Politics

By Dr. Muhammad Sulaiman Abdullahi

In Nigerian landscape today, people need help. Almost everyone needs one form of help of another. This is especially since after Buhari’s brutal leadership which took Nigerians 20 years backward. Baba Tinubu promised that he would continue, not to change and turn things around. And Nigerians are really witnessing a massive and huge form of suffocation, where everyone is gasping for air and therefore, many people don’t care much about what the leaders should do or not do.

A lot of people are hungry as a result of the reckless driving of the nations drivers. You won’t understand the depth of the challenges in Nigeri’as political arena until you engage some politicians, especially those who are genuinely interested in contributing positively to the community. That’s why people like us—who are so much inquisitive—struggle a lot in this field!

I don’t particularly enjoy discussing or praising politicians because whatever they do, they are just doing their jobs. However, there are some reasons that compel me to write on the MB Shehu’s empowerment program, and God willing, I will not do it to flatter; I will only share what I know about that support program, and I know that God is my witness regarding what I write. I also speak from a position of being part of the support committee.

MB Shehu is the current member federal house of representatives, representing the good people of Fagge. During his campaign rallies, he has mentioned and promised many things he intended to do to his people if elected. Today, he is the member, representing Fagge in Abuja. As part of promise fulfillment, he distributes, or rather, he has already distributed a lot of items, to his constituents, to mitigate and cushion the sad and bad effect of the T-pain. While I do not know where he got the idea for this kind of distribution, I believe it stems from the large number of people he has attracted politically, most of whom are needy and in dire need of such support and assistance. He has promised them that he will do good for them if given the opportunity and he is now doing exactly what he said.

Someone might ask, what is more important: meeting the needs of one person or meeting the needs of many people? Many will tell you that meeting the needs of many is more significant. However, how can one meet the needs of the entire community if one doesn’t start from individual people?

Initially, I don’t personally see such “empowerments” as worthy programs, but now, having seen the actions taken and how they have been implemented and also, hard situation which most of the beneficiaries are battling with, I believe that a leader, should, in such kind of situations, do two things:

1) Assist their community in a way that is pleasing to God, through proper channels—those that the people desire (not necessarily highly sophisticated and systematic way), even if a leader sees other ways as more beneficial.

2) A leader should strive to seek and identify certain vital good initiatives that are beneficial, even if many in the community do not see the immediate advantages. This is because most people lack the knowledge or understanding to discern what is more important for them.

Both the above two ways should be integrated! There should be plans for political accountability, and there should be thoughtful and dignified initiatives that can be recognized as good deeds even after one’s life.

During the opening ceremony of the program, the executive Governor of Kano, Abba Kabir Yusuf, aka Abba Gida-gida, inaugurated the program, and it was expected that around 3,000 people will directly benefit from the empowerment, indeed it is serious. Here are some of the items being distributed to the community members:

i) Cars
ii) Motorcycles
iii) Mechanic toolboxes
iv) Car diagnostic gadgets
v) Sewing machines
vi) Deep freezers
vii) Industrial sewing machines
viii) 50,000 Naira to over 1,000 people, with the total number reaching 1,107
ix) Welding machines
x) High-powered cameras, etc

These are just a few of the items I have seen, and some I have heard about.

The Governor of Kano, Abba Gida-gida, who was present during the inauguration of the support program, expressed his happiness and said that he was at a loss for words due to his joy. He added that he had never seen any member who did something like what MB Shehu has done.

This is indeed a significant achievement, and I know that MB Shehu is committed to implementing more initiatives. Anyone interested in knowing about such initiatives can contact Alkanawy, as they are the ones disseminating news and promoting the activities of the legislator.

Before the empowerment, a very strong committee was formed under the leadership of Professor Bashir Yusuf Fagge, and genuinely, there has been a commitment to identifying deserving beneficiaries. I can confidently say that a great effort has been made, day and night, to ensure this work is done perfectly.

In this current political climate under Tinubu, if someone gives you a car, motorcycle, or money, you certainly should appreciate them. Because in Nigeria, especially now, if they don’t give you, there’s nothing you can do. Many elected members do not contribute anything to their constituents and nothing happens.

Finally, some people oppose this empowerment due to their personal reasons or grudges against the one who did it, the committee members or the process. No one can do things that can be accepted by all. Just do your best and move on. No one (especially the politicians) would loved or hated by all. This is why doing things with great foresight and consultation is invaluable. I saw happiness in the faces of the recipients. I hope the money and items given will metamorphose and multiply into bigger fortune.

I call upon the respected member to continue working diligently, to fear God more in carrying out his responsibilities, and to keep doing good for the people. Amen.

Muhammad Kano

By Amir Abdulazeez, PhD

In ancient times and through the Middle Ages, people used autobiographies to share hidden truths, make confessions and communicate genuine experiences. Nowadays, they are used by politicians and world leaders for self-justification and self-glorification. Whether in the West, across Africa, or within Nigeria, the pattern remains the same—political figures use autobiographies to rewrite history in their favour, often ignoring their failures or controversies.

Between 1948 and 1954, former British Prime Minister Winston Churchill published multiple volumes of memoirs portraying him as World War II’s hero. While Churchill was undeniably a key figure in the war, his narratives downplayed criticisms of his leadership, including his alleged role in the Bengal Famine of 1943, which resulted in the deaths of millions. His autobiographical works cemented his legacy as a wartime leader while sidestepping his more controversial decisions.

Modern political memoirs have increasingly become exercises in selective storytelling, where leaders carefully articulate their narratives to present themselves in the most favourable light possible. Former United States President Richard Nixon used his autobiography, The Memoirs of Richard Nixon, to repair his image after the Watergate scandal. After lying about the possession of weapons of mass destruction as a justification to invade, Tony Blair’s A Journey and George W. Bush’s Decision Points cruelly and shamelessly attempted to justify their baseless war in Iraq in 2003. 

Across Africa, many leaders have also engaged in the practice of using autobiographies to deny or justify their shortcomings. As good as they were, Ghana’s Kwame Nkrumah, Zambia’s Kenneth Kaunda, Tanzania’s Julius Nyerere, and Kenya’s Jomo Kenyatta have all been accused of using autobiographies to exaggerate their legacies, downplay their shortcomings, and ignore controversies around their stewardships.

In Nigeria, Olusegun Obasanjo’s 2014 book My Watch has been widely criticised for being self-serving. While Obasanjo portrays himself as a patriot and a visionary leader, he conveniently overlooked his authoritarian tendencies and allegations of corruption and electoral fraud during his tenure.  

Despite all the glaring circumstances that led to Dr. Goodluck Jonathan’s decisive defeat in the 2015 Presidential elections, in his 2018 book My Transition Hours, he tried hard to justify and downplay his actions while also constructing different conspiracy theories that gave the impression that he didn’t lose the elections freely and fairly. 

Just when we thought we had enough of all these politicised autobiographies, former Military President General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida has released his own memoirs. While often and correctly presented as one of Nigeria’s finest soldiers, strongest leaders, and elder statesmen, we cannot expect his memoirs to differ significantly from those of other Nigerian, African, and world leaders. IBB is unfortunate to be one of the most studied and documented Nigerian leaders, and there are numerous controversies, inconsistencies, and tactical deceptions associated with his tenure that no autobiography can reconcile. 

One major criticism of IBB’s memoir is its timing. The delayed release suggests a strategic waiting period for public emotions to cool and memories to fade. Apart from the main actors, many others in a position to validate or refute whatever he might say in his book are deceased. In fact, the majority of the current generation of Nigerians were not even born when he left power in 1993. In a nutshell, while Babangida’s autobiography may attempt to rationalise many of his decisions, the scars left by the events he oversaw, such as the Structural Adjustment Programme, state executions, public corruption, and the endless and wasteful transition programme, will remain fresh in the country’s memory.

In Nigeria, what have these autobiographies taught us? Many leaders and political figures have left behind terrible legacies that they cannot afford to entrust to impartial storytellers. While they ought to spend the remainder of their lives in regret and reflection, they prefer to add salt to the wound by publishing half-truths and falsehoods as autobiographies. When they do this, they invariably have other elitist co-conspirators, who benefited from their actions and inactions in power, gathering to celebrate them as heroes. 

As a former Nigerian leader, as long as you are alive and influential, you can always find a way to redeem your image despite your atrocities. I often ask people to imagine if General Sani Abacha were still alive; who would dare to recover any foreign loot associated with him? Who doesn’t have skeletons in their cupboards? Unfortunately for Abacha, apart from being dead, he had also stepped on most, if not all, of the toes that would have protected him, and again, one of the most affected became President just 11 months after his death.

Not everyone is the same. There are patriotic Nigerian leaders, statesmen, and freedom fighters who deserve to write autobiographies. Unfortunately, when they do, their works often get drowned in the ocean of the more negative ones who are wealthier and more popular. By tradition, Nigerians tend to promote and accept things that are popular and glamorous rather than those that are truthful and sincere. This is why you don’t hear trending biographies about Gani Fawehinmi, Abdulkadir Balarabe Musa, and others.

Ultimately, everyone has the right to their own opinion and narrative of events as they wish others to perceive them. While autobiographies offer valuable insights into the minds of world leaders, they should be read critically. Readers must recognise that these books are not always honest reflections of history but are often carefully crafted narratives aimed at preserving a leader’s legacy. 

The memoirs of political leaders frequently function more as instruments of image control than as genuine historical accounts. The ultimate judgement of political leaders should not lie within the pages of their autobiographies but rather in the lived experiences of their citizens and the tangible impacts of their policies. 

I read three autobiographies recently, and I found them to be outstanding and honest: Sir Ahmadu Bello’s My Life, Nelson Mandela’s Long Walk to Freedom and Mahatma Gandhi’s The Stories of My Experiments with Truths. Sardauna’s was simple, least self-glorifying and occasionally self-critical. Mandela’s was strictly a chronicle of collective struggles, only mentioning but leaving out details about subjective issues and cleverly terminating his story to the point he was inaugurated as President. He left the story of his presidency to be told by others. Gandhi’s was the best; when he was literally forced to write his memoirs in 1925, he named it ‘My Experiments’; the translators added the word ‘autobiography’. He never wanted to write because he believed that if your actions were right, there was nothing to boast about; for the wrong ones, there would always be many people to help you write them.

Twitter: @AmirAbdulazeez 

By Garba Sidi 

Historically, in Jigawa State, no member had served in the House of Representatives three times before Ibrahim Usman Kamfani Auyo did so. Although there is no tenure limitation for the House of Representatives position in the Nigerian constitution — from Section 65, which states qualifications to contest the position, to Section 66, which outlines details of disqualifications — nowhere does it state the tenure limitation for.

Members like Hon. Musa Sarkin Adar served from 2003 to 2015, representing Kebe and Tambuwal Constituency, and Hon. Aliyu Madaki served from 2003 to 2015, representing Dange-Shuni, Bodinga, and Tureta Federal Constituency, all from Sokoto state, North West. Hon. Muhammed Tahir Mungono served from 2003 to 2015, representing Mungono, Marte, and Nganzai federal constituency, and Hon. Babagana Kingibe served from 2003 to 2011, representing Biu, Kwaya, and Bayu federal constituency, both from Borno State, in the North East. 

Hon. Emmanuel Jime served from 2007 to 2015, representing Makurdi and Guma Federal constituency of Benue State. Hon. Ahmed Idris Wase served from 2007 to 2019, representing Wase federal Constituency of Plateau State, both from North Central.

Hon. Femi Gbajabiamila Served from 2003 to 2023 representing Surulere Federal Constituency of Lagos State and Hon. Lasun Yusuf Served from 2011 to 2019, representing Irepodun, Olorunda, Osogbo and Orolu Federal Constituency of Osun State, both from South West. 

Hon. Nkeiruka Onyejeocha Served from 2007 to 2023, representing Isuikwuato and Umunneochi Federal Constituency of Abia State and Hon. Ifeanyi Chudy Momah Served from 2003 to 2011, representing Ihiala Federal Constituency of Anambra State both from South East. 

Hon. Essien Ayi Served from 2003 to 2015, representing Oron, Mbo, Okobo, Udung-Uko and Urue-Offong Federal Constituency of Akwa Ibom State and Hon. Leo Ogor Served from 2007 to 2023, representing Isoko Federal Constituency of Delta State, both from South South. 

All of these members served more than two terms, as listed above. Section 14(2)(a) of the Nigerian constitution states, “The security and welfare of the people shall be the primary purpose of government. ” This section implies that members of the government, including the House of Representatives, have a responsibility to serve the interests of their constituents. 

As we know, the responsibilities of a member of the House of Representatives as outlined in the Nigeria constitution, are to play a crucial role in creating and voting on laws, they are expected to: assist their constituents, addressing their concerns and helping them navigate government services, members also can speak on the House floor to express their views on legislation, policies and issues affecting their constituents, members vote on bills that impact their constituents, ensuring that their voices are heard in the legislative process, doing all these they must ensure that they are in the best interest of their constituents.

Looking at these responsibilities laid out in the backbone of Nigeria’s leadership framework (Constitution), every good citizen should abide by the rule of law documented in it. Kamfani Auyo initially accepted these responsibilities, but after being sworn in, he turned away from the law and acted in ways that pleased only himself and his party leaders. We have often heard that he gifts cars and other things to these leaders to gain their support so that he can run as he likes. 

Some people in his constituency feel that Kamfani Auyo has not fulfilled the responsibilities that rest on his shoulders. Their criticism concerns his inability to raise motions among his fellow members and address some pressing issues in his constituency. Some argue that his lack of deep western education is the reason for this, but I oppose that notion. 

If we consider how his fellow member from the same state, Hon. Muhammed Gudaji Kazaure, representing Kazaure, Roni, Gwiwa, and Yankwashi, used his unpolished grammar to address his people’s problems, it became a habit for the Speaker of that reign, Femi Gbajabiamila, to ask Kazaure if there was an issue he needed to bring to the House. 

So, why can’t he learn from Kazaure and do what is necessary for the interest of his people? We didn’t vote for him to simply sit and watch his fellow members discuss their people’s problems while there are numerous issues in his constituency, day by day, putting the lives of many at risk—like kidney disease, which is primarily affecting the elderly, leaving their families in grief and sorrow to this day. 

Many federal roads require reconstruction due to the accidents they cause, which result in the loss of limbs and, all too often, lives. Yet, inaction persists, as funds are merely allocated to purchase motorcycles for a select few, while a portion is distributed as small amounts of capital to a few of his political associates, which they then boast about on social media—that’s all. 

Their low IQ prevents their supporters from urging their masters to prioritise lasting solutions for themselves and future generations. They consider the sums he occasionally gives to them—taken from the millions in the constituency’s treasury—sufficient, even though they cannot even cover their basic needs. Their online defenses are full of unpolished rhetoric and spelling errors. He is merely using them for his own benefit. Unfortunately, their cognitive sense is not in a good condition to understand this. 

May God be our helpers.

Garba Sidi wrote via sidihadejia@gmail.com. 

By Ukasha Sani Idris

Recently, strange “activism “ by former governor of Kaduna State, Malam Nasiru El-Rufai on his social media platformshas reaffirmed the rumor that he’s no longer on good terms with his successor, the current governor of Kaduna State.

On X (formerly Twitter), El-Rufai responded to a follower’s claim that he would be arrested if he returned to Nigeria.

Malam responded by saying, “ …Your post below refers. I have been hearing these same rumors of arrest, detention and torture in some dungeon in the NSA’s office (where Emefiele was allegedly tortured to resign as CBN governor), since July 2024 when the so-called report of the Kaduna Assembly began circulating…”

El-Rufai VS His benefactors

This development has sparked renewed interest in El-Rufai’s history of betraying his benefactors. Farooq Kperogi’s August 2023 column highlighted El-Rufai’s “serial betrayals,” noting that he turned against former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, who brought him into the national spotlight, and later betrayed former President Obasanjo. In it, he mentioned:

“Of course, El-Rufai later betrayed Obasanjo—and everybody else that has propelled his career or extended favors to him.”

“El-Rufai seems congenitally incapable of being loyal to people who feather his aspirations. “

“What’s happening to El-Rufai now actually pales in comparison to the depth of his serial betrayals of his benefactors. It’s a case of live by the sword, die by the sword.”

Who is the biggest casualty?

When Madina Maishanu questioned Bello El-Rufai on BBC Hausa about the current feud between his father and former boss, the worry lines suddenly appeared on his face. Still, he tried to maintain a neutral stance and replied, “It’s not most desirable, but it’s part of life. Couples divorce. Friends fall out…”

When pressed on whether he would mediate a reconciliation between them, he stated that it is not his responsibility to mediate between his father and Governor Uba Sani; his responsibility is Kaduna North.

He also reaffirmed that Uba Sani is still his boss after reemphasising his strong bond with his father.

Where is Dadiyata?

In another response to the same diehard fan, Malam wrote:

“Be careful, Imran @IU_Wakilii……the Kaduna Kidnapping Team (I will reveal this next week, in sha Allah) will either try implementing the Danbilki Commander (abduct, whip and then offer money) or the Bashir Saidu (abduct and imprison) treatment on you. Please keep away from Kaduna and stay safe wherever you are.”

MALAM shouldn’t only reveal the “Kidnapping Team” without telling us when and how it started and the architect behind this torture, perhaps his information would take us back to Dadiyata’s abduction that occurred when he was the sitting governor of the state where Dadiyata was abducted.

Life Lesson:

“Do unto others as you would have them do unto you.”

1. El-Rufai’s recent social media outbursts seem to be a reflection of his own bitter experiences. Many are suggesting that he’s facing the consequences of his own actions.
2. If the biological son of MALAM can maintain a neutral stance, at least in our view regarding this matter, why are the sons and daughters of “Nobody” so eagerly rushing to inherit other people’s feud?

I cherish the virtues of honour, respect, and integrity; however, I am in no way justifying betrayal and distrust. I also pray I never find joy in someone’s downfall.

Ukasha Kofarnassarawa wrote via ukasha_sani@yahoo.com.

By Nura Abdullahi Bagwai Esq.

The recent recognition from the Senate Press Corps has highlighted Deputy Senate President Barau I. Jibrin’s extraordinary legislative achievements, as he leads the 10th National Assembly with an impressive record of 21 private member bills within just 18 months.

This remarkably unprecedented feat has earned him the Highest Development Driven Bills Sponsorship Award, demonstrating his unwavering commitment to Nigeria’s advancement through legislative excellence.

Senator Jibrin’s legislative portfolio showcases a comprehensive approach to national development, with bills spanning crucial sectors such as education, infrastructure, environmental sustainability, and technological advancement. As the Senator representing Kano North Senatorial District, his crowning achievement came with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s this year’s assent to the North West Development Commission Bill, establishing a vital institution for regional development.

In a significant development, the Commission has been allocated over 500 billion Naira to facilitate rapid transformation across the entire North West region. The breadth of Senator Jibrin’s legislative initiatives reflects his deep understanding of Nigeria’s contemporary challenges. His sponsorship of two bills, the amendment of the Agricultural Research Council Act and the Renewable Energy Bill of 2024 demonstrate his forward-thinking approach to food security and sustainable energy development.

Meanwhile, the Occupational Safety and Health Bill, 2024, underscores his dedication to protecting Nigerian workers’ welfare, whilst the National Identity Management Commission (Repeal & Enactment) Bill, 2024, reveals his grasp of digital infrastructure’s importance in modern governance.

Education stands as the bedrock of Senator Jibrin’s transformative agenda, evident not only through his legislative accomplishments but also through his initiatives.

Demonstrating his profound commitment to nurturing future leaders, the Barau I. Jibrin Foundation recently launched an ambitious scholarship programme, sponsoring 70 promising students from Kano State to study postgraduate courses like Forensic and Robotic Sciences, Artificial Intelligence and Cyber Security at renowned international institutions. These scholars received comprehensive support packages, including laptops and essential study materials, embodying his belief in equipping young Nigerians with the tools they need to excel in global academia.

His parliamentary efforts have significantly expanded educational access across Northern Nigeria, notably through the establishment of Federal Polytechnic Kabo and the historic transformation of Federal College of Education, Kano, into Yusuf Maitama Sule Federal University of Education, Kano.
His dedication to constitutional reform is evident through multiple Constitution Alteration Bills, suggesting a profound understanding of the systemic changes needed to advance Nigeria’s democratic journey. The Government Performance and Accountability Bill, 2024, further demonstrates his commitment to fostering transparency and effective governance.

What distinguishes Senator Jibrin’s approach is not merely the quantity of bills sponsored, but their strategic focus on key developmental challenges. The Development Planning and Project Continuity Bill, 2023, for instance, addresses one of Nigeria’s persistent challenges: the abandonment of projects following governmental changes. Similarly, his attention to cyber security through the Cyber Crimes (Repeal & Re-enactment) Bill, 2023, demonstrates foresight in safeguarding Nigeria’s digital future.

As Deputy President of the Nigerian Senate, Senator Barau I. Jibrin exemplifies that effective leadership in the legislature requires more than holding a position – it demands a proactive approach to addressing national challenges through well-considered legislative actions. His records position him as a pivotal figure in shaping Nigeria’s development agenda, particularly in the northern region.

The impact of Senator Jibrin’s legislative work extends far beyond mere statistics. Each bill represents a carefully considered response to specific national challenges, from environmental protection to economic development, from educational advancement to technological innovation.

As Nigeria continues to navigate complex developmental challenges, leaders like Senator Jibrin demonstrate that dedicated legislative work can serve as a powerful catalyst for national transformation.

Bar. Nura Abdullahi Bagwai is a Legal Practitioner and Politician. He wrote from Kano, Nigeria.

By Hadiza Abdulkadir

Popular Kannywood actor Mustapha Badamasi Nabraska has defected from the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) and the Kwankwasiyya Movement to the All Progressives Congress (APC).

Senator Barau Jibril, representing Kano North, announced the defection on social media, revealing that Nabraska visited his residence in Abuja, where he symbolically discarded his red cap—an emblem of the Kwankwasiyya Movement. Senator Ibrahim Lamido (Sokoto East) and Political Adviser Hon. Yusuf Tumfafi were also present to receive him.

Nabraska, known for his shifting political allegiances, previously worked under the APC-led government of former Kano governor Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje. However, after the NNPP’s victory in the 2023 Kano governorship election, he switched sides, only to return to APC now.

The actor’s latest move has drawn mixed reactions. Many social media users mock his frequent party changes, suggesting they are motivated by personal gain rather than ideology.

By Lukman Dahiru 

Ahmad Uthman Muhammad is a beacon of hope and environmental stewardship in Nigeria. He is particularly noted for his tireless efforts in combating climate change. As the founder of the Purelife Foundation, he has spearheaded numerous tree-planting initiatives that have significantly contributed to reforestation and environmental conservation efforts across the region. His dedication to this cause has not only earned him respect but also the prestigious traditional title of ‘Inuwar Kasar Hausa’ in Daura, Katsina State, a recognition of his commitment to the land and its people.

From a young age, Ahmad has exhibited a rare blend of passion, vision, and action, equipping him excellently for any role in politics. In addition to his environmental efforts, his philanthropy has impacted numerous lives, highlighting his commitment to social welfare. His work with the Purelife Foundation has demonstrated his ability to mobilise communities for a greater cause, uniting individuals from diverse backgrounds to strive towards the common objective of a greener, more sustainable future. 

Ahmad’s venture into politics would mean introducing fresh, dynamic leadership to Adamawa’s political sphere. His understanding of environmental issues is not merely academic but practical, having implemented successful projects that could be scaled up for broader impact. His approach to politics would likely focus on sustainable development, ensuring that economic growth does not come at the expense of the environment. 

Imagine the potential benefits if Ahmad Uthman Muhammad became a federal legislator: his advocacy for policies promoting ecological balance, initiatives for green jobs, and legislation supporting renewable energy projects could have a profound impact nationwide. Moreover, his philanthropy extends his influence into areas like education, health, and social services, where his charitable initiatives could inspire policy changes that address poverty and support the underprivileged. 

Ahmad’s youthful dynamism would likely bring fresh perspectives to education, health, and infrastructure, fostering policies encouraging youth empowerment and innovation. His understanding of community needs, evidenced by his work with the Purelife Foundation, suggests he could push for legislation that enhances social services, supports local economies, and ensures more equitable resource distribution across the country. 

Ahmad’s connection with the community, evidenced by his traditional title, suggests a deep understanding of local culture and needs. This understanding would ensure that his representation would be effective and empathetic. His bid for the House of Representatives is not about personal ambition but about extending his environmental advocacy and philanthropy into the legislative arena, where they can have a wider impact. 

In conclusion, Ahmad Uthman Muhammad embodies a new wave of leadership—one that prioritises the health of the planet alongside the prosperity of its people. His background, achievements, and vision position him as a promising candidate who could effect significant positive change. His philanthropy emphasises his commitment to not only environmental but also social issues, establishing him as a holistic leader for the future.

Lukman Dahiru wrote from Yola, Nigeria, via ldahyru@gmail.com.

By Abdulrazak Iliyasu Sansani

The recent directive allegedly from the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) requiring the 774 local governments to present their budget proposals for the 2025 fiscal year has sparked renewed interest in local government autonomy. This development has been a long time coming, given the prolonged agitation for systemic changes in local government administration.

A 20-year-old university student is surprised that local governments in Nigeria prepared budgets highlight the widespread lack of awareness about local government operations perhaps because of the reality that local governments barely exist on paper in my states.

The student asked, “Do local governments actually create budgets?” I explained that, like every tier of government or organization, they are meant to do so. However, his curiosity clearly illustrates the uncertainty surrounding the local government autonomy in Nigeria.

After the Supreme Court’s landmark ruling in favor of the local governments in Nigeria on July 11, 2024, we thought it was over. The seven-justice panel of the apex court in the judgment delivered by Justice Emmanuel Agim, ruled that the 774 local government councils in the country should independently manage their own funds: millions of Nigerians thought the long wait for autonomy was finally over. However, the journey to true autonomy is often complex and winding as the history of the struggle for autonomy for this essential tier of government has shown.

With the recent directive that led to budget presentations across the 774 local governments for the 2025 fiscal year, this brought fresh perspective on the agitation and revitalised interest in local government autonomy. But will this directive translate into tangible action, or will it remain a mere rhetoric as with many critical issues in Nigeria? Nigeria’s history of struggling with local government autonomy, coupled with the stiff resistance from state governments, raise concerns about the feasibility of a true autonomy.

The Nigerian Constitution recognizes local government as a tier of government, but they remain restricted by financial and electoral constraints. Local governments are expected to provide basic services, promote development and ensure democratic participation. However, their lack of autonomy and financial power has hindered their ability to fulfill these responsibilities.

Nigeria’s experiment with various local government administration models despite so many reforms from the local government reforms of 1976, 1988 and the one embarked upon in this current dispensation, had been marked by a decline in autonomy, particularly since 2003. The state governments’ interference in local government affairs has eroded and degraded their powers and functions.

As someone who has advocated for financial and electoral autonomy for local government councils for so many years, I believe that it is crucial for addressing Nigeria’s security challenges, socio-economic issues, and building other sectors that require government’s attention at the grassroots level. The lack of autonomy has led to a power vacuum, allowing non-state actors to exert their influence.

Nigerians await the implementation of any meaningful reform that can transform local government administration and bring about positive changes. The question remains: is Nigeria truly ready to empower local governments and bring relief to the millions of rural dwellers who have been neglected for far too long?

For decades, local governments in Nigeria have been suffocated by lack of funds, rendering them ineffective in initiating or implementing meaningful projects. The joint account system, introduced years ago, has been a subject of controversy, with experts arguing that it undermines true federalism and hampers local government autonomy.

The current state of local government administration in Nigeria is a far cry from the intended vision. The 1999 Constitution, as amended, recognises local governments as a tier of government, but sadly this merely exists on paper today.

There is ample evidence to support the agitation for local government autonomy. It is a necessary step towards addressing societal ills and promoting grassroots development. Another question on everyone’s mind is: what is next?

Will the recent directive be a mere rhetoric, or will it translate into concrete action? Is Nigeria truly ready to empower local governments and bring relief to the millions of Nigerians who have been neglected for too long?

Only time will tell, but one thing is certain: the status quo is unsustainable. Nigerians await with bated breath the implementation of meaningful reforms that can revamp local government administration and bring about development.

As someone who has consistently advocated for financial and electoral autonomy for local government councils, I remain hopeful that this latest development will mark a turning point in Nigeria’s journey towards true federalism and grassroots development. For local government autonomy and administration generally in Nigeria, I ask again what next?

Abdulrazak Iliyasu Sansani wrote from Turaki B, Jalingo, Taraba State.

By S. A Ishaq

A group known as Senator Shehu Sani Support Group (SSSG) has publicly declared its support for Governor Uba Sani and his administration in Kaduna State. 

Speaking during a press conference in Kaduna, the group expressed their support, stating that their endorsement was based on the governor’s demonstration of commitment to good governance and a prosperous Kaduna State. 

The group’s Chairman, Comrade Yusha Abdul, said, “Governor Uba Sani is genuinely committed to fostering unity, peace and prosperity in Kaduna State”. 

Comrade Yushau added, “Governor Uba Sani is reshaping Kaduna State through his people-oriented policies in security, economic growth, and social development.” 

This endorsement comes amidst escalating political tensions between Governor Uba Sani and his former political ally, ex-Governor Nasiru El-Rufai.

By Iranloye Sofiu Taiye

The recent decision by Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger to withdraw from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has triggered reactions of uncertainty across the geopolitical landscape of West Africa. This unprecedented move, announced in January 2024, marks a critical juncture for a bloc historically revered as a beacon of regional integration and collective security. The departure of these three Sahelian nations, all grappling with military rule, jihadist insurgencies, and socioeconomic fragility threatens to destabilize the delicate equilibrium of ECOWAS, undermining its credibility and operational efficacy.

ECOWAS was founded in 1975 via the Treaty of Lagos Nigeria, ECOWAS emerged as a post-colonial vision to foster economic integration, political solidarity, and collective self-reliance among West African states. Its architects envisioned a regional powerhouse capable of rivaling global economic blocs, anchored by principles of free movement, a common market, and monetary union. Over the decades, ECOWAS evolved beyond economics, establishing itself as a custodian of democratic norms through protocols such as the 2001 Supplementary Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance, which condemned any form of unconstitutional government changes.

The bloc’s peacekeeping ventures, notably the ECOWAS Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) interventions in Liberia (1990), and Sierra Leone (1997) demonstrated its capacity to mediate conflict. However, ECOWAS has also faced perennial challenges including coups d’état, governance failures, and the paradox between its lofty ideals and the grim realities of poverty and instability. The recent wave of military takeovers in Mali (2020, 2021), Burkina Faso (2022), and Niger (2023), each met with ECOWAS sanctions and suspensions exposed cracks in the bloc’s authority, heralding the current crisis.

The withdrawal of Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger strikes at the heart of ECOWAS’s political legitimacy. These nations, representing 10% of the bloc’s population and vast territorial expanse, have denounced ECOWAS as a “tool of foreign powers” and accused it of imposing punitive measures that exacerbate their populations’ suffering. Their exit underscores a broader regional disillusionment with ECOWAS’s perceived alignment with Western interests, particularly France, amid rising anti-colonial sentiment.

For ECOWAS, the secession weakens its bargaining power on continental and global stages. The bloc’s ability to enforce democratic norms is now in jeopardy, emboldening other authoritarian regimes and eroding its moral authority. Moreover, the formation of the “Alliance of Sahel States” (AES) by the three nations — a mutual defense pact aligned with Russia — signals a shift toward alternative alliances, potentially fracturing West Africa into competing spheres of influence. This realignment risks destabilizing the region further, as rival powers like Russia, China, and Western nations vie for strategic footholds.

Economically, the departure of Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger disrupts ECOWAS’s integration agenda. The bloc’s flagship projects — such as the ECOWAS Single Currency (Eco), slated for 2027—face existential threats. These nations collectively contribute critical mineral resources (gold, uranium) and agricultural output, and their absence could fragment supply chains, inflate intra-regional trade costs, and deter foreign investment.

The free movement protocol, a cornerstone of ECOWAS, may also unravel. Border closures and visa restrictions could follow, stifling cross-border commerce and cultural exchange. Nigeria, which accounts for over 60% of ECOWAS’s GDP, stands to lose significantly: its northern states rely on trade with Niger, while its industries depend on regional markets. The exodus may also derail infrastructure projects like the Kano – Maradi rail project hampering economic growth.

As ECOWAS’s traditional hegemon, Nigeria must spearhead the bloc’s response to this crisis. Historically, Nigeria has bankrolled ECOWAS initiatives and mediated conflicts, but its recent influence has waned amid domestic challenges—security crises, economic stagnation, and diplomatic inertia. To reclaim its leadership, Nigeria must adopt a multi-pronged strategy:

Diplomatic Re-engagement: Nigeria should initiate high-level dialogues with the AES states, addressing grievances while advocating a return to constitutional order. Leveraging its cultural and economic ties — particularly with Niger, with whom it shares a 1,600km border — Nigeria must balance firmness with empathy, avoiding the perception of bullying.
Institutional Reforms: ECOWAS requires structural revitalization. Nigeria should champion reforms to decentralize decision-making, reduce Francophone-Anglophone tensions, and prioritize grassroots economic integration. A revised governance framework, incorporating civil society and youth voices, could restore public trust.

Security Collaboration: The Sahel’s jihadist insurgencies, which have spilled into Nigeria’s northwest, demand a unified approach. Nigeria could propose a joint ECOWAS-AES security task force, blending counterterrorism efforts with development programs to undercut extremism.
Economic Incentives: To lure back the AES, Nigeria could advocate for sanctions relief tied to democratic transitions, coupled with debt forgiveness and infrastructure investments. A Marshall Plan-like initiative for the Sahel, funded by ECOWAS and international partners, might alleviate poverty fueling instability.
Conclusively, the exit of Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger from ECOWAS is not merely a regional setback but a clarion call for introspection. The bloc’s survival hinges on its ability to reconcile idealism with pragmatism, balancing democratic principles with the urgent needs of fractured states. Nigeria, as the region’s linchpin, must rise to the occasion, blending visionary leadership with humility. In an era of shifting global alliances and resurgent authoritarianism, the stakes could not be higher: without decisive action, the dream of West African unity may dissolve into a mosaic of discord, leaving millions vulnerable to the storms of history.

Iranloye Sofiu Taiye can be reached via:
iranloye100@gmail.com