Opinion

By Bashir Uba Ibrahim, Ph.D.

In my article “A Deconstructive Reading of Sunusi’s Remarks on Tinubu’s Economic Policies,” published by The Daily Reality on 19 January 2025, I noted that the Emir loses authority over his words when the media and the public interpret him as they wish. This provokes deconstructive readings of his remarks. The more his statements are rife with contradictions and aporia, the more they invite diverse interpretations. Prof. Kperogi presents one notable critique of the Emir’s outburst in Lagos.

Kperogi’s scathing deconstructive critique of Emir Sanusi’s Lagos outburst, “Emir Sanusi’s Quid Pro Quo for His Friends Turned Friends,” is simultaneously attracting national and international critical attention, indignation, and approval due to its epitomising use of language and skilful deployment of sarcastic symbolism to ridicule its target subject (Emir Sanusi).

The piece provokes sporadic responses and comments that seem to open a Pandora’s Box. Consequently, this write-up reviews notable responses and comments on Kperogi’s piece, primarily authored by Prof. Aliyu Barau and a remark by Prof. Ibrahim Bello-Kano (hereafter referred to as Barau-IBK comments). 

The piece revisits the epistemological challenges posed by such critique from the perspective of speculative criticism. Speculative criticism is a branch of theoretical criticism. As a philosophical approach to textual and non-textual studies, theoretical criticism focuses on the analysis and interpretation of spoken and written texts.

Prof. Barau, in a piece titled “Kperogi: A Captive of the Raw Emotions”, makes a scathing “scientific” deconstruction of Kperogi’s piece. In that article, he x-rays Kperogi’s write-up from scientific lenses. He argues that “Kperogi’s overloaded bags of insults towards Sanusi are unguided by science or descent knowledge”. Thus, Kperogi’s punch on Emir Sanusi should be predicated upon a scientific mode of inquiry by formulating research questions and hypotheses that would guide his critique as he succinctly puts that “writing on Sanusi Lagos outburst, I expect Kperogi to be deeply critical and analytical with scientific objectivity”. 

The above reference to systematic research questions and hypotheses provides an invariable allusion to Barau’s scientific method of criticism (critique). His astute exploitation of language, adeptly combined with an erudite excavation of symbolism (e.g., the Tower of Babel, Neo-Babel Tower, etc.), to register his caustic critique of Kperogi’s piece, remains a recurring feature in his write-up.

On the other hand, in his response to Barau’s deconstruction of Kperogi’s deconstruction of Sanusi titled “Science” or “Critique” in Reguting Malice, IBK refutes the scientific method of critique advanced by the latter. He contends that the best way to match Kperogi’s verbiage is through eclectic methods of criticism. Thus, his reason for deploying sizzling anger and vituperative language in his comment on the latter’s piece. 

Supporting this argument, Prof. IBK maintains that “only the concept of critique can meet head-on and devastate mere malicious criticism”. For that, he surmises that there is a problem with offering “a scientific critique of ideas” as Kperogi’s piece on Sanusi is “speculative ideas”. Thus, there cannot be a “scientific criticism”; science relies on facts, and there are no facts but only interpretations, as argued by IBK quoting Nietzsche. Since Kperogi’s article on Sanusi is a speculative idea, there cannot be a “scientific criticism”. 

Finally, IBK concedes that his comment is by no means a criticism of Barau’s magisterial write-up but rather his way of showing how a convergence of Philosophy, Social Theory, Psychoanalysis and Chaos Theory within analytical critique can or could be used to deconstruct any discourse. 

In conclusion, Barau’s write-up and the subsequent response by IBK are both deconstructions of the deconstructive critique of Kperogi’s earlier article on Emir Sanusi’s Lagos outburst. While the former advocates for a “scientific critique”, the latter espouses critical standpoints.

Dr Bashir Uba Ibrahim writes from the Department of English and Literary Studies, Sule Lamido University Kafin Hausa. He can also be reached via bashirubaibrahim@gmail.com.    

By Kasim Isa Muhammad

The successful hosting of the 5th Lake Chad Basin Governors’ Forum in Maiduguri is a clear spectacle of governance, strategic planning, and people-centered commitment to regional cooperation. Under the leadership of Governor Mai Mala Buni, Yobe has proved not only its capacity to host high-profile international events but also its dedication to advancing economic stability, security, and sustainable development in the Lake Chad Basin region.

The gargantuan challenges faced in organising such an event were intricate, yet the outcome has received plaudits from all quarters. While despite the cynicism that often surrounds political gatherings, the forum was more than a performative display—it was an earnest attempt at forging an alliance among stakeholders to address pressing regional issues. The scale of planning required, from managing deficits in available infrastructure to securing international partnerships, is a clear indication to the administration’s tensile strength in leadership.

Bringing together over 1,200 participants, including eight governors, ministers, legislators, traditional rulers, international delegates, and civil society organisations, the forum demonstrates the plight of the disenfranchised communities in the region. The discussions focused on market-centric development strategies, while also addressing recessionary trends that continue to impact the Lake Chad Basin.

Of course, hosting this event in Maiduguri, rather than in Abuja or any other major Nigerian city, was an unlikely but calculated decision that sent a good message of resilience and regional stability. The politicians involved had to navigate an uneasy political landscape, balancing opportunism with genuine commitment to the welfare of the people.

Such a move is reminiscent of the Machiavellian approach often seen in Nigerian politics, where leadership is tested not only by conviction but also by the ability to make opportunistic alliances. However, Governor Buni’s role in ensuring a seamless event went beyond the performative—his engagement reflected a genuine effort to prioritize regional stability over populist gestures.

The forum’s critical thematic focus on rebuilding the Lake Chad Basin tackled social and economic challenges, including neglected development, inhumane living conditions, and the betrayal felt by communities that have long suffered the consequences of insurgency and environmental degradation.

The discussions and panel sessions were compassionate yet practical, highlighting both idealism and the realpolitik necessary to achieve tangible outcomes. The necessity of cross-border coalition efforts was a recurring theme, as participants examined how to counter the effects of conflict, displacement, and disenfranchisement.

Unlike past forums that have been dismissed as shrill political talk, this edition was different—it sought to counter apathy and disillusionment with actionable solutions. The presence of Vice President Kashim Shettima, representing President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, added weight to the discussions, ensuring that the event was not just another political spectacle, but rather a fundamental step towards regional rehabilitation.

Nonetheless, the forum has positioned Yobe State as a rightwing leader in regional diplomacy and development. Governor Buni’s emergence as the new Chairman of the Lake Chad Basin Governors’ Forum signals a volte-face in the perception of Yobe’s role in international engagements. This pendulum swing in leadership dynamics presents both potential and complications. His new role will require careful navigation of common grievances among member states while ensuring that the region does not succumb to the neglect that has defined past interventions.

Mai Mala Buni’s leadership leadership will be tested on multiple fronts—balancing populist expectations with the realities of governance, countering opportunism, and ensuring that regional policies are people-centered rather than performative. With this millennium ushering in new geopolitical complexities, the ability to form strategic partnerships will be key. Given the documented history of regional conflicts, Governor Buni must act with both ruthless efficiency and compassionate foresight.

The decision to host the event in Maiduguri—a city deeply affected by insurgency—was a spectacle in itself. This bold move has redefined perceptions of security and stability in the North East, proving that with the right level of commitment, even the most challenging environments can become centers of diplomacy and development.

The execution of this forum has set a precedence for how future international gatherings in Nigeria should be handled. Rather than focusing solely on the ills of governance, this event was a demonstration of survival, resilience, and proactive leadership.

The forum’s success has ensured that Yobe is no longer viewed as a neglected state but rather as a key player in national and international policy-making.

With Governor Buni now at the helm of the Lake Chad Basin Governors’ Forum, the expectations are critical. The coming years will demand stronger coalition efforts, pragmatic solutions, and sustained commitment to addressing the region’s challenges. If the execution of this forum is anything to go by, there is every reason to believe that under his leadership, the Lake Chad Basin region will continue to witness economic and social transformations.

More importantly, the political realities remain exceedingly challenging. The forum itself may have concluded, but the see-saw of governance continues. It is now up to the stakeholders involved to ensure that this event was not just a fleeting spectacle, but the beginning of a sustained effort to counter the problems that has long plagued the region.

The people of the Lake Chad Basin cannot afford another cycle of betrayal—they are expecting genuine progress. Governor Buni’s leadership must prove that this forum was not just a political means to an end, but a real step toward change. If he succeeds, Yobe State’s role in regional affairs will be cemented for years to come. If not, this moment of triumph could become yet another pendulum swing in the long history of Nigerian governance.

Kasim Isa Muhammad wrote from Potiskum, Yobe State.

By El-Yassar Ahmad

Kano State’s recent ₦2.5 billion expenditure on a mass wedding initiative has sparked widespread criticism for being a poor use of public funds. At a time when the state faces significant challenges in sectors such as power supply, education, healthcare, and transportation, many believe this substantial sum could have been better invested in addressing these critical needs.

While states like Lagos prioritise infrastructure and sustainable growth—evidenced by Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu’s ₦3.5 billion investment in power generation—Kano’s leadership is drawing attention to what is seen as frivolous taxpayer spending. 

Many people, especially on social media, argue that such spending represents a missed opportunity to improve the lives of Kano’s citizens through long-term, impactful development.

This underscores a concerning trend of mismanagement and a lack of transparency that hinders progress in the state. Public resources ought to be invested in projects that meet the fundamental needs of the populace—healthcare, education, and essential services—rather than wasted on short-term initiatives that provide minimal enduring benefit.

It is high time for Kano’s leadership to reassess its priorities and ensure that public funds are used responsibly for the betterment of its citizens. Only through strategic investment in infrastructure and services can the state attain meaningful progress and enhance the quality of life for its people.

By Hussaini Ibrahim Sulaiman 

Kano State has experienced a remarkable transformation under the leadership of the state governor, Alhaji Abba Kabir Yusuf.

Thus, the scenario has continued to earn the governor more commendations. The achievement followed his administration’s outstanding progress in key areas, such as infrastructure, safety and economic growth. 

In fact, among his administration’s most notable achievements is the widespread installation of solar street lights on major roads and key areas in the state.

This initiative, which has enhanced the aesthetic appeal of the state’s urban environment, has had far-reaching positive effects on the safety, economy and overall well-being of its residents.

Since taking office, Governor Yusuf has prioritized the provision of solar-powered street lights. This bold initiative is part of a larger vision to enhance the state’s infrastructure, improve public safety, and promote sustainable development. 

Solar energy, being both cost-effective and eco-friendly, has proven to be an excellent alternative to traditional street lighting, which previously depended heavily on expensive diesel generators. 

Not only has this shift saved the state substantial amounts of money, but it has also ensured that major roads and urban streets remain illuminated throughout the night, significantly boosting security for residents and businesses alike.

Governor Yusuf’s pioneering solar street lighting project aligns seamlessly with the global push to increase the adoption of renewable energy sources to mitigate climate change.

Beyond merely brightening streets and residential areas, the solar lighting initiative has extended the hours businesses can operate. 

This has stimulated economic activity in the evenings, benefiting both large corporations and small enterprises.

The improved street lighting has fostered a sense of security and normalcy, particularly in areas notorious for crime due to poor visibility. The state’s once-limited night economy is now flourishing, with businesses staying open later, providing more opportunities for local traders, artisans, and entrepreneurs.

A notable outcome of the solar street lighting project has been significantly reduced criminal activity, especially crimes such as phone snatching, drug trafficking and other petty offences. According to a report from the state police command, the installation of solar streetlights has led to a noticeable decline in crime rates, particularly in urban zones and densely populated areas. 

Before the solar lights were installed, the state’s city faced mounting challenges with night-time criminal activities. Criminals frequently took advantage of the poorly lit streets to commit offences, including phone snatching, robberies, and the smuggling of illegal drugs.

However, the increased visibility brought about by the solar lights in previously notorious areas, such as Kofar Dan Agundi, Zoo Road, Sabon Gari, Sharada and Tudun Maliki, has resulted in a sharp drop in criminal activities, with phone snatching being notably reduced. Local authorities have noted that these areas, once plagued by insecurity, are now safer and more secure.

Kano, one of the nation’s most populous and economically significant city-states, has long struggled with unreliable power supply and limited infrastructure. 

Under Governor Yusuf’s leadership, however, the state’s economy—particularly in urban areas—has revitalized, largely thanks to the solar street light initiative.

The improved lighting has created a more conducive environment for businesses, especially those that depend on evening hours to generate revenue.

For instance, street hawkers, small-scale traders and night market vendors have greatly benefited from the extended hours of operation. 

With more reliable lighting, these businesses now have the opportunity to thrive after dark, contributing to increased sales and revenue. 

This transformation in the state’s economic landscape is evident in the resurgence of night markets and retail businesses catering to residents long after sunset. 

Moreover, the move away from expensive diesel generators, once used to power streetlights and business premises during power outages, has significantly reduced operational costs for many businesses.

The financial savings generated by the solar street light project have been substantial. These savings have freed up valuable resources that the state government can reallocate to other critical sectors, such as healthcare, education and further infrastructure development.

Governor Yusuf’s decision to invest in solar energy reflects a broader global trend of transitioning to more sustainable and cost-efficient energy solutions. This underlines his commitment to modernising the state’s infrastructure while being mindful of its environmental impact.

In addition to improving infrastructure, Governor Yusuf’s administration has taken decisive steps to address state unemployment. 

A key initiative to support local entrepreneurs has been the distribution of N50,000 to 465 street hawkers across the state’s 44 local government areas. 

Vendors have widely celebrated this gesture, which they see as a direct effort to empower small businesses and reduce unemployment.

The N23.2 million provided to the street hawkers has enabled many to expand their businesses, purchase goods in bulk and even invest in new ventures. 

This financial assistance has proved to be a lifeline for numerous hawkers, helping them become more self-sufficient and less reliant on informal employment.  The initiative has been met with widespread praise from the public, particularly from the hawkers themselves, who now have the capital to reinvest in their businesses, boosting the local economy.

Governor Yusuf’s administration has set a new benchmark for regional governance. His focus on solar street lighting, crime reduction, economic revitalisation and youth empowerment has created a model of leadership for other states to emulate. 

The positive outcomes of these initiatives, particularly in terms of enhanced security, economic vibrancy, and infrastructural development, have reinvigorated the state and instilled a renewed sense of optimism and purpose among its residents.

Looking ahead, the continued expansion of solar street lighting and ongoing support for small businesses and local entrepreneurs demonstrate that Governor Yusuf’s vision for the state is one of sustained growth, security and prosperity.

His leadership has shown that even in the face of significant challenges, innovative solutions can uplift communities and lay the foundation for a brighter, more prosperous future.

In summary, the changes in the state under Governor Yusuf’s guidance exemplify the impact of considerate and inclusive leadership. 

Governor Yusuf has set the state on a path toward long-term success by investing in infrastructure, empowering the people, and prioritising security.

Residents, from street vendors to entrepreneurs, are experiencing the benefits of these initiatives, positioning the state to become one of the most vibrant and prosperous areas in the country.

Suleiman covers activities of the state Deputy Governor’s office for The Triumph.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

No emirate, its Emir’s stool, or palace comes into existence without the foundation of law and authority, coupled with the community’s request, acceptance, loyalty, and support. This straightforward process involves the people’s demand, legislative endorsement, and executive approval.

The creation of the two new emirates and five chiefdoms by Governor Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri was guided by two principles: first, the community’s request and demand, and second, the provisions of the Adamawa State Chiefs (Appointment and Deposition) Law 2024, which has been formally gazetted and is now part of the state’s statutory framework. Without this law, the governor would lack the power and legal authority to fulfil the community’s requests.

The Fufore Emirate was established based on the demands of the 12 districts and their people. For those suggesting that Gurin, Malabu, and Ribadu or any other districts were coerced into joining the Fufore Emirate, consider the example of Zumo and Song. They chose not to join the new Yungur Chiefdom and remained with the Adamawa Emirate, while Gurin, Malabu, and Ribadu opted to be with Fufore. It’s straightforward: in a democracy, you get what you ask for.

Governor Fintiri didn’t simply wake up one morning and declare, “Let there be Fufore Emirate,” and it came into existence. It was the product of requests, demands, negotiations, mutual understanding, and the backing of law and authority.

There is a popular saying that one cannot cry more than the bereaved. Up to this moment, most of the noise about the creation of the Fufore Emirate is coming from people outside the 12 districts.

None of the 12 districts—Ribadu, Daware, Bengo, Verre, Nyibango, Kofsopah, Malabu, Malabu Kofa, Mayoine, Gurin, Beti, and Wuro Sham.—has filed a petition or challenged the creation of the Fufore Emirate or their inclusion in it. In fact, the heads of all 12 districts were the first to pledge their allegiance and pay homage to the new Lamido of Fufore, His Royal Highness Alhaji Sani Ahmadu Ribadu.

On behalf of the 12 district heads, the District Head of Malabu was both emphatic and unwavering in his expression of loyalty and support for the new Emirate during the reception of the new Emir in Fufore.

The Fufore Emirate, like any other emirate in Nigeria, is a product of law—established by the Adamawa State House of Assembly and gazetted in Adamawa. The emergence of the new Fufore Emirate, its Emir, and the allegiance and support of all 12 district heads and their subjects are outcomes of law, clear legal provisions, government authority, negotiation, and the people’s requests and demands. These are the fundamentals of tradition, custom, and democracy. 

Let us allow the citizens, friends, and neighbours of the Fufore Emirate to celebrate, as this expansion of horizons will foster development and strengthen unity, prosperity, and peace.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Ukasha Sani Idris

The ongoing debate regarding whether the founder of the mosque and the IZALA group should be held accountable for the controversy surrounding the “New Sahaba Mosque” is currently attracting increasing attention both online and offline in Kano, Nigeria’s most populous state.

Recall that on 8 March 2024, a prominent business tycoon, Alhaji A. Y. Maikifi, inaugurated a new mosque named “New Sahaba Mosque”— an extension of the existing Sahaba Mosque located less than a kilometre away. 

Initially, having seen the signboard for the new mosque titled “Proposed Sahaba Mosque” and having heard of the discussions and meetings that the founder invited the Chief Imam of Sahaba Mosque to, the community and beyond congratulated Imam Sheikh Bn Othman on this historic upgrade.

Considering Sheikh Bn Othman’s impressive profile, articulate nature, international exposure, fluency in multiple languages, and reputation for avoiding partisan debates and conflicts involving various sects, political groups, and religions, the community was excited to witness him lead the state’s most expensive and well-decorated mosque.

Subsequently, the Chief Imam made a public announcement from his pulpit, informing his followers of plans to discontinue Friday prayers at the old mosque in preparation for the relocation to the new one. The congregation enthusiastically accepted the idea despite the old mosque’s rich history spanning over twenty years.

However, in a surprising turn of events, the founder later informed the Chief Imam of his plan to employ new Imams,noting that his role would undergo a significant change. Rather than leading prayers as before, each Imam would now be responsible for leading two consecutive Friday prayers on a rotational basis. 

To illustrate this situation more clearly, let me use a football analogy that many of us can relate to: imagine a scenario in which a wealthy individual builds a football field next to you and names it after the local club you have been coaching. He promises you a key role in the new setup and allows you to announce the plans to abandon the existing field in anticipation of relocating to the new one. However, in a surprising twist, the founder informs you that you will be demoted to assistant coach, and your trusted players will be replaced by new ones over whom you will have little control. Just imagine yourself in this situation.

The attendance of numerous prominent Sheikhs at the grand opening highlighted its connection to the Izala sect. However, the sect’s leadership has remained noticeably silent regarding the controversy surrounding the mosque. My question is: what efforts are the Izala leaders making to resolve this conflict? Or are they preoccupied with other events, such as the recent Qur’an festival or Qur’an convention?

Ukasha Sani Idris wrote via ukasha_sani@yahoo.com.

By Abubakar Musa Idris 

Tragedy struck again in Nigeria on Saturday as a devastating fuel tanker explosion claimed lives and left others injured, highlighting the alarming reoccurrence of such disasters.

Just last year, specifically on 15 October 2024, a fuel tanker in Majiya town, Jigawa State, erupted in flames after residents rushed out to scoop petrol from it. This tragic incident claimed the lives of over 150 people, leaving countless others injured and traumatised. Sadly, this year, we have witnessed another devastating fuel tanker accident in the Dikko area of Niger State, resulting in the loss of over 80 lives.

The frequency of these accidents raises a troubling question: Why do Nigerians continue to risk their lives by scooping fuel from tankers, despite the clear dangers? Is it a lack of awareness regarding the associated risks, or is it the harsh economic situation that compels people to take such drastic measures?

According to the Federal Road Safety Corps (FRSC), Nigeria recorded over 300 fuel tanker accidents between 2020 and 2022. Alarmingly, the FRSC listed fuel tanker accidents as one of the leading causes of road crashes in 2020, resulting in more than 535 fatalities.

Experts attribute the persistence of fuel scooping to a combination of factors, including poverty, unemployment, and a lack of access to affordable fuel. “Many Nigerians are forced to scoop fuel due to economic necessity,” says Dr. Afolabi, a safety expert. “However, this practice is not only hazardous but also perpetuates a culture of recklessness.”

Regrettably, the recent fuel tanker accident in Nigeria is not an isolated incident. Just last year, a fuel tanker accident in Minna, Niger State, claimed the lives of over 50 individuals. In 2022, a fuel tanker crashed on the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway, resulting in 12 fatalities. Comparable incidents have taken place in Kaduna, leading to substantial loss of life and property. These recurring tragedies underscore the urgent need for action to tackle the root causes of fuel tanker accidents in Nigeria.

The dangers of fuel scooping are genuine and severe. The risks of explosions, fires, and spills are always present, and the consequences can be devastating.

The government and relevant stakeholders must take concrete steps to address this issue. One way to combat the menace of fuel scooping and ensure road safety is to launch targeted public education and awareness campaigns. 

 It is essential to launch targeted public education and awareness campaigns. These campaigns should concentrate on informing the public about the dangers of fuel scooping, the significance of road safety, and the repercussions of reckless behaviour. Raising awareness and fostering a culture of safety are vital steps towards reducing the frequency of fuel tanker accidents and saving lives.

Enhancing safety regulations is another critical strategy for preventing fuel scooping and ensuring accountability. Strengthening existing laws and regulations and enforcing stricter safety standards for fuel transportation, storage, and handling can help prevent accidents. This, in turn, reduces the risk of fuel tanker accidents and protects lives and property.

Investing in enhanced road infrastructure and fuel storage facilities is crucial for minimising the risk of accidents and spills. Upgrading roads to alleviate congestion and enhance safety, alongside constructing modern fuel storage facilities that comply with international safety standards, are vital measures to consider. Such investments not only mitigate the risk of fuel tanker accidents but also safeguard lives and property, whilst fostering economic growth and development.

As Nigerians mourn the lives lost in these tragic accidents, we must also recognize the need for collective action. The government, stakeholders, and individuals must join forces to address the root causes of fuel scooping and ensure a safer future for all Nigerians.

These fuel tanker tragedies represent more than just statistics; they serve as a stark reminder of the human cost of systemic failures. While immediate actions like public education and stricter regulations are crucial, the real test lies in Nigeria’s ability to create an environment where citizens no longer feel compelled to risk their lives for fuel. Until we achieve this fundamental change, we will continue to count losses instead of progress.

Abubakar Musa Idris is a PRNigeria fellow and wrote via abkidris99@gmail.com.

By Usman Abdullahi Koli

I read Professor Farooq A. Kperogi’s article “Emir Sanusi’s Quid Pro Quo for His Friends Turned Fiends” with keen interest. While it was well-written and rich in rhetorical flair, I believe it unfairly misrepresents the character and contributions of His Highness Emir Muhammadu Sanusi II and the broader context of his remarks. My intention here is not to disparage Mr. Kperogi or his intellectual depth but to offer a more nuanced perspective based on facts and a balanced understanding.

Sanusi’s commentary on economic reforms is not new, and it is not driven by self-interest, as the article implies. His economic positions, controversial as they may be, have always been rooted in his commitment to transparency, accountability, and fiscal prudence.

As governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), Sanusi spearheaded reforms that stabilised the financial sector and exposed corruption, notably the mismanagement of funds in the petroleum industry. His leadership saved the Nigerian banking system during the 2009 global financial crisis. These efforts reflect a consistent commitment to economic pragmatism, not the “self-loving sadism” Mr. Kperogi ascribed to him.

At the Gani Fawehinmi Memorial Lecture, Emir Sanusi addressed Nigeria’s economic challenges within a historical framework, highlighting how years of poor management led to today’s difficulties. His statement about not defending the current government’s policies was not a quid pro quo demand but an expression of discontent over the failure of political leaders to reciprocate loyalty or act decisively for national progress.

Sanusi’s critique of governance has often transcended personal affiliations. For instance, he openly criticised the Goodluck Jonathan administration despite being part of the government apparatus, risking his career in the process. His comments in the lecture reflect this same principle: his loyalty is to ideas, not individuals.

The article unfairly caricatures Sanusi as an unrepentant neoliberal apologist indifferent to the suffering of the masses. While he has supported subsidy removal and exchange rate harmonisation, his positions are informed by Nigeria’s fiscal realities. Subsidy regimes, historically marred by corruption and inefficiency, drained trillions of naira from public coffers without addressing systemic energy sector challenges.

Critics often overlook the fact that subsidies disproportionately benefit the elite rather than the poor. Studies by organisations like the World Bank and Nigeria’s Budget Office have shown that wealthier Nigerians consume more fuel and thus benefit more from subsidies. Sanusi’s advocacy for subsidy removal aims to redirect these funds toward targeted interventions, such as healthcare, education, and infrastructure, which directly benefit the masses.

Contrary to the claim that Sanusi derives “delight from the misery of the masses,” he has consistently called for equitable resource allocation and the empowerment of marginalised communities. As emir, he launched initiatives to promote girl-child education, gender equity, and poverty alleviation in Kano State. His reforms in the Kano Emirate Council prioritised addressing social injustices that have long plagued Northern Nigeria.

For instance, his campaign against child marriage and his emphasis on the importance of education for girls drew both applause and backlash. These efforts single out his commitment to social progress and human dignity.

Mr Kperogi’s passionate critique of Sanusi’s remarks offers no clear alternative solutions to Nigeria’s economic woes. If we agree that Nigeria’s economy has suffered from decades of mismanagement, what is the path forward? Should we continue subsidising consumption at the expense of critical investments? Sanusi’s prescriptions, while debatable, are at least anchored in economic logic and long-term sustainability.

Nigeria’s challenges require a balanced, solutions-driven discourse. Reducing complex issues to personal attacks or dismissing individuals who have contributed significantly to national development is unproductive. Emir Sanusi’s positions are not beyond critique, but such critiques should engage with the substance of his arguments rather than resorting to ad hominem attacks or speculative interpretations of his motives.

Nigeria stands at a crossroads, and leadership—whether in government, traditional institutions, or civil society—must rise to the occasion. While Emir Muhammadu Sanusi II is not infallible, his track record of service, advocacy, and reform warrants a more balanced appraisal. Let us concentrate on fostering a Nigeria where ideas are debated with civility and respect, rather than transforming crucial national discussions into platforms for derision.

Usman Abdullahi Koli is a public relations expert, writer, and advocate for balanced public discourse. He can be reachedvia mernoukoli@gmail.com.

By Bilyamin Abdulmumin, PhD

Every nation has its beacon of hope. India has Mahatma Gandhi, Singapore, Lee Kuan Yew, China, Mao Zedong, South Africa, and Nelson Mandela. In the United States, it’s Abraham Lincoln, while Ghana reveres Kwame Nkrumah. Zimbabwe holds on to Robert Mugabe, Kenya to Jomo Kenyatta, Egypt to Gamal Abdel Nasser, and Ethiopia to Haile Selassie.

Northern Nigeria’s guiding light is Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto—a man whose name is written in gold on the sands of history. A towering figure with a heart as vast as the Sahel, he was a custodian of Islam, a protector of culture, a unifier of regions, and a calculated risk-taker. Bold in action and resolute in purpose, he stands tall as the North’s brightest son.

Almost all of Sardauna’s life and legacy have been well documented and were public knowledge; it has been told through various forms and platforms like nostalgia, reminiscence legends, truth, and myth. Sardauna is generally known for one thing: an unnegotiable love for the North- a love rooted in modernization and unification.

Thanks to Sardauna’s vision for proficient and disciplined graduates to fill the gap in the northern civil service, the all-encompassing, majestic, and larger-than-life ABU Zaria was born. Sardaunan’s vision for institutional independence extends beyond academia: it includes independence in finance, energy, media, aviation, and food security.

Monuments and megastructures in Sardauna’s name that still stand and reverberate speak volumes about the foresight, determination, and vision of this legendary figure. This uncommon vision for the North to develop and be independent fetched Sardauna, both friends and many foes. But it never deterred him. He forged on from strength to strength.

Whether known or unknown to Sardauna’s distractors, he was never anything close to being a bigot. His actions tell a different story: his consideration of the whole North transcends every primordial boundary like tribe, region, and religion. Sardauna merely wanted to discharge his duties best to the people he was entrusted with. If Sardauna could govern Nigeria, he would ensure the country excels among its peers. He will pursue the Nigerian interest with the same vigour and rigour as the North.

Perhaps the most controversial stance of Sardauna after the Northernization agenda was his determined campaign against independence. This is what Southerners and Easterners, especially his colleagues such as Awolowo, Akintola, and Azikiwe, could not wrap their heads against. Was it not the independence that people die to get, but here is a potential premier kicking against it or, at best, asking for its delay? This particular unpopular campaign that Sardauna embarked on and his colleagues in the North are two sides of the same coin.

As of 1952, when agitations for self-government began to mount, the majority of staff in the North were Whites, Southerners, and Easterners of Nigeria’s geopolitical zones, so Sardauna clamour was until the North became not only united and literate but capable of piloting its affairs before independence. This argument and most of other Sardauna’s interests would prevail, and the regional self-government was granted in 1955 to 56 instead, before the independence four years later.

This unprecedented vision of Sardauna for the delayed independence is a revolutionary—a potential antidote to the challenges plaguing many post-colonial nations. This could be the first time a potential president of a potential country could not be desperate, but instead harbour delayed independence subject to the capacity of the country.

Yesterday marks 59 years since Sardauna’s cold-blooded assassination by Lieutenant Colonel Nzeogwu. Yet, his legacy lives on, etched in the hearts of Northerners and Nigerians alike. May Allah forgive the shortcomings of North’s brightest son and grant him Jannatul Firdaus, amin.

Bilyamin Abdulmumin, PhD, wrote via bilal4riid13@gmail.com.

By Yakubu Nasiru Khalid

Still, addressing the public’s issues remains challenging in northern Nigeria. Media outlets favour partisanship over accuracy or truth, and the Nigerian media requires a controlling apparatus. 

Media outlets are considered a room where the underprivileged can address their problems to the government or private individuals who breach their rights. However, media outlets are now mainly sponsored and do not act independently or impartially when telling the truth. 

When I was young, I saw journalists as saviours who worked as architects or social engineers to prioritise public interests and solutions over personal or government interests, but now I see the opposite.

This results in the loss of hope that the electronic or printing media cannot serve as a messianic approach to standing against the breaching of the rights of ordinary citizens.

Even though media and journalistic standards attest to and measure a report’s accuracy and truthfulness, the ongoing challenge for media outlets remains their preference for partisanship over impartiality and independence.

For this reason, fact-checking media and journalists are mostly needed in electronic media (online Newspapers). Most media companies are owned and managed by people not equipped with journalism etiquette; they do it for a passion. 

While passion in journalism can often render one unprofessional, incompetent, or unethical in reporting, investigating, or addressing issues, it is essential for those who have not studied media to understand its etiquette, even if it means obtaining a certificate in the field.

It’s known that Nigerian media companies are owned by private individuals and deprived of government-approved control mechanisms or apparatus. They aim to generate income, which leads to sparks of misinformation from various media outlets. 

Lastly, I suggest media companies refrain from favouring personal or political interests over factual or truthful reportingor addressing public issues. I also advise those passionate about journalism to learn its etiquette formally.

Yakubu Nasiru Khalid wrote via yakubunasirukhalid@gmail.com.