Politics

I would like to start by expressing my profound admiration for your work. I must admit that I have always been a great fan of yours, appreciating your leadership skills and vision more than any politician in Kaduna State.

Your impressive work ethic, policy foresight, demonstrated competence, and ability to resist criticism and implement what you consider the right thing earned you a place in my heart.

(Un)fortunately, I’m not the kind of fan who always praises his favourites and considers any criticism an attempt to discredit his master.

Sir, your recent actions, remarks, and holier-than-thou attitude have led some to speculate that you are suffering from Out-of-Office syndrome. However, I prefer not to believe them.

In your recent interview with Arise TV,  you said things that, had I not watched the interview, I would have dismissed as typical political propaganda.

Firstly, you defined “friendship” as  “someone that has the fidelity to some ethical and moral standards, and will be there for you when you need him, not when it’s time to party or enjoy.”

Of course, I agree with you to some extent. However, in this context, are you suggesting that you prioritise loyalty over accountability, even if it means ignoring the concerns of those who elected you?

I believe that, by your definition of “friendship,” Uba Sani should prioritise being a “friend “ to the people of Kaduna who are struggling to get a meal due to these “economic reforms “ (which you said you supported and are the right orthodox policies…) rather than showing loyalty to his predecessor.

In your interview with Charles, you mentioned that the Late Yar’adua invited you to join his cabinet, an offer you declined. This remark reminded me of another instance in which you used his death as a mocking tool to brag about your resilience.

Your allegations against Nuhu Ribadu and his subsequent response reveal a lot about your dynamics with him. They raise questions about who has maintained the values of true friendship and who has not. I won’t elaborate further.

Sir, as you are probably approaching the last decade of your active political career, I would advise you to focus on nurturing your private life (considering your frequent references to prioritising it) rather than investing time and energy in making new (or perceived) enemies.

Do not dwell too much on criticism and allegations; do what Kwankwaso did: allow your track record to speak for you.

Lastly, may your famous political slogan — “MURUS” — not be used against you.

Best regards,

Ukasha Sani Idris

Facebook: Ukasha a Kofarnassarawa.

By Ibraheem A. Waziri

I am a son of Northern Nigeria, born into the 5th generational cohort—those of us ushered into life between 1968 and 1983, as the civil war’s echoes faded. From here, I’ve watched two giants of the 4th cohort, Nasir El-Rufai and Nuhu Ribadu, shape my homeland’s fate. They’ve lifted it at times, fractured it at others. To me, they’re more than names—they’re lodestars. Their brilliance has guided my hopes and, too often, left them drifting. 

El-Rufai has fueled my writing since 2013; his ideas have been a steady muse. Ribadu entered my life that same year, stepping into my Zaria home during my wedding week celebration, his vision setting my spirit ablaze. Now, in February 2025, their legacies show a compass split—its needle quivering between rival trails. For the North, for Nigeria, their reunion isn’t a wish. It’s a lifeline.

My tie to El-Rufai is ink, not intimacy. We met once, briefly, after he claimed Kaduna’s governorship in 2015—a moment too quick for him to recall. His ideas, though, I’ve known deeply. His 2015 election plans for Kaduna stunned me—clear, ambitious, a reformer’s blueprint. I dissected them as a commentator, later mapping his neoconservative path in my 2019 reflections. 

El-Rufa’i’s nine-page manifesto promised education, security, and infrastructure. He mostly delivered. I saw justice in his 2015 demolition of illegally grabbed lands at Alhudahuda College—even as friends grieved homes I’d known, now dust. El-Rufai is the architect and the systems man. A neoconservative who bets order can revive a stumbling North.

Ribadu came with a handshake and a dream. In my wedding week, through Abdulaziz Abdulaziz and Gimba Kakanda, he arrived at my Zaria doorstep, joining the celebration and seeking my support. Over tea and warmth, he sketched a Nigeria free of corruption’s grip. With my friend Dr. Waziri Garba Dahiru (now a professor), we told him how Dr. Aliyu Tilde’s pre-2011 presidential elections essay about him won us—and many Northerners—to his side over Muhammadu Buhari, the people’s hero then. His EFCC days had already made him a legend—a crusader chasing the mighty with a fire that echoed the North’s heart. He left my home with admiration, hoping that his progressive flame could guide us.

As a commentator, I’ve watched him and El-Rufai since—two men who once moved in harmony under President Olusegun Obasanjo. El-Rufai restored Abuja’s master plan with a surveyor’s eye. Ribadu hunted corrupt titans. Together, they danced a tandem of renewal. Both of the 4th cohort, born amid the civil war’s shadow, inherited a Nigeria of strife and potential. But ambition and ideals broke them apart. By 2011, Ribadu’s Action Congress of Nigeria presidential run clashed with El-Rufai’s loyalty to Buhari’s Congress for Progressive Change. The North’s compass cracked—progressive zeal versus conservative steel. 

El-Rufai’s rise in Kaduna cemented his neoconservative crown. Ribadu’s drift to the PDP and 2015 Adamawa loss dimmed his star. Yet his 2023 ascent as Tinubu’s National Security Adviser reignited it—tackling banditry and Boko Haram with a seasoned hand, though not without stumbles. Now, I see their rift clearly. 

El-Rufai’s Kaduna triumphs in 2015 earned my praise then. Ribadu’s path has shifted over time. Their jabs—subtle or stark—echo a generational clash I explored in my 2023 piece on the 4th cohort overtaking the fading 3rd. El-Rufai’s 2023 attack on Buhari’s inner circle, claiming they sabotaged Tinubu, and Ribadu’s quiet rise in Abuja hint at distance—yet also hope they might align again.

Why does this split haunt me? Northern Nigeria, my home, is a paradox—brimming with promise, torn by poverty, insecurity, and neglect. Bandits mar its forests. Boko Haram stalks its northeast. Education lags despite a proud past. 

As I wrote in 2019, the North’s fate is Nigeria’s pulse; its 19 states beat with the nation’s life. El-Rufai and Ribadu, with their tested mettle, stand among its best shots—but only together. El-Rufai’s Kaduna model—retooling institutions, lifting schools—maps a revival. Ribadu’s anti-corruption past and NSA role could strangle chaos at its source. Alone, they falter. Ribadu’s moral blade needs El-Rufai’s structural frame.

Reconciliation demands humility—something both have shown in fleeting glimpses. Why now? Nigeria’s security bleeds worse in 2025—bandits bolder, insurgents entrenched—while Tinubu’s early presidency offers a window for bold moves. Their Obasanjo-era alliance proves they can align. Back then, they were reform’s twin engines under his steady hand. Obasanjo could call them to the table again, his voice a bridge. 

Tinubu, as Ribadu’s boss and one whom El-Rufai respects, could push them too, melding Ribadu’s security clout with El-Rufai’s administrative spine. Friends like Abdulaziz or Dr. Tilde might spark it, but these giants could seal it. A Northern summit could fuse their strengths: Ribadu choking chaos at its roots, El-Rufai rebuilding what’s left. Nationally, their pact could drive devolution—state police, fiscal federalism—easing the North’s woes and binding Nigeria’s seams.

I’m no bystander. El-Rufai’s policies reshaped the Kaduna streets I walk. Ribadu’s 2013 visit lingers in my home’s walls. Their rift cuts me because I’ve staked my words—hundreds since 2013—on their promise. The compass lies broken but not lost. El-Rufai, the builder; Ribadu, the purifier—two halves of a whole I’ve followed for a decade. Their reunion could heal the North’s scars, pointing it toward hope. 

For Nigeria, it’s a shot at a shared destiny. As a 5th cohort voice, I plead in 2025: Mend the rift, reforge the compass, and let El-Rufai and Ribadu rise as our North Star. The stakes are mine. The hour is now. Our future demands it.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

The ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) leaders gathered at the party’s headquarters in Abuja for the National Executive Committee (NEC) meeting.

Armed security officers, including soldiers, in collaboration with other security agencies, barricaded all roads leading to the venue on Blantyre Street. Vehicle and pedestrian movement around the area was restricted, and journalists were denied access to the venue. 

However, APC spokesperson Felix Morka released a list of accredited journalists for the event on Wednesday morning.

Among those who arrived early for the meeting were members of the National Working Committee (NWC), state party leaders, former Zamfara State Governor Abdulaziz Yari, Minister of Budget and National Planning Atiku Bagudu, and Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives Benjamin Kalu.

Governors from Edo, Benue, Ondo, Ekiti, Kaduna, Jigawa, Nasarawa, Yobe, Niger, Lagos, Kogi, Ogun, Imo, Deputy Governor of Ebonyi, and former governors of Kogi, Kebbi, Niger, Zamfara, and Plateau also attended.

Notable absentees at the NEC meeting included former President Muhammadu Buhari, former Kaduna State Governor Nasir El-Rufai, and former Rivers State Governor and ex-Minister of Transport Rotimi Amaechi.

Party leader, President Bola Tinubu, Vice President Kashim Shettima, Senate President Godswill Akpabio, and Speaker of the House of Representatives Tajudeen Abbas arrived at the meeting around 12 PM. The party’s national chairman, Abdullahi Ganduje, presided over the meeting.

This was the first NEC meeting since Tinubu assumed office as president in May 2023, following a party high-level meeting held at the Presidential Villa in Abuja.

Some party stalwarts, including El-Rufai and former Deputy National Chairman of the APC Salihu Lukman, have expressed concerns about the ruling party’s lack of internal democracy.

By Anwar Usman

The National Chairman of the All Progressives Congress, Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, said on Wednesday that when he assumed office, he found an N8.9 billion debt from the previous leadership.

The former Kano State governor made this known in Abuja, where he was speaking at the ongoing National Executive Committee meeting of the APC.

He stated that the expenses were incurred during pre-election legal battles, election cases, and appeals for legislative, governorship, and presidential elections.

He explained, “The current NWC inherited debts and legal liabilities amounting to N8,987,874,663, arising from various legal engagements.”

The former Governor explained that Professor Abdul Kareem Kana (SAN), the National Legal Adviser, has been working to alleviate the debt burden.

He pleaded, “We still passionately appeal to the National Executive Committee to intervene accordingly”.

In attendance were President Bola Tinubu, Vice President Kashim Shettima, Senate President Godswill Akpabio, Speaker of the House of Representatives Tajudeen Abbas, state governors, NWC members, and other party chieftains.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan has filed a defamation lawsuit against the President of the Nigerian Senate, Godswill Akpabio, demanding N1.3 billion in damages.

The lawsuit, lodged at the Federal Capital Territory High Court on February 25, 2025, also includes Akpabio’s Senior Legislative Aide, Mfon Patrick, as a defendant. 

Akpoti-Uduaghan, represented by her lawyer, Victor Giwa, claims that defamatory remarks made by Akpabio and posted by his aide on Facebook damaged her reputation.

The post, titled “Is the Local Content Committee of the Senate Natasha’s Birthright?” included a statement suggesting Akpoti-Uduaghan believed being a lawmaker was only about “pancaking her face and wearing transparent outfits to the chambers.”

Akpoti-Uduaghan describes the words as degrading, inflammatory, and harmful to her dignity, both in the eyes of her colleagues and the public.

The lawsuit seeks a declaration that the statement is defamatory, a permanent injunction barring further publication of such comments, N100 billion in general damages, and N300 million for legal costs.

By Uzair Adam

The New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) in Kano State has suspended four of its National Assembly members over allegations of anti-party activities.

The state chairman of the party, Alhaji Hashimu Dungurawa, announced the decision while addressing journalists on Monday in Kano.

The affected lawmakers represent Kano South, Rano/Kibiya, Dala Federal, and Rogo/Karaye Federal Constituencies.

They include Kawu Sumaila, Ali Madakin Gini, Sani Rogo, and Kabiru Rurum.

According to Dungurawa, the legislators were elected under the NNPP platform but had recently acted against the party’s principles and directives.

“These members were given complementary tickets during the party elections, but after securing their positions, they began to undermine the party’s interests,” he said.

He cited an instance where Sumaila inaugurated projects at his university in Sumaila without involving party members, describing it as one of the actions deemed contrary to the NNPP’s expectations.

Dungurawa stated that a committee would be established to investigate the matter and provide recommendations on the next steps.

Despite the suspension, he noted that there was still room for reconciliation, saying the lawmakers could be reinstated if their relationship with the party improved.

The development comes amid reports of internal crisis within the NNPP in Kano, with some members allegedly feeling sidelined by the party’s leadership.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

Over 1,500 members of the All Progressives Congress (APC) have officially defected to the ruling New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) in Kano State.

The defectors, who hail from various wards in the Gwarzo Local Government Area, were warmly received by Kano’s Deputy Governor, Aminu Abdulsalam, at his office.

During the reception, the Deputy Governor praised the defectors’ decision, calling it a courageous move to support the administration of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf.

He stated that the party’s vision for good governance and development in Kano is resonating with the people, and assured the new members of equal opportunities and full integration into the NNPP’s structure.

The leaders of the defecting group, Malam Abdullahi Tiga and Aliyu Sulaiman, explained their decision, citing the APC’s failure to meet the people’s aspirations.

They expressed confidence in the NNPP leadership and pledged to support the party in its future endeavors.

In a show of solidarity, the Chairman of Gwarzo Local Government, Dr. Mani Tsoho, assured the defectors of fair treatment and equal opportunities within the local government.

Party officials and supporters also committed to strengthening the NNPP as the state prepares for future political contests, encouraging more citizens to join the growing party.

This move marks a major shift in the political landscape of Kano State, as the NNPP gains momentum with the increasing support of former APC members.

By Muhammad Rabiu Jibrin (Mr. J)                 

Isn’t the religious institution now on the brink of suffering the same fate as the traditional institution, whose integrity, moral authority, and influence have been swept away by the political hurricane?

Historically, the Nigerian traditional and religious institutions were best known as the custodians of culture and justice, commanding immense respect and dignity. They were no-go areas with clear boundaries known to politicians. Their political neutrality, ethical brevity, and golden silence made them stand out, shielding them against political threats and disrespect. But with the gradual mental shift and negligence of purpose, the passage of time paved unnoticeable ways for political interference in their affairs, rendering them into a vulnerability that warms what once cooled them.

Although the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria does not clearly prohibit traditional rulers from engaging in politics, it expects public officeholders, including traditional rulers, to remain neutral. The state laws of most states, if not all, prohibit traditional rulers from participating in partisan politics, as such acts can be seen as a breach of their traditional duties and a justification for removal.

History has shown that most allegations against Emirs were connected to issues like partisan politics, outspoken nature, and mismanagement, among others. On March 9, 2020, the Kano State government under Governor Abdullahi Ganduje officially dethroned Sanusi Lamido Sanusi as the Emir of Kano. His grandfather, Emir Muhammadu Sanusi I (1953–1963), faced the same issue under the Premier of the Northern Region, Sir Ahmadu Bello, on April 10, 1963. Similarly, Emir Mustapha Jokolo of Gwandu (1995–2005) was deposed in June 2005 by the Kebbi State government under Governor Muhammad Adamu Aliero, while Emir Abubakar Atiku of Zurmi (2010–2012) was removed from his position by the Zamfara State government in 2012.

Having successfully influenced traditional institutions, are Nigerian politicians not now attempting to test the same waters on religious institutions through their appointments and donations services?

How our religious leaders glorify and endorse politicians while also criticising one another on political matters in mosques, churches, or during their religious sermons is akin to setting a bushfire that would consume all its inhabitants. It is not difficult for politicians to offer them lucrative sums of money, gift them extravagant cars, and so forth, enabling them to manipulate their views and dilute their words during sermons for material gain.

The silver lining is that the spiritual blueprints and the footsteps that guide them would resolutely remain unchanged till eternity, no matter their deviation.

The recent verbal altercation between Sheikh Sani Yahaya Jingir and Sheikh Muhammad Kabir Gombe, which stemmed from the issue of the ‘Qur’an Festival,’ is disheartening. I view Sheikh Sani Yahaya Jingir as a cleric who strives to speak the truth but often talks excessively. He is a mature, responsible Sheikh who should not demean himself by engaging in disputes with younger individuals like Sheikh Kabiru Gombe. His reputation, knowledge, and age should elevate him beyond such conflicts. He ought to discourage the young, emerging ‘Shuyukh’ under his mentorship from becoming involved in such matters, let alone involving himself.

As for Sheikh Kabiru Gombe, I see his utterances as disrespectful and illogical toward a man of that age, no matter the heat of the moment. If two ‘Shuyukh’ and their followers resort to ranting and calling each other names, what credibility do their preachings hold, and how will their followers perceive them? Where is the unity, patience, and love for one another that Islam teaches and which they claim to promote? No matter the misunderstanding, religious leaders should be careful with their words toward one another in all circumstances.

In conclusion, unless our religious leaders fight selfishness among themselves, adhere to the teachings of Islam, respect one another despite divergent views, and remain united, the future will unravel unfavourably. Only by adhering to the holistic teachings of Islam and the prophetic tradition can they stand resolute against any factor that seeks to erode their strength.

Muhammad Rabiu Jibrin (Mr.J) wrote via muhammadrabiujibrin@gmail.com.

By Dr. Muhammad Sulaiman Abdullahi

In Nigerian landscape today, people need help. Almost everyone needs one form of help of another. This is especially since after Buhari’s brutal leadership which took Nigerians 20 years backward. Baba Tinubu promised that he would continue, not to change and turn things around. And Nigerians are really witnessing a massive and huge form of suffocation, where everyone is gasping for air and therefore, many people don’t care much about what the leaders should do or not do.

A lot of people are hungry as a result of the reckless driving of the nations drivers. You won’t understand the depth of the challenges in Nigeri’as political arena until you engage some politicians, especially those who are genuinely interested in contributing positively to the community. That’s why people like us—who are so much inquisitive—struggle a lot in this field!

I don’t particularly enjoy discussing or praising politicians because whatever they do, they are just doing their jobs. However, there are some reasons that compel me to write on the MB Shehu’s empowerment program, and God willing, I will not do it to flatter; I will only share what I know about that support program, and I know that God is my witness regarding what I write. I also speak from a position of being part of the support committee.

MB Shehu is the current member federal house of representatives, representing the good people of Fagge. During his campaign rallies, he has mentioned and promised many things he intended to do to his people if elected. Today, he is the member, representing Fagge in Abuja. As part of promise fulfillment, he distributes, or rather, he has already distributed a lot of items, to his constituents, to mitigate and cushion the sad and bad effect of the T-pain. While I do not know where he got the idea for this kind of distribution, I believe it stems from the large number of people he has attracted politically, most of whom are needy and in dire need of such support and assistance. He has promised them that he will do good for them if given the opportunity and he is now doing exactly what he said.

Someone might ask, what is more important: meeting the needs of one person or meeting the needs of many people? Many will tell you that meeting the needs of many is more significant. However, how can one meet the needs of the entire community if one doesn’t start from individual people?

Initially, I don’t personally see such “empowerments” as worthy programs, but now, having seen the actions taken and how they have been implemented and also, hard situation which most of the beneficiaries are battling with, I believe that a leader, should, in such kind of situations, do two things:

1) Assist their community in a way that is pleasing to God, through proper channels—those that the people desire (not necessarily highly sophisticated and systematic way), even if a leader sees other ways as more beneficial.

2) A leader should strive to seek and identify certain vital good initiatives that are beneficial, even if many in the community do not see the immediate advantages. This is because most people lack the knowledge or understanding to discern what is more important for them.

Both the above two ways should be integrated! There should be plans for political accountability, and there should be thoughtful and dignified initiatives that can be recognized as good deeds even after one’s life.

During the opening ceremony of the program, the executive Governor of Kano, Abba Kabir Yusuf, aka Abba Gida-gida, inaugurated the program, and it was expected that around 3,000 people will directly benefit from the empowerment, indeed it is serious. Here are some of the items being distributed to the community members:

i) Cars
ii) Motorcycles
iii) Mechanic toolboxes
iv) Car diagnostic gadgets
v) Sewing machines
vi) Deep freezers
vii) Industrial sewing machines
viii) 50,000 Naira to over 1,000 people, with the total number reaching 1,107
ix) Welding machines
x) High-powered cameras, etc

These are just a few of the items I have seen, and some I have heard about.

The Governor of Kano, Abba Gida-gida, who was present during the inauguration of the support program, expressed his happiness and said that he was at a loss for words due to his joy. He added that he had never seen any member who did something like what MB Shehu has done.

This is indeed a significant achievement, and I know that MB Shehu is committed to implementing more initiatives. Anyone interested in knowing about such initiatives can contact Alkanawy, as they are the ones disseminating news and promoting the activities of the legislator.

Before the empowerment, a very strong committee was formed under the leadership of Professor Bashir Yusuf Fagge, and genuinely, there has been a commitment to identifying deserving beneficiaries. I can confidently say that a great effort has been made, day and night, to ensure this work is done perfectly.

In this current political climate under Tinubu, if someone gives you a car, motorcycle, or money, you certainly should appreciate them. Because in Nigeria, especially now, if they don’t give you, there’s nothing you can do. Many elected members do not contribute anything to their constituents and nothing happens.

Finally, some people oppose this empowerment due to their personal reasons or grudges against the one who did it, the committee members or the process. No one can do things that can be accepted by all. Just do your best and move on. No one (especially the politicians) would loved or hated by all. This is why doing things with great foresight and consultation is invaluable. I saw happiness in the faces of the recipients. I hope the money and items given will metamorphose and multiply into bigger fortune.

I call upon the respected member to continue working diligently, to fear God more in carrying out his responsibilities, and to keep doing good for the people. Amen.

Muhammad Kano

By Amir Abdulazeez, PhD

In ancient times and through the Middle Ages, people used autobiographies to share hidden truths, make confessions and communicate genuine experiences. Nowadays, they are used by politicians and world leaders for self-justification and self-glorification. Whether in the West, across Africa, or within Nigeria, the pattern remains the same—political figures use autobiographies to rewrite history in their favour, often ignoring their failures or controversies.

Between 1948 and 1954, former British Prime Minister Winston Churchill published multiple volumes of memoirs portraying him as World War II’s hero. While Churchill was undeniably a key figure in the war, his narratives downplayed criticisms of his leadership, including his alleged role in the Bengal Famine of 1943, which resulted in the deaths of millions. His autobiographical works cemented his legacy as a wartime leader while sidestepping his more controversial decisions.

Modern political memoirs have increasingly become exercises in selective storytelling, where leaders carefully articulate their narratives to present themselves in the most favourable light possible. Former United States President Richard Nixon used his autobiography, The Memoirs of Richard Nixon, to repair his image after the Watergate scandal. After lying about the possession of weapons of mass destruction as a justification to invade, Tony Blair’s A Journey and George W. Bush’s Decision Points cruelly and shamelessly attempted to justify their baseless war in Iraq in 2003. 

Across Africa, many leaders have also engaged in the practice of using autobiographies to deny or justify their shortcomings. As good as they were, Ghana’s Kwame Nkrumah, Zambia’s Kenneth Kaunda, Tanzania’s Julius Nyerere, and Kenya’s Jomo Kenyatta have all been accused of using autobiographies to exaggerate their legacies, downplay their shortcomings, and ignore controversies around their stewardships.

In Nigeria, Olusegun Obasanjo’s 2014 book My Watch has been widely criticised for being self-serving. While Obasanjo portrays himself as a patriot and a visionary leader, he conveniently overlooked his authoritarian tendencies and allegations of corruption and electoral fraud during his tenure.  

Despite all the glaring circumstances that led to Dr. Goodluck Jonathan’s decisive defeat in the 2015 Presidential elections, in his 2018 book My Transition Hours, he tried hard to justify and downplay his actions while also constructing different conspiracy theories that gave the impression that he didn’t lose the elections freely and fairly. 

Just when we thought we had enough of all these politicised autobiographies, former Military President General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida has released his own memoirs. While often and correctly presented as one of Nigeria’s finest soldiers, strongest leaders, and elder statesmen, we cannot expect his memoirs to differ significantly from those of other Nigerian, African, and world leaders. IBB is unfortunate to be one of the most studied and documented Nigerian leaders, and there are numerous controversies, inconsistencies, and tactical deceptions associated with his tenure that no autobiography can reconcile. 

One major criticism of IBB’s memoir is its timing. The delayed release suggests a strategic waiting period for public emotions to cool and memories to fade. Apart from the main actors, many others in a position to validate or refute whatever he might say in his book are deceased. In fact, the majority of the current generation of Nigerians were not even born when he left power in 1993. In a nutshell, while Babangida’s autobiography may attempt to rationalise many of his decisions, the scars left by the events he oversaw, such as the Structural Adjustment Programme, state executions, public corruption, and the endless and wasteful transition programme, will remain fresh in the country’s memory.

In Nigeria, what have these autobiographies taught us? Many leaders and political figures have left behind terrible legacies that they cannot afford to entrust to impartial storytellers. While they ought to spend the remainder of their lives in regret and reflection, they prefer to add salt to the wound by publishing half-truths and falsehoods as autobiographies. When they do this, they invariably have other elitist co-conspirators, who benefited from their actions and inactions in power, gathering to celebrate them as heroes. 

As a former Nigerian leader, as long as you are alive and influential, you can always find a way to redeem your image despite your atrocities. I often ask people to imagine if General Sani Abacha were still alive; who would dare to recover any foreign loot associated with him? Who doesn’t have skeletons in their cupboards? Unfortunately for Abacha, apart from being dead, he had also stepped on most, if not all, of the toes that would have protected him, and again, one of the most affected became President just 11 months after his death.

Not everyone is the same. There are patriotic Nigerian leaders, statesmen, and freedom fighters who deserve to write autobiographies. Unfortunately, when they do, their works often get drowned in the ocean of the more negative ones who are wealthier and more popular. By tradition, Nigerians tend to promote and accept things that are popular and glamorous rather than those that are truthful and sincere. This is why you don’t hear trending biographies about Gani Fawehinmi, Abdulkadir Balarabe Musa, and others.

Ultimately, everyone has the right to their own opinion and narrative of events as they wish others to perceive them. While autobiographies offer valuable insights into the minds of world leaders, they should be read critically. Readers must recognise that these books are not always honest reflections of history but are often carefully crafted narratives aimed at preserving a leader’s legacy. 

The memoirs of political leaders frequently function more as instruments of image control than as genuine historical accounts. The ultimate judgement of political leaders should not lie within the pages of their autobiographies but rather in the lived experiences of their citizens and the tangible impacts of their policies. 

I read three autobiographies recently, and I found them to be outstanding and honest: Sir Ahmadu Bello’s My Life, Nelson Mandela’s Long Walk to Freedom and Mahatma Gandhi’s The Stories of My Experiments with Truths. Sardauna’s was simple, least self-glorifying and occasionally self-critical. Mandela’s was strictly a chronicle of collective struggles, only mentioning but leaving out details about subjective issues and cleverly terminating his story to the point he was inaugurated as President. He left the story of his presidency to be told by others. Gandhi’s was the best; when he was literally forced to write his memoirs in 1925, he named it ‘My Experiments’; the translators added the word ‘autobiography’. He never wanted to write because he believed that if your actions were right, there was nothing to boast about; for the wrong ones, there would always be many people to help you write them.

Twitter: @AmirAbdulazeez