Everything is tough! Citizens are losing hope. To some, it’s lost already. Many prefer death than this tense navigation, in a country that we all know and believe to have excess and abundance of what is needed in terms of wealth and resources. We are very far from thinking of saving, everyone is after what he can get not even today but now.

Inflation has blocked the passage of oxygen to the lungs of Nigerians, removed food from their throats and chased away any positive thoughts from their mind. It’s onto the eyes and ears that people are seeing nothing but what suits and relieves them. The translation of this is that unlawful will be lawful, the strong will rule and the society will turn to a jungle.

Everything is drastically increasing price, and there is no control. You can buy a commodity for ₦10 and in an hour or less, it will be ₦20. Both the parties in the markets aren’t smiling, the transaction is dark as it’s done without pleasure.

Maize, rice, beans, millet, corn and even cassava are above the purchase of a common man, not to talk of meat, fish, milk or sugar. “Balance diet” has since been replaced with “living diet” in Nigeria. People today eat not to be satisfied but to retain their consciousness.

Where on earth can a Nigerian put his humble self?

Everywhere, everybody, this is the discussion, especially family men. These are usually family men with something, no matter how little, doing, what is your thought on those who will wake up in the morning without a single direction to follow?

Begging is now very normal and common, and no one questions. You will hear a person swearing that he and his family haven’t eaten for so long. Food, to pass through the throat and relieve hunger is now the problem of a Nigerian, in fact, a Northerner for that matter.

You will visit a house and come out no one will say “Please eat this”. Wives and children are no longer selecting food. It has reached to the extent that some humans are now eating the foods of animals.

I had to stop and rehear a statement yesterday when I heard someone begging people in a mosque to PLEASE BUY WHAT HE IS SELLING. He sells Qur’an and some other small Islamic books; Ƙawa’idi, Akhdari…, and similar stuff. He stood after Magrib prayer begging; “Don Allah a zo a yi min ciniki, don girman Allah”. For the first time in my life, I come across such type of begging.

I continue to ask myself, please where is the sympathy of our leaders? Where is the empathy of our producers and marketers? Where are the price-controlling institutions? Where are the leaders and where is the government as a whole? Please why are we going through this much? Who have we offended and what has been our offence? Please, are Nigerians entitled to suffering and discomfort? Where are we heading to?

It’snt long that we voted with the hope that things would be softened, pains would be relieved, and tears would be wiped, but the absolute reverse is the case. More and more terrific we are getting every day.

The government is careless. The budget has no direct aiding attention to the common Nigerians. Billions are spent on useless renovations, change of vehicles and leisure trips, but not a single unit directly for the common man of the nation.

And upon all these, one beautiful thing is that no one protested, broke any law, or did something illegal, yet. A Nigerian, as strong as he is isn’t so much complaining of the commodity prices, but the money to buy them. You will always hear; “Allah Ya ba mu abin saya”. See this extreme humbleness, humility and positivity.

To be honest, every Nigerian deserves an award of commendation. We have been navigating through a tough situation with increasing anger and frustration, yet quiet, peaceful, and even managing a fake smile. Weldone fellow countrymen, it’s getting over, it’s getting better, soon by the grace of God.

We urge, with a very loud voice, every Nigerian leader, scholar, producer, marketer, and every other stakeholder to remember that he or she will be accountable for this before God. He or she shall be fully responsible for the dying Nigerians, especially those who have what to do but chose not to do it.

Every stakeholder, from community leaders, councilors, religious figures, schoolers, elders, marketers, and others at the community level, moving to the local, state, to national level, this is the task now! People, move to them. Disturb them until we get their attention.

The government should as fast as possible intervene in these ravaging problems and provide solutions. Aid and humanitarian activities should be given extra priority under trusted custodians. If there is a need, I believe Nigerians will agree to the relocation of any project fund to address this problem. The government should reconsider its decision on the removal of fuel subsidy and all other subsidies it is removing. Nigerians are dying! Focus on Nigerians, focus on their condition, Nigeria will be better. PLEASE ITS URGENT!

Ibrahim El-mu’azzam
elmuazzammail@gmail.com

By Mukhtar Jarmajo 

The importance of representative democracy is to give an avenue by which the citizenry can utilize in deciding on matters of the state through elected legislators in an assembly. In this sort of a vehicle of governance, complex decisions are made in an efficient way. More so, in spite of the fact that the majority will have their way, in representative democracy, the minority will have their voices heard. Additionally and very importantly, in this system of governance, political stability is ensured given that different interests are given a platform to negotiate and find common ground. 

However, as beautiful as this picture of representative democracy looks, people can only reap the benefits of democracy when they elect competent and patriotic politicians into the hallowed chambers of their assemblies. And that is why one of the main reasons why Nigeria as a nation is facing plethora of problems is the fact that many of the elected legislators, both at states and national levels, are either incompetent or are not patriotic enough to give their constituents fair representations. And in the few constituencies that have very active representatives in the legislature, life is made better both through legislative functions and constituency projects. 

The member in the Bauchi State House of Assembly representing Jama’are Constituency for example, is making a difference. Hon. Mubarak Haruna (Mairakumi) has remained very consistent in making sure that his constituency gets the dividends of democracy. He does this both through legislative functions and constituency projects. Thus far, the gentleman politician has moved many important motions in the Bauchi State House of Assembly that have direct bearing on the people of Jama’are. He moved the motions for the dualization of the 3km township road in Jama’are and the rehabilitation of the Adamami/Disina/Jama’are road. Both motions have been adopted and are already in the 2024 Bauchi State budget. 

More so, Mairakumi moved a motion for the establishment of the House Committee on NGOs. With the increasing need to provide oversight of the numerous NGOs operating in Bauchi State in order to ensure transparency in their activities and adherence to regulations, the importance of the House Committee on NGOs cannot be overemphasized. Also, the Committee will facilitate enhancing collaboration and coordination between the NGOs and the Bauchi State government. And on matters of public importance, Mairakumi was quick to call on the attention of the Bauchi State government to intervene when there was outbreak last year, of diphtheria in Jama’are and elsewhere across Bauchi State. 

And shifting attention on constituency activities, upon inauguration as a member of the Bauchi State House of Assembly, Hon. Mubarak Haruna immediately established Jama’are Constituency Committees on Health, Education, Higher Education, Admissions, Water and Sanitation, Empowerment, Employment, Emergency and Sports. The various Committees were set up to look into the problems in their sectors and provide succor to the people of Jama’are by providing solutions. Thus far, the Health Committee has provided free eye care services to 70 people, sponsored hernia surgery for 20 others, fumigated Jama’are Constituency at the cost of N1.6 million and provided health assistance worth over N500,000. 

The Higher Education and Education Committees have expended N3 million on scholarships and supported Corp members with transport fare to their states of postings with over N700,000. They have also sponsored over 220 students for JSCE, expended over N600,000 in exams assistance and distributed books, biscuits and sweets to primary schools pupils in the sum of N1million. More so, the Admissions Committee has secured 20 more slots for the people of Jama’are Constituency in several schools to study health related courses, pharmacy, law and other courses. 

The Water Committee has thus far rehabilitated about 150 boreholes and constructed almost 10 new more. The Committee on Employment has secured more than 20 job slots in various organizations. On Empowerment, the Committee has distributed a car, 3 motorcycles and cash worth over N8 million. On women empowerment of small businesses, more than N4 million has been distributed. The Emergency Committee has expended over N2 million attending to cases of urgency. The Sport Committee has expended more than N1 million on football competitions and jerseys. 

While Hon. Haruna’s work in Jama’are is commendable, it serves as a microcosm of the larger challenges facing Nigeria’s democracy. His dedication highlights the crucial role which individual representatives play in shaping their communities’ well-being. However, his efforts also emphasize the need for systemic change. We must strive for a broader landscape where competent and committed representatives are the norm, not the exception. This necessitates increased voter participation, stricter vetting processes for candidates, and unwavering vigilance from the citizenry. Only then can the promise of representative democracy be truly realized for all Nigerians.

Jarmajo wrote from Lobito Crescent, Wuse 2, Abuja

By Sabiu Abdullahi 

Three freshly-elected senators have officially assumed their duties in the Nigerian Senate.

Senate President Godswill Akpabio administered the oath of office to the incoming senators during a formal ceremony held in the revered Red Chamber. 

Representing distinct constituencies and political affiliations, the trio of senators emerged victorious in the recent by-elections held on Saturday, signalling a renewed sense of democratic engagement and participation.

Prince Pam Mwadkon, hailing from the Action Democratic Party (ADP), now stands as the voice for Plateau North, while Professor Anthony Ani, representing the All Progressives Congress (APC), assumes responsibility for Ebonyi South.

Additionally, Mustapha Musa, also of the APC, steps into the role of representing Yobe East. 

The induction process, steeped in tradition and significance, saw the senators-elect take their solemn oath of office, affirming their commitment to upholding the Constitution and serving their constituents with integrity and diligence.

With the formalities concluded, the new senators were escorted to their designated seats, ready to embark on their legislative journey and contribute to the democratic discourse shaping the nation’s future.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad 

The legal battle for the Adamawa governorship seat has come to an end with the Supreme Court’s judgement of January 10th and 31st, 2024, with Governor Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri triumphant over both the Social Democratic Party (SDP) candidate, Dr Umar Ardo, and the All Progressive Congress (APC) candidate, Aishatu Dahiru Binani.

The fabric of Adamawa peace was never shaken, like when the suspended Adamawa INEC Residents Electoral Commissioner (REC), Barrister Ari Hudu, unilaterally, based on a mutilated ordinary paper with jotted results, announced Aishatu Binani as the winner of the April 15th, 2023, gubernatorial rerun election. However, two factors prevented a social disorder in Adamawa state:  the incumbent governor, Ahmadu Fintiri, maintained composure and calmness and acted responsibly, and the public refrained from being provoked. Additionally, well-meaning stakeholders advocated for peace and urged for the correct procedures and processes to be followed.

Moreover, the Supreme Court has now condemned Hudu’s actions, labelling them as irresponsible and criminal. In response, Governor Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri has expressed his government’s intention to prosecute Hudu’s associates.

Now that Governor Fintiri has solidified his legal authority over his mandate, the focus will automatically shift towards governance rather than politics. This entails continuing to implement policies, deliver on campaign promises, address the people’s needs, and ensure the efficient administration of the state.

The political landscape in Adamawa has shifted significantly from its previous trajectory. Since 2003, the state has been characterised by a divide between “Abuja politicians” and “home politicians.” Governors have often found themselves distracted by the so-called “Abuja politicians,” whose political survival and pocket interests rely on fostering fabricated or genuine disagreements between the sitting governor and individuals holding positions at the centre.

Now that Governor Fintiri is having no fights or disagreements with anyone. He is enjoying a harmonious relationship with key figures in Abuja, such as the NSA, Nuhu Ribadu, and Minister of Education Tahir Mamman, as well as several APC stakeholders. The time has come to put an end to any efforts to sow discord and unnecessary distractions.

Additionally, all PDP stakeholders stood steadfastly with Governor Fintiri throughout the election period and the prolonged legal battles. Notable figures include PDP state chairman Barr A. T. Shehu, State Organising Secretary Hamza Madagali, Deputy National Treasurer Adamu Kamale, and stakeholders like Alh Musa Garba, Stephen Maduwa, Buba Shafani, and many more. On the government side, the Deputy Governor, SSG, and Chief of Staff demonstrated exemplary leadership in supporting the administration’s success in new frontiers.

With the Supreme Court’s verdict, it’s now time for development in Adamawa. Over the next three years and four months, Governor Fintiri will focus on governance to sustain progress in infrastructure and human capital and maintain a peaceful environment. Meanwhile, for Senator Aisha Binani, it’s an opportunity for reflection on her hirthetor’s good public image that brought her to where she is and to ‘clean’ her politics from the stains of Hudu’s irresponsible and criminal actions as labelled by the Supreme Court.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Sani Bello Hamza

The popular Hausa adage “kyaun Ɗa ya gaji ubansa” is what prompt me to start this column. Humble Thought’s Foundation was laid by my father more than two decades ago on the now defunct Pointer Express; a weekly Newspaper wherein he dissect public issues ranging from politics, education, skills/entrepreneurship and other contemporary issues. I decided to pick the baton and continue with the pace to contribute my own quota to the development of our community and country at large. I believe with my consistency spiced up with your unwavering support and prayers, we will have an easy ride and convey my message with ease and touch the lives of many–as he did. You can always reach out to me through my email or phone number set out hereunder. I’m looking forward to hear from you and read your constructive Criticisms. Enjoy and be safe!

CORRUPTION: BETTA EDU AND THE REST OF US

In mid 2019, Boko Haram insurgency, banditry and kidnapping were on the rise. Families were displaced, schools were closed and businesses were shutdown. As a result, President Buhari through an executive order announced the creation of a new ministry and mandated it to develop humanitarian policies and provide effective coordination of national and international humanitarian interventions; ensure strategic disaster mitigation; preparedness and response; and manage the formulation and implementation of fair focused social inclusion and protection programs in Nigeria. The former president appointed Sadiya Umar Farouq as the first minister of the newly born ministry.

The ministry got a warm welcome from Nigerians as they were “assured” by the former president that the ministry will work tirelessly to mitigate disaster and provide succur to Nigerians affected by Natural or man-made disaster. The first minister Sadiya Umar Farouq also swore to discharge her duties in line with the extant rules and provisions of the Constitution–without prejudice.

Few months after the creation of the new ministry COVID-19 Pandemic surge in and became the major problem of Nigeria and the world. Donations began to pour in from governmental and non governmental organizations to aid in mitigating the spread of the virus as well as cater for the affected victims. However, there were series of allegations and mummurring regarding the financial management of the ministry. There were also unrealistic calculations and assertion by for the minister. For example;

The minister said she mandated the disbursement of COVID 19 palliatives across all the states of the federation. Few months later, the palliatives were found stacked in various states warehouses–untouched and undisbursed. This led to a serious chaos; youths all over the country were seen breaking the warehouses to take their shares from the palliative to cater for themselves and their families.

Again, the former minister also claimed to have spent more than 500 million naira to feed the “non-existent children” in their homes in Abuja and Lagos when schools were locked down in 2020.

The NPOWER scheme also loosed its significance under the minister as beneficiaries were owed for several months without payment.

In spite of the above and other allegations, Former president Buhari form a deaf ear and shun all the allegations without launching an investigative panel to look into the matter.

Ironically, Mrs. Farouq spent four years in office and vacated after President Buhari’s tenure, and today, she’s under intense investigation for alleged laundering of more than 37 billion Naira when she was in office. The former minister is under EFCC’s watch and mandated to report daily to the office.

Are we done with the Humanitarian ministry? No!

As expected, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu appointed Mrs. Betta Edu to steer and rescue the already sinking humanitarian ministry. Betta was expected to perform Better than her predecessor and deliver the missions and visions of the Renewed hope agenda. Betta Edu is among the closest allies to the president; a dedicated party member and a hardworking women leader of the party. She supported the president, campaigned for him and mobilised support him. Yet, the president suspended her to give room for investigation and serve as a deterance to other political appointees who think they are immune and untouchable.

President Tinubu’s no-nonsense and zero tolerance approach is where his administration differs from his predecessor–Buhari.

Among the allegations that led to her suspension was a purpoted memo mandating the Accountant general of the federation to transfer 585 million naira to one account Bridget Onyelu.The memo was full of unrealistic calculations including flight tickets to Kogi State–which is not known to have an airport.

Few days to Edu’s suspension, Mrs. Halima Shehu–the DG NSIPA was sacked for alleged transfer 40billion to a personal account. Mrs. Shehu claimed she mistakingly transferred the money to the personal. In another report, she claimed she transferred the money to stop Mrs. Edu from accessing the funds.

The combined efforts of Sadiya, Halima and Betta are really disheartening and disappointing. It is pathetic seeing “women”– who are suppose to be role models and family builders engaging in such disgusting and inhumane acts. I am certain the president will (as he has always ) make sure whoever is found guilty face the wrath of the law.

We can’t continue like this!

Sani Bello Hamza is a Law student at Ahmadu Bello University Zaria, he writes from Zaria and can be reached through his email; sanibellohamza@gmail.com or 09013506168

By MA Iliasu

Anytime I’m reading Nassim Nicolas Taleb’s book, Antifragile, one of the books in the celebrated Incerto series, nobody comes to mind more than Dr. Yusuf Ƙofar Mata. Maybe there are better descriptions, but the dynamism of Dr. Ƙofar Mata fits the boxes of intelligent antifragility. If you bear with me, I may tell you why.

Taleb was once asked: “Would you rather be an intelligent fragile or a dumb antifragile?”, to which question he answered: “I’d rather be a dumb antifragile”. That encounter was what rattled my interest in the Incerto series. And I figured, why choose between the two when you can do better, by becoming an intelligent antifragile.

An intelligent fragile, according to Taleb, is an individual with all the mental and cognitive sharpness in the world, who sadly gets shaken by the slightest disruption of adversity. For example, a chess champion that church drums could cause to lose his mind, a professor of software engineering whom Twitter trolls can make cry, or an investment guru who gets chased away by the business cycle. An intelligent fragile is a smart who can’t withstand any kind of physical or mental pressure, big or small, who therefore finds it challenging to survive outside of his ideal environment. He gets bullied physically, mentally and emotionally. He’s a prey. During a hunt, he gets hunted. He won’t survive the survival of the fittest. To Taleb, that’s how many talented individuals become underachievers.

A dumb antifragile meanwhile, is a mentally slow individual who doesn’t get moved by adversity. He doesn’t understand puzzles, he can’t solve maths, he can’t make analogies, he can’t put things into context, and a lot of the bare minimum escape his attention; the kind of people that can vote a political party because of its colours or symbols. However, that person is well-drilled in the unfriendliness of human society. He’s physically robust, mentally firm, and emotionally stone-cold. Trolls shy away from him because they can’t affect his condition in any way. If it comes to it, he will bully rather than get bullied, and he’s a predator rather than a prey. During a hunt, he’s the hunter, not the hunted; in the language of Breaking Bad, he’s not in danger, he’s the danger. The floor of such a person in any environment is good for survival. He’ll survive an intelligent setting because he’s strong for labour and ripe for any mechanical task. And he’d excel in non-intelligent settings because he has what most intelligent people lack; thriving in adversity. Taleb believes that’s how a lot of slow individuals come to acquire generational wealth!

Amidst these boring explanations, Dr. Ƙofar Mata falls into the category of Intelligent Fragile. This is a soon-to-be professor of economics who is among the rarest that can humanize economic theory and contextualize it to the level even a street beggar would understand. His mathematical profundity dribbles through models like prime Lionel Messi on a touchline. His statistical acumen collects data with intuition, processes it like a child’s play and interprets it in the same way he eats dinner; with so much ease. I haven’t met five people with a sharper mind. Strategy exists in his random whims. It’s like he was born to solve problems.

The antifragility of Dr. Yusuf Ƙofar Mata is even more amazing. Kano State is tested with the peculiarity of youth who may need more guidance than normal. And so untypical of an active member of the intelligentsia, Dr. Ƙofar Mata was a commander of a local vigilante. Thugs ran away when they saw him because they knew with persuasion or force that day was their last outside the watch of the law. He exudes security, safety and assurance. His aura gives no space for the infiltration of stupidity and idiocy. His charisma is robust. His temperament is firm, just like the tune of his voice and the quality of his oratory. He’s persuasive where it’s due, and blunt if that’s what will solve the problem. No individual with a sound mind or functioning eyes will mess with that!

Those separable combinations of gifts are hardly found together. And in my opinion, that’s what makes Dr. Ƙofar Mata one of the most important people in modern Kano society. He carries effortlessly the wisdom of the past, the energy of the present, and the vision of the future, and deductively or inductively analyses and draws inferences from the same scope and with a single swing of the mind. He’s a politician, a statesman, an administrator, a strategist, a problem solver, a teacher, an economist, a mathematician, a statistician, a comrade and a philosopher. He likes intelligent people like himself, but doers even more. And he tries to push everyone he encounters to become the best version of themselves, and as competent and useful as possible. He despises useless people and cherishes those who are immersed in their pursuit of useful achievements.

During one of our discussions, the work of the ministry he’s presiding over as a commissioner was mentioned. And it reminded me of our earlier discussions before he was appointed when someone wondered which ministry would best fit his abilities. And I said, assign Dr. Ƙofar Mata as a commissioner of common sense and Kano society will never lack critical thinking again. I don’t think there’s any endeavour which Dr. Ƙofar Mata can’t improve, an activity he can’t manage or an individual he can’t interact with. He has a decentralized view of solutions found usually in classical Austrians, with stubbornness of the Germans and the esteem of Victorian Britons.

The peerless achievements of the Kano State Ministry of Higher Education so far are both a reflection of Gov. Abba Kabir Yusuf’s commitment towards higher education and the breathtaking genius of the revolutionary mind he trusted the ministry with. It will go down as one of the best decisions Kano State has made in the 21st century, and I’m not exaggerating. As his student, mentee and keen observer of his philosophy, it’s critical that I let you know. May Allâh guide him. Amin.

M.A Iliasu is a budding writer from Kano, an economist and currently a corp-member serving in Taraba State.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

In northern Nigeria, discussions on leadership succession and selection processes usually arise prominently only when the region is not in power at the center. Attention to these issues appears to be less pronounced when the North holds central power.

In four to eight years, the dynamics of politics in Northern Nigeria will witness a major shift because the current ‘Class 1’ political leaders will retire due to old age. For instance, in eight years, the former President Muhammadu Buhari will be 90, the former Vice President, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar will be 86, the former President, Ibrahim Babangida, will be 91, Mamman Daura will be 93, Murtala Nyako will be 90, former Head of State Abdulsalam Abubakar will be 90, former Head of State Yakubu Gowon will be 98, and General Aliyu Gusau will be 89. Also, General TY Danjuma will be 94, Sani Zangon Daura will be 94, Ango Abdullahi will be 84, Abdullahi Umar Ganduje will be 83, etc. Their age will eventually phase them out of active politics.

For ‘Class 2’ political leaders, some will also grapple with old age, and their faces are too familiar to the public. In 8 years, Nasir El-Rufai will be 72, Ali Modu Sharif will be 76, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso will be 76, Ahmed Lawan will be 73, Aliyu Wamako will be 79, and Nuhu Ribadu will be 72. Bala Mohammed will be 74, Governor Inuwa Yahaya will be 71, George Akume will be 79, and Governor Abdullahi Sule will be 73, while the current Vice President, Kashim Shettima will clock 66, which is fairly good for him. However, globally, in recent times, people in their 80s have clinched the presidency of their countries, indicating that age is gradually becoming inconsequential in political contests.

However, the individuals poised to play a prominent and vital role, naturally succeeding the ‘Class 1’ political leaders, include some state governors completing their second terms in the 4 years and other political figures who are relatively young and have excelled in their positions. Notable among them are Governors Babagana Zulum (63), Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri (64), who is performing wonders in Adamawa despite its meager resources, Simon Lalong (69), Yahaya Bello (57), Mai Mala Buni (65), Senator Aminu Tambuwal (58), Speaker Tajuddeen Abbas (60) and many more in both the public and private sectors. While the dynamics remain uncertain over the next 4–8 years, it promises to be an intriguing new chapter in the political leadership of Northern Nigeria.

Furthermore, the next leadership of the North may emerge in contrast to our existing selection process, a process that was always haphazard and mostly shrouded by the vestiges of personal interests. It has often been devoid of the sub-national’s or country’s interests. This time around, someone’s performance in public office may play a vital role in his or her emergence as the leader of the North. The Northern masses are now more concerned about development-oriented personalities than just political names. Performance is key.

And the dynamics of the Nigerian political landscape are changing overtime as well. The country needs a well-planned leadership succession arrangement. This is even more crucial because the nation is a developing country. A structured political succession plan will free the current age-old leadership from the burden of ‘carrying the camel and its loads’.

Though our succession planning, especially in the North, has been happening within the spheres of political leadership in Nigeria, it was based on some old systems and outdated processes, so to speak, for example, when former President Olusegun Obasanjo was tackled on his choice of former President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua while being fully aware of the latter’s health condition, Obasanjo said his decision was based on the information available to him and Yar’Adua’s honesty. This has brought to the fore the need for the North and the Nigerian political leadership at large to cultivate the culture of having succession advisors and employ the science of succession. It will help them make sound decisions for the transition of leadership between the current generation of leaders and potential younger successors while still maintaining some sort of political relevance and influence.

Unfortunately, the current political leadership has a poor mentorship system, especially in terms of teaching the art of politics and participation in national politics. The most hit are often their offspring and lieutenants; they are mostly engaged in power play and wealth accumulation, forgetting the importance of leadership and governance . Thus,  when they find themselves in power, they become confused with power.

Let us also not forget that picking a successor in Nigeria is a painstaking job because of the complex nature of Nigeria’s politics. Our fault lines, apparent influence of geography, tongue and faith in our polity are some of the factors responsible for this. For instance, the political geography of the North has a large number of these political leaders, and the region has some of the oldest people in the national and state assemblies, including commissioners and council chairs.

The north’s “Class 1” political leadership must establish a well-organized yet practical succession plan – a crucial step for them, their politics and the region. Notably, some governors who will conclude their final terms in 2027, having excelled in their roles, should naturally be the future political leaders in the North and at the center.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja, 08036070980, zaymohd@yahoo.com

By Sabiu Abdullahi 

Former PDP Deputy National Chairman, Chief Olabode George, has appealed to former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, asking him to reconsider his 2027 presidential ambition in favour of younger Nigerian leaders. 

Speaking in an interview on Arise Television, Chief George expressed concerns about Atiku’s age, emphasising that, at 81 years old in 2027, he may be too old to effectively govern the nation.

He suggested that Atiku should adopt a mentoring role, acting as a guiding figure for the younger generation, rather than pursuing another presidential bid. 

“My brother Atiku Abubakar was 77 years old last year, and by 2027 he will be 81 years old. Atiku should give room for younger Nigerians, who still have the energy and the brain to develop the country,” George stated during the interview. 

He further stated the importance of consistent adherence to party norms, suggesting that the PDP should prioritize mentorship and continuity.

Chief George concluded by stating that the presidency must remain in the South in 2027, following the completion of the North’s eight years in power. 

The appeal from the PDP ex-leader brings attention to the ongoing discussions within the PDP about generational leadership and the party’s direction in the upcoming presidential elections.

By Tajuddeen Ahmad Tijjani

It’s a new down in the history of the new administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who took over barely six months from May 29, 2023, till date. However, his administration has been awash with many debacles, ranging from bruises in the economic turbulence and pervasive insecurity to dividing citizens along religious and cultural differences. However, the latest is the alleged misappropriation of N585 million in the Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Poverty Alleviation, led by the former National Woman Leader of his party, the All Progressive Congress (APC).

It is in the public domain that the ministry and the NSIP have been mired in a controversy as the President recently suspended Halima Shehu as National Coordinator and CEO of the National Social Investment Programme Agency over an alleged financial misappropriation to the tune of N44 billion.

However, concerned Nigerians with an ear to the ground alleged a rivalry between the former minister’s camp and the suspended minister’s camp, who vows that “I won’t go alone; you exposed me; I will expose your conspiracy too”. However, in my perspective, if that’s the case, then it’s, after all, a welcome development for the general populace and for the system to be, of course, cleaned up.

In light of the recent events, the President’s and his administration’s integrity have been tested to see what action or inaction the President would take to send a strong message to his cabinet members and all other appointees that it is not business as usual. Would his avowed commitment to uphold the highest standards of integrity, transparency and accountability in the management of the Commonwealth of Nigerians be protected?

On the other hand, would every appointee be treated equally, no matter how close that person is to the corridors of power? Of course, the President, who has the mandate of all Nigerians, has not yet disappointed the general populace by suspending those involved in the allegations and ordering a thorough investigation into all aspects of the financial transactions of the ministry.

The President’s directives have raised hope in Nigerians that it won’t be business as usual, where looters’ cases are swept under the rug. We can boldly say that the last administration’s anti-corruption campaign was ineffective. For instance, in the case of the suspended CBN governor, whose committee was constituted by the former President, its findings fell on deaf ears as if nothing had happened; however, revelations afterwards shocked everyone interested in the well-being of the country’s socio-economic development.

If you look at governance in general, we need to change our approach. The simple fact is that corruption has stagnated the well-being and progress of this country. I feel the only viable way to address these corruption issues is to have a revolutionary transformation of society and improve the context of governance within the framework in which our governance system is predicated. We have to call a spade by its name. Until communities stop celebrating looters and negate the notion that our tribesmen or kinsmen are being witch-hunted, then we wholeheartedly support the government in its bid to eradicate corruption in the system, to which, of course, we will be the major beneficiaries.

Nigerians have a keen interest in every decision the President takes or intends to make regarding the overall interest of the lives of the general population. Certainly, the success of the fight against corruption is intricately tied to the actions of the key actors, not solely reliant on the outpouring of condemnation. The public is the major stockholder in holding the government accountable.

Suppose Tinubu turns over a new leaf in his efforts to stamp out corruption. In that case, Nigerians will stand tall to support his action and term him a foremost man fighting the menace confronting humanity, which retards Nigeria’s development. Despite his stand on the issue, Nigerians must never relent until the fight goes off to a spectacular success.

Honestly, anything short of that can’t be tolerated or accepted, even though it’s early in the day of the new government; there is no excuse. Since they swore to protect the lives and properties of Nigerians, turn our misfortune into fortune, transform our dilapidated infrastructure, and revive our economy, we can put them on the radar to see how they disengage us from all logjam.

I invite all Nigerians to join the challenge of fighting corruption in all its ramifications. After all, the war against corruption can only be decisively won if we all come on board to shun away and expose all corruption within our worldview. I commend his efforts in the recent events, and it’s indeed a patriotic call to support his move for the benefit and betterment of our country.

Tajuddeen Ahmad Tijjani writes from Galadima Mahmoud Street, Kasuwar Kaji Azare, Bauchi State.