Opinion

By Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu

The Nigerian House of Representatives has directed the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) to block all pornography websites, arguing that adult content is fueling moral decay in the country.

Lawmakers behind the move claim it is necessary to protect societal values, but many Nigerians are asking: With all the pressing challenges facing the nation, is this the priority?

At a time when the cost of living is unbearable, insecurity is rampant, and unemployment continues to frustrate millions, banning pornography feels like a classic case of misplaced focus.

There is no doubt that pornography is a controversial topic, especially in a country as religious and conservative as Nigeria. Many believe it is a moral threat, linking it to addiction, broken homes, and declining values among the youth. But is an outright ban the solution?

If the government is genuinely concerned about morality, should it not focus on improving education, strengthening family values, and addressing the root causes of social vices? What about the rising cases of drug abuse, internet fraud, and sexual exploitation—issues that demand urgent action?

It is often easier for politicians to push symbolic laws than to tackle society’s deeper problems. But morality cannot be legislated; it is shaped by economic stability, good governance, and proper education.

Even if we assume the government is serious about this ban, another question arises: Can it actually be enforced? Countries like India, Indonesia, and China have attempted similar restrictions, only for people to bypass them with VPNs and other simple workarounds.

Nigeria, with its millions of tech-savvy youths, will be no different. At best, this ban will be a temporary roadblock; at worst, it will push the industry underground, making regulation even more difficult.

What is most concerning is the potential for this move to set a dangerous precedent for internet censorship in Nigeria. Today, it is pornography. Tomorrow, it could be news websites, social media platforms, or even political activism.

If the government can dictate what people access online, what stops it from controlling other forms of content? Where does it end?

Beyond the moral and censorship debates, an outright ban could also have unintended economic consequences. Nigeria’s creative and tech industries thrive on the internet’s openness.

Restrictions like this could discourage investment in the digital space. Besides, history has shown that banning something does not eliminate demand—it simply drives it underground.

This move may just create a bigger mess instead of solving anything. If the real concern is protecting children and upholding values, there are smarter ways to achieve this.

Many developed countries regulate adult content through strict age verification, parental control mechanisms, and public awareness campaigns. A more effective approach would involve educating young people about digital responsibility, empowering parents with monitoring tools, and addressing the economic and social conditions that contribute to moral decline.

With the economy in crisis, insecurity worsening, and corruption still unchecked, is banning pornography really what Nigerians need right now?

This is not to suggest that pornography is beneficial or free of consequences. However, governance revolves around priorities. A country that is struggling to feed its people should not waste energy on internet policing.

Nigeria’s progress will not depend on what it bans but rather on how effectively it addresses the fundamental issues that hold it back.

And unfortunately, a porn ban does nothing to fix them.

Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu, an NYSC serving corps member, writes from the Center for Crisis Communication (CCC) in Abuja. 

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

Whether you love him or dislike him, Seyi Tinubu is skillfully mastering the art of being close to power and leveraging his position as the son of Nigeria’s President. The President of Nigeria wields significant power and influence, and Seyi is gradually understanding both the intricacies of Nigerian politics and the delicate task of managing those around his father.

Now, he has taken on a significant and challenging task: restoring the APC’s once-unquestioned dominance in the North—a region that, while outwardly cordial, seems to be quietly drifting away from the party and the Tinubu/Kashim presidency. The North is revolting and smiling!

On this mission, Seyi could either succeed or fail, depending on his arithmetic skills, his father’s policies and programs, and, most crucially, President Tinubu’s willingness to hear uncomfortable truths, especially those his close associates might struggle to convey.

Seyi has identified a key battleground: the youth. His recent focus on distributing food items during Ramadan is a commendable step, so to speak. If executed strategically, it could yield positive results. However, food distribution alone remains a weak and short-lived strategy. 

What more can Seyi do? A multi-pronged approach is needed- an economic and political strategy. Beyond handouts, Seyi, as a young man, should focus on real empowerment. He must identify and support enterprising young Northerners who are not part of the political elite but are making tangible impacts in their communities. 

While he may have supported and empowered many individuals in the past, his new focus should be on fresh faces—ambitious, independent-minded young Northerners who, when given support, can drive real change. This could translate into both grassroots influence and renewed political goodwill for the APC in the region.

Expanding his political network thoughtfully will be impactful; Seyi needs to move beyond the usual circle of children from the political elite. The North is home to many educated and brilliant young minds who remain untapped. Bringing them into his circle could prove invaluable for rebuilding trust and influence.

Leveraging social media influencers will play a crucial role. This time, entertainment influencers will have little to no impact. Instead, Seyi should engage influencers whose voices carry weight—those known for insightful, educational, and impactful messaging that resonates with the region’s unique socio-political landscape.

Ultimately, Seyi Tinubu’s success in the North will depend on how well he moves beyond optics and embraces a more strategic, sustainable approach. The challenge is immense and thorny, but so are the opportunities. 

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Lawal Dahiru Mamman

For 13 years, the Zambian national side had acted as a formidable barrier between Nigeria and footballing success, much like an inspirational goalkeeper. But on a fateful day, approximately 80,000 Nigerian supporters made the pilgrimage to the National Stadium, Surulere, in Lagos, to witness a potentially historic occasion.

That day provided the ultimate platform for the challenge, where Nigeria successfully broke the Zambian jinx for over a decade. This is a summary of a piece titled “The Match that Broke the Myth,” written by Uzor Maxim Uzoatu in the 1980s.

Nigeria has participated in international conferences and organized similar events at national and subnational levels. Specifically, national conferences often provide comprehensive reports for implementation after extensive deliberations from stakeholders nationwide.

But much like the imaginary soccer team above, which endured losses for 13 years, outputs from our symposia appear to be hexed. Reports are submitted, but implementation remains shelved due to forces akin to the Zambian inspirational goalkeeper.

For enlightenment, two precedents come to mind. Since 1999, President Muhammadu Buhari is notably the only president who has not convened a national conference. The late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua is an exception, owing to his brief tenure and subsequent nine-month battle with ill health, which ultimately led to his passing.

In February 2005, President Olusegun Obasanjo convened the “National Political Reform Conference.” The gathering was an avenue to reassess, refocus, redefine, and redesign Nigeria’s political landscape to strengthen the bonds of unity.

Accordingly, it sought to enhance democratic consolidation processes, strengthen structures to solidify values that promote democracy and good governance, and open boundless opportunities for all Nigerians to be and feel part of the evolving political process and socio-economic development.

The committee was encouraged to conduct comparative studies, considering Nigeria’s unique realities, specificities, and historical context, to ensure a comprehensive understanding of the issues at hand during that era.

Four hundred and two delegates attended the conference, held between February and July 2005. Copies of the report from that conference were submitted, but nothing substantial happened afterward.

President Goodluck Jonathan convened another conference in 2014. The panel, chaired by retired Chief Justice Idris Kutigi, was assigned to advise the government on the framework for a national dialogue. To accomplish this, they consulted widely with Nigerians, ensuring that diverse perspectives were represented.

The conference, attended by approximately 500 delegates from across Nigeria, proposed substantial reforms. These included scrapping the current system of 774 local authorities to reduce corruption and save costs, creating 18 new states, revising revenue allocation, decreasing the federal government’s share of national income while increasing those of the states, and modifying the presidential system to include parliamentary elements.

Other key recommendations included power sharing and rotation, specifically advocating for the rotation of the presidency and the circulation of governorship among three senatorial districts in each state. These proposals aimed to promote greater representation, equity, and national unity. However, after passing over 600 resolutions and producing a 10,335-page report submitted to the presidency, the recommendations were never implemented.

On October 1, 2024, President Bola Tinubu, adhering to the tradition of past leaders, addressed the nation. At the time of his national broadcast, the country was uncertain whether the sequel to August’s #EndBadGovernance protest, Fearless in October, would take place.

Among numerous announcements, the president declared a National Youth Conference to assemble youths from across Nigeria for meaningful conversations that drive nation-building. Whether this particular aspect of his speech helped shelve the proposed protest remains uncertain.

What is the model for selecting delegates? What topics will be discussed during the proposed 30-day conference? While every youth awaits a response, it is important to note that numerous issues impact the youth, who constitute over 60% of the federation’s population.

In economic terms, recent statistics indicate that over 40% of Nigerian youths are unemployed, leaving millions of young people feeling disillusioned and despondent. This figure may actually be higher, given the ongoing challenges the nation faces in data collection and storage. Will this pressing issue be addressed at the conference?

According to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), an astounding 63% of the population—approximately 133 million individuals, nearly six out of ten Nigerians—live in multidimensional poverty, with the majority being youths. Will poverty be included on the conference’s agenda?

Limited access to quality education, caused by inadequate infrastructure, scarce resources, and a lack of strong support systems, leaves the dreams of many unfulfilled. According to the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), the student loan scheme through the Nigerian Education Loan Fund (NELFUND) does not assist the 20.2 million uneducated young Nigerians. Will this become a subject of debate?

The National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) reported in 2023 that approximately 14.3 million Nigerians are involved in drug abuse, with young people predominantly affected. Regrettably, one in four women also participates in this harmful practice. Given its consequences, including widespread unproductivity and elevated crime rates, this critical issue merits discussion at the conference.

Despite youth affirmative action policies aimed at ensuring 30% representation in the public sector—including federal and state executive councils, boards of parastatals and agencies, and local government councils—and 35% representation in political party leadership positions, electoral bodies, and legislative assemblies for individuals between 18 and 35 years, there remains a significant issue of gross misrepresentation and inadequate youth participation in governance and decision-making.

Numerous other issues also impact Nigerian youth, such as migration for better opportunities, cultural constraints, child marriage and early pregnancy, cybercrime, youth radicalization, the role of young Nigerians in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM), and the erosion of cultural identity and values. These topics deserve thoughtful discussion.

As of the time the president promised to work toward modalities for this conference and the selection of delegates in “close consultation with our young people through their representatives,” skepticism looms large.

At the State House in Abuja earlier this month, the president inaugurated the planning committee of the National Youth Conference, tasking the youths—whom he described as the “heartbeat of the nation”—to seize the opportunity to redefine their future. Nigerians keenly await the modalities that the committee will set.

Our hopes lie in the words of Eric Teniola, a seasoned columnist, who said after the 2014 National Conference: “A conference will not solve all our problems, but it will give us a platform to exchange ideas and maybe iron out our differences. A conference may halt our present drift to anarchy.”

Therefore, we hope that this National Youth Conference, proposed by the president and his team, will be ‘The Conference that Breaks the Myth’ of unyielding conferences in Nigeria.

Lawal Dahiru Mamman writes from Abuja and can be contacted at dahirulawal90@gmail.com.

By Garba Sidi 

Hadejia, one of the 27 local government areas in Jigawa State, Nigeria, is renowned for its vibrant population and bustling business activities. With an estimated population of over 200,000 people, Hadejia stands as the largest local government in the state in terms of both population and economic activity.

However, recent events have cast a dark shadow over this once-thriving community. Between March 8 and March 13, 2025, five lives were tragically lost in a series of violent incidents, including the death of a newlywed bride. These incidents have raised serious concerns about the safety and security of the people of Hadejia.

Peace, safety, and security are fundamental pillars of any thriving society. Without these elements, communities cannot prosper, and individuals cannot lead fulfilling lives. The recent surge in violent crime in Hadejia, fueled by the availability of drugs, toxic chemicals, and the proliferation of weapons among youths, threatens the very fabric of this community. It is imperative to urgently address these issues to restore peace and ensure the safety of all residents.

The incidents that occurred between March 8 and March 13, 2025, illustrate a grim picture of the current state of affairs in Hadejia. On March 8, a political argument between two young men escalated into a physical altercation. One individual used a pair of scissors to stab his opponent in the stomach, resulting in his death. This tragic event highlights the dangerous consequences of unchecked aggression and how easily conflicts can turn fatal.

On March 9th, two youths engaged in a playful yet dangerous game involving sticks. What started as a harmless activity quickly escalated when one of the youths was struck in the head, resulting in his death. This incident highlights the need for greater supervision and guidance for young people, who may not fully comprehend the potential consequences of their actions.

On March 10th, another fight broke out between two friends in a different neighborhood. The altercation ended with one friend killing the other, further emphasizing the volatile nature of interpersonal relationships in the community. The following day, on March 11th, a mechanic was brutally attacked in his home in the NTA quarters. The assailant used a large knife to fatally wound the mechanic, leaving the community in shock.

The most heart-wrenching incident occurred on March 13th, when a newly married woman, barely five months into her marriage, was found dead in her home with her throat slit. This heinous act has left the community in mourning and raised questions about the safety of women and the prevalence of domestic violence.

The rising rate of violent crime in Hadejia can be attributed to several factors. One of the primary issues is the lack of economic opportunities and the inability of many families to provide for their children. In a community where large families are common, parents often struggle to meet their children’s basic needs. This lack of resources can lead to frustration and desperation among young people, who may resort to crime as a means of survival.

Another significant factor is the widespread availability of drugs, marijuana, and other harmful chemicals. These substances are easily accessible to teenagers and young adults, who often use them as an escape from their harsh realities. However, using these substances can lead to impaired judgment, increased aggression, and a greater propensity for violence. The combination of drugs and readily available weapons, like knives and scissors, results in a dangerous environment where conflicts can quickly escalate into deadly confrontations.

To address the rising tide of violence in Hadejia, it is essential to implement a multi-faceted approach that tackles the root causes of the problem. One potential solution is for the government to create additional administrative divisions within the town. By decentralizing governance and bringing it closer to the people, the government can improve the delivery of essential services, enhance security, and foster a stronger sense of community responsibility.

Furthermore, parents and community leaders must adopt a more active role in overseeing their children’s activities. This involves closely monitoring their associations, ensuring they are not engaging in criminal activities, and providing the guidance and support necessary for making positive life choices. Family planning is equally important; parents should be encouraged to have only as many children as they can adequately support, both financially and emotionally.

Finally, the recent surge of violent crimes in Hadejia serves as a stark reminder of the significance of peace, safety, and security in any society. Without these fundamental elements, communities cannot flourish, and individuals cannot lead fulfilling lives. 

It is the responsibility of the government, community leaders, and parents to collaborate in addressing the root causes of violence and fostering a safer, more prosperous future for the people of Hadejia. By implementing proactive measures, such as establishing additional administrative divisions, encouraging family planning, and cracking down on the availability of drugs and weapons, we can begin to restore peace and security to this once-thriving community.

By Sani Mu’azu

Inna lillahi wa inna ilaihir rajiun.

It is with a heavy heart that I mourn the passing of my dear elder colleague, friend, and legendary actor Abdu Kano, famously known as Karkuzu.

I had the privilege of knowing Karkuzu for over 40 years, and I can confidently attest that he was an exceptional talent who left an indelible mark on the Nigerian film industry. His versatility as an actor was unmatched, effortlessly transitioning between comedic and serious roles with ease.

One of my most cherished memories of working with Karkuzu was on the hit Radio Drama, Karambana – a dawo lafiya. Paired alongside the iconic Kasimu Yero and the legendary Hausa Pop Singer Sani Dan Indo, Karkuzu, who played the role of Liba, brought his unique energy to the project, which became an instant sensation among truck drivers and freelance workers. Before then and even after, we worked together on several film projects, including the early version of the movie Amina, where he played the role of Sankira along with Pete Edochie, shot around 1998.

What struck me most about Karkuzu was his resilience and dedication to his craft. Despite facing numerous life challenges, including health issues, he continued to act well into his old age, inspiring countless young actors and actresses along the way.

As we bid farewell to this Nigerian film icon, I pray that Allah SWT grants his soul eternal rest in Jannat Firdausi. May his family, friends, and the entire Nigerian film industry find the strength and fortitude to bear this immense loss. Ameen.

Rest in peace, Mallam Karkuzu. Your legacy will live on through the countless lives you touched and the unforgettable characters you brought to life.

By Habib Sani Galadima

In January, during a journey from Abuja to Kano, I found myself drifting into a light sleep, only to be abruptly awakened by the sudden braking of our vehicle. The driver had encountered a security checkpoint. As we approached, a masked soldier, armed and vigilant, greeted us with the customary, “Sannu da zuwa. Allah ya kiyaye hanya,” translating to, “Welcome. Safe travels.”

What struck me profoundly was his outstretched hand, reminiscent of the almajirai—the child beggars who populate our streets at traffic stops. Each approaching driver handed him ₦100 or ₦50, a scene that repeated with the next four cars.

This incident highlighted a troubling reality: beyond the visible street beggars, we have uniformed personnel resorting to similar means.

It’s unsurprising that some security officers resort to such measures when considering their remuneration. Reports indicate that junior security officers in Nigeria earn between ₦41,000 to ₦65,000 monthly.

Reflecting on my childhood in 2005, I recall my father’s method of distributing ƙosai (bean cakes) as charity. He’d always give two pieces to my elder brother, the distributor, while the rest of us received one. I resented this until I became the distributor and received two pieces myself. Curious, I inquired about this practice.

The explanation was simple: “The distributor gets extra to prevent dishonesty or feelings of being shortchanged.” At the time, I didn’t grasp the wisdom behind this. As I matured, I understood that by acknowledging the distributor’s efforts with a little extra, the temptation to pilfer is mitigated.

Research supports the notion that satisfied employees are less inclined toward fraudulent behavior. A study focusing on financial companies in Semarang City, Indonesia, found a positive correlation between job satisfaction and reduced fraud intentions among employees.

Additionally, the Fraud Triangle Theory, developed by criminologist Donald Cressey, identifies three drivers of fraudulent behavior: pressure, opportunity, and rationalization. By offering competitive salaries, employers can alleviate financial pressures, thereby reducing the risk of unethical conduct.

In Nigeria, however, such proactive measures are often overlooked. Even if other sectors face inadequate compensation, underpaying security personnel is particularly perilous. Entrusting individuals with firearms while they endure financial hardships is a recipe for compromised integrity.

This systemic flaw in our national security framework essentially grants security officers implicit permission to exploit their positions for survival, undermining the very essence of their duty.

Addressing this issue requires immediate reform. Ensuring fair compensation for our security personnel is not just a matter of equity but a crucial step toward national stability and integrity.

The ramifications of underpaying security personnel extend beyond individual misconduct; they permeate the entire fabric of national security and public trust. When those entrusted with safeguarding citizens are compelled to seek supplementary income through unethical means, the consequences are far-reaching.

Public perception of law enforcement is significantly influenced by daily interactions. When citizens frequently encounter security personnel soliciting bribes or engaging in corrupt practices, trust in these institutions erodes. This mistrust hampers effective policing, as community cooperation—a cornerstone of effective law enforcement—diminishes. Citizens become reluctant to report crimes or assist in investigations, fearing exploitation or inaction.

A demoralized and financially strained security force is ill-equipped to tackle the myriad security challenges facing Nigeria, from insurgencies to organized crime. Low morale, stemming from inadequate remuneration, leads to diminished vigilance and commitment. This vulnerability can be exploited by criminal elements, further destabilizing regions and emboldening adversaries.

Corruption within security agencies imposes a hidden tax on the economy. Businesses incur additional costs due to bribery demands, leading to increased operational expenses that are often passed on to consumers. Moreover, foreign investors may be deterred by a perceived lack of security and the prevalence of corrupt practices, stymieing economic growth and development.

The normalization of corruption within security forces sets a detrimental precedent for society. It fosters a culture where unethical behavior becomes acceptable, permeating various sectors and hindering efforts to instill integrity and accountability in public service.Addressing the issue of undercompensated security personnel necessitates a multifaceted approach. Implementing a comprehensive salary review is essential to ensure that remuneration packages for security personnel accurately reflect the demands and risks associated with their duties.

Additionally, establishing robust internal and external oversight bodies is crucial for monitoring conduct, investigating allegations of corruption, and enforcing accountability. Investing in continuous training and development programs equips security personnel with the skills and knowledge necessary for ethical decision-making and effective service delivery.

Moreover, fostering stronger relationships between security agencies and the communities they serve helps rebuild trust and encourages collaborative efforts in maintaining public safety. Lastly, enacting and enforcing policies that deter corrupt practices, including stringent penalties for misconduct and protections for whistleblowers, are vital steps toward reform.

By addressing the root causes of corruption within the security sector, Nigeria can pave the way for a more stable, secure, and prosperous future. Ensuring that those who protect and serve are themselves protected from the pitfalls of inadequate compensation is a critical step toward national rejuvenation.

Habib Sani Galadima writes from Kano and he can be reached via habibmsani46@gmail.com

By Isyaka Laminu Badamasi

As the wave of politicians leaving various political parties, especially the ruling party, to join the SDP gains momentum, remember that not everything that glitters is gold.

During the buildup to the 2015 general elections, some politicians capitalized on the failures of the PDP administration at that time. They formed what is now known as the All Progressives Congress (APC), a decision we all regret in unison. 

As observers, and considering the caliber and number of individuals joining the Social Democratic Party (SDP), I must confess that the county’s political landscape leading up to 2027 will be fascinating in the days, months, and years ahead. 

Before then, we should not fold our arms while watching the gullibility of our people and how it has led us to where theAPC administration has brought us today. It is crucial that we examine the actors involved in this process of decamping, reminding ourselves not to be swept away by the razzmatazz of this drama and to avoid making another unforgivable mistake, as not all that glitters is gold. 

We should be very observant of who joined SDP from our states and from which political party. What are their contributions to the development of the state? Are they relevant to the party they left? Are they capable of changing the narratives in the scheme of things, or is it just to make headlines? 

While they have the right to make whatever political decisions regarding 2027, we shouldn’t be naive enough to believe that the ongoing alignments and realignments are unrelated to us. Remember the pervasive nature of politics.

Isyaka Laminu Badamasi wrote from Bauchi State via makwalla82@gmail.com.

By Lawal Dahiru Mamman

Some Nigerians with the wrong intention to mock believe that sick individuals, particularly those living with Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV) in Africa, especially Nigeria, are now an “endangered species” due to the United States’ withdrawal from the World Health Organization (WHO).

On January 20, 2025, Donald Trump was sworn in as the 47th President of the United States, marking his return to the White House after defeating the Democratic candidate in a fierce election battle. As the world looked on to see how he would start fulfilling his promise to make “America great again,” he wasted no time signing executive orders that sent shockwaves around the globe.

One of his most controversial directives came just days into his presidency: the announcement of the U.S. withdrawal from the WHO, an organization of which it had been a founding member since 1948. This move was not entirely unexpected, as Trump had previously attempted to exit the WHO in 2020 before his decision was overturned by President Joe Biden in 2021.

To the delight of his supporters and the disappointment of his critics, Trump successfully achieved the withdrawal in early 2025. In February, he made further decisions, including cutting funding to certain organizations such as the United States Agency for International Development (USAID).

WHO leadership bemoaned the decision for obvious reasons. According to financing data, the U.S. contributed an estimated $988 million between January and November 2024, marking approximately 14% of WHO’s $6.9 billion budget. The organization further noted that U.S. funding provides the backbone for many large-scale emergency operations to combat diseases globally.

Citing an example, the WHO stated, “U.S. funding covers 95% of the WHO’s tuberculosis program in Europe, along with 60% of the agency’s TB efforts in Africa, the Western Pacific, and headquarters in Geneva.”

The African Union (AU) also expressed deep concern over the development as events continued to unfold. In a statement, AU Commission Chairperson Moussa Faki Mahamat emphasized the crucial role the U.S. has played in shaping global health standards over the past seven decades. He noted that the U.S. was a key supporter in establishing the Africa Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (Africa CDC), which works closely with WHO to tackle global health challenges, including those on the African continent.

This concern, coupled with comments such as those in the opening paragraph of this piece, should not be taken at face value or dismissed as mere press statements. It warrants careful consideration. Although the latter’s comment may be seen as a reaction to unfolding events or an attempt to mock Nigeria and Africa jokingly, more is at stake if the lives of millions of Africans solely depend on that funding.

Dead Aid: Why Aid Is Not Working and How There Is a Better Way for Africa, a 2009 book written by Zambian economist Dambisa Moyo, comes to mind. It earnestly challenged the traditional approach to foreign aid in Africa.

Moyo argues that foreign aid has failed to lift Africa out of poverty and has instead fostered a culture of dependency, corruption, and stagnation. She claims that aid has weakened Africa’s incentive to develop its own economic and political systems. Consequently, it has hindered the growth of Africa’s health sector.

It is a universal truth that no nation can survive in isolation; however, countries should be able to provide for their basic survival needs. The concern raised by the AU may validate Moyo’s hypothesis, as Africa remains dependent on aid from foreign entities like the WHO, despite having a continent-wide centre for disease control.

In 2001, African leaders signed the Abuja Declaration, promising to increase budgetary allocation for health, eradicate HIV/AIDS, and strengthen the health sector through improved infrastructure, human resources, and access to essential medicines.

Two decades later, we are lamenting a single nation’s withdrawal from the WHO because we have failed to uphold the promises we made to ourselves. What will happen if other “powerful” countries choose to leave? Will our already poor health metrics deteriorate? This should serve as a wake-up call.

All hope is not lost, as some progress has been made. In Nigeria, there was a breakthrough in November 2024. Doctors at Lagos University Teaching Hospital (LUTH), in collaboration with the Sickle Cell Foundation, successfully carried out a bone marrow transplant on two patients. This procedure once thought impossible in Nigeria, was described as “a significant step forward in the treatment of sickle cell disease—the first of its kind in West Africa.”

Also, in February 2025, Usmanu Danfodiyo University Teaching Hospital (UDUTH) joined the ranks of medical facilities that have successfully performed kidney transplants.

Nigeria can build upon and enhance these developments, attracting patients from other regions for treatment. This influx will generate revenue and may elevate us to a point where we no longer depend on funding from external organizations.

Nigeria and other African nations can leverage their existing resources to generate revenue while investing further in research to discover cures or treatments for diseases for which we have traditionally relied on palliatives.

Lawal Dahiru Mamman writes from Abuja and can be reached at dahirulawal90@gmail.com.

By Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu

In a move that has sent shockwaves through Nigeria’s political landscape, former Kaduna State Governor Nasir El-Rufai has officially parted ways with the All Progressives Congress (APC) and pitched his tent with the Social Democratic Party (SDP).

While party defections are common in Nigerian politics, El-Rufai’s departure from the ruling party carries significant political implications that could alter the dynamics leading up to the 2027 elections.

For a man instrumental in the formation of the APC and a staunch ally of former President Muhammadu Buhari, El-Rufai’s departure raises critical questions. Is this a strategic move to remain politically relevant? A protest against President Bola Tinubu’s leadership? Or does it signal widening cracks within the APC that could deepen in the coming years?

El-Rufai’s political journey within the APC has been marked by loyalty, controversy, and influence. As a key figure in the party’s 2015 victory over the PDP, he was regarded as one of the strongest voices in Buhari’s inner circle.

His tenure as Kaduna governor further solidified his image as a reformist, albeit one who often courted controversy. From restructuring Kaduna’s civil service to his hardline stance on security issues, El-Rufai commanded attention. Under Buhari, he wielded significant influence, not just within Kaduna but on the national stage.

Many expected him to secure a prominent role in Tinubu’s government. However, cracks began to show when he was dropped from the ministerial list, allegedly over security concerns flagged by the National Security Adviser.

El-Rufai’s departure from the APC is not a hasty decision; it represents the culmination of increasing frustration. His rejection as a minister was perceived by many as a calculated marginalization, signaling the start of his estrangement from the ruling party’s core decision-making processes. 

Reports suggest he became increasingly disillusioned with Tinubu’s governance style, particularly in handling economic and security challenges. The former governor is known for his bluntness, and sources indicate that his inability to influence policies within the APC played a significant role in his decision.

While his supporters argue that his move to the SDP is based on principle, critics suggest it is driven by personal ambition—positioning himself for a possible political comeback in 2027.

El-Rufai’s choice of the SDP, rather than the PDP or a new political movement, is intriguing. The SDP remains a relatively small force compared to the APC and PDP, raising questions about whether he genuinely believes in the party’s ideology or sees it as a convenient platform to negotiate his future.

Some analysts believe El-Rufai is playing the long game—joining a smaller party now to avoid confrontations with APC heavyweights while testing the waters for potential alliances with other opposition figures ahead of 2027. Others argue that he has limited options, given his strained relationship with Tinubu’s camp and his unlikelihood of returning to the PDP, a party he once fiercely opposed.

Expectedly, the APC has brushed off El-Rufai’s departure, with the Presidency dismissing it as driven by “inordinate ambition.” Kaduna’s APC leadership has also claimed they are unbothered, arguing that his influence has waned significantly since leaving office. 

However, political observers note that El-Rufai’s defection could have ripple effects. While he may not command a nationwide political structure, his ability to shape narratives, especially in northern politics, should not be underestimated. Some opposition figures, including former Senator Shehu Sani, have downplayed his move, arguing that El-Rufai’s political relevance has diminished.

El-Rufai’s defection is not just about one man leaving a party—it reflects deeper tensions within the APC. Since taking power in 2023, Tinubu has had to balance competing interests within the ruling party, from former Buhari loyalists to his own political allies. The cracks within the party are becoming more visible, and if not managed properly, they could deepen before 2027.

For El-Rufai, the road ahead is uncertain. Aligning with the SDP may be a strategic step, but it remains to be seen whether it will translate into real political leverage. Is this the beginning of a broader coalition to challenge APC dominance, or will it end up as another failed defection story in Nigeria’s political history?

One thing is clear—El-Rufai’s move has reignited conversations about Nigeria’s shifting political landscape. Whether it leads to a major realignment or fizzles out as an individual protest remains to be seen.

Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu, an NYSC serving corps member, writes from the Center for Crisis Communication (CCC) in Abuja.

By AMA Baffa 

The fields of theology and physics go hand in hand in explaining the existence of God and His omnipotence. Theology studies who the divine being—God Almighty—is, His power of creation, and everything He creates. Physics measures everything around us, from the smallest particles to medium-sized ones, up to the heavenly bodies and beyond, which constitute matter. It explores how these elements came about and the general underlying laws of their interactions. 

Whenever God wills to create or transform something in His kingdom, i.e., the universe or multiverse, if it exists, He simply states, “Be, and it is.” The general mechanism He uses, which applies to all His creations, is proportionality and measurement, as emphasized in numerous places in the noble scripture. 

Only what He decides to reveal and when it is revealed is known to mankind. The behavior of the majority of matter in the universe remains a mystery due to its different fundamentals and laws compared to the known matter we belong to, such as dark matter, which may be understood in the future or not at all. Perhaps this is why God says that the creation of the universe is more complex than that of humans.

Whenever there is a breakthrough in physics research, it transforms other areas of knowledge, as Prof. D. J. O’Connor highlighted in his book An Introduction to the Philosophy of Education. He stated, ‘The laws of physics set the framework within which the laws of chemistry may be found. Chemistry establishes a similar framework for biology, and biology does the same for psychology. Similarly, the laws of psychology define the limits within which the specialized sciences of man, such as economics and sociology, can be understood.’

According to some scholars of Qur’anic commentary, the verse that mentions those of God’s servants who possess knowledge and fear Allah refers specifically to the fields of physical science that explain the process of creation.

The universe was created on the principle of duality of existence or opposition, exemplified by the tangible material things understood through science, whose fundamentals lie in mathematics on the one hand, and the ideas comprehended through the liberal arts, whose fundamentals reside in semiotics and language on the other.

Language acts as the vehicle that conveys messages to the brain, enabling contemplation and facilitating logic— the rules of thinking that apply to both natural science and the liberal arts— to be practiced effectively and deeply. The interconnectedness between language and logic cannot be overstated, as they are both extensively employed by theologians and physicists, necessitating significant attention for in-depth understanding.

God is always a step ahead of any description of the laws of nature that science may provide, as He exists in one realm while the universe, as His creation, exists in another. The funniest thing is that when science discovers and describes a phenomenon, it completely removes God from the equation, as if the idea itself, matter, energy, and the processes of their interactions and histories are all self-sufficient without any power behind their existence. 

Yet, they advocate for laws stating that matter and energy can neither be created nor destroyed, only transformed from one form to another. Understanding a mechanism is different from understanding the object’s creator and phenomenon. That being who created them exists beyond their realm, differs from them, and is called God. 

God exists beyond the universe and multiverse and will never be understood through the physical laws of physics and chemistry. The less one understands God, the more ignorant one becomes.

AMA Baffa wrote via amabaffa@yahoo.com.