Opinion

By Huzaifa Dokaji

The promotion of Wamban Kano Munir Sanusi as Galadiman Kano today, May 2, 2025, marks an important moment in the history of Kano’s sarauta institution. More than a ceremonial instalment, it is the continuation of a title whose symbolic and administrative significance has long anchored the cohesion of Kano; first as a kingdom, and since the nineteenth century, as an emirate. This moment is charged with expectation, arriving at a time Kano Emirate is caught in a vortex of political contestation, juridical uncertainty, and generational transition. It will be the day a man who is both brother and foster son to a former Galadima, and son-in-law to another, assumes such an important office.

The title of Galadima, derived from the Kanuri galdi-ma, meaning “chief of the western front,” emerged during the administrative reforms of Kano’s second Hausa ruler, Sarki Warisi dan Bagauda, in the 11th century. Over time, it evolved into one of the most powerful and senior princely offices across Hausa land. Until Emir Abdullahi Maje Karofi (1855-1882) appointed his son Yusufu as Galadima, the title had traditionally been reserved for the king’s/emir’s uncle, eldest brother or closest male kin: typically someone older and therefore unlikely to succeed to the throne. 

Elsewhere, I have argued that Maje Karofi’s deviation from this established custom was one of the remote causes of the Kano Civil War of 1893. In essence, the appointment of a son to such a crucial position, naturally altered the institutional role of the Galadima, who historically functioned as a check on the emir’s authority. This explains Maje Karofi’s decision to depose his brother Abdulkadir, for expressing growing concern over certain decisions and practices at court the latter deemed inappropriate.

As demonstrated by the reigns of Galadiman Kano Daudu, Atuma, and the Fulani-era Galadimas Maje Karofi and Tijjani Hashim, the office has often wielded influence that paralleled or even eclipsed that of the king/emir. Until the 19th century, titles like Dan Ruwatan Kano were accorded to the kinsman or son of the galadima, while Dan Darman Kano was reserved for his cognatic kinsman.

Traditionally, the Galadima served as vizier, head of civil administration, and head of his own mini-palace, independent of the Emir’s court. Court praise-singers aptly describe bearers of the title as Daudu rakumin Kano, the camel that bears the city’s burden; Daudu gatan birni, the protector of the city; and Rumfa sha shirgi, the palace’s dust heap where disputes are deposited and resolved. In recent times, no one embodied such praise and function as the late Galadiman Kano Tijjani Hashim.

Widely regarded as the archetype of the modern Galadima, Tijjani Hashim redefined the office in an era when the sarauta was stripped of formal political power. He transformed it into a bastion of accessible influence, strategic mediation, and public service. His residence functioned as a daily court of appeals, open to aristocrats, commoners, and royal slaves alike. He was the man to whom a poor student could turn for a scholarship, a merchant for capital, a civil servant for promotion, a politician for sponsorship, and a broken family for reconciliation.

Tijjani Hashim died in 2014 and was succeeded by the charismatic Abbas Sanusi, whose reign as Galadima was cut short by a protracted illness. Abbas Sanusi was a disciplined and astute administrator, widely respected for his command of the emirate’s bureaucratic machinery. Yet his tenure was constrained by declining health, which limited his capacity to perform some of Galadima’s traditional roles, particularly inter-familial diplomacy. It is from Abbas Sanusi that the title now transitions to his younger brother, Alhaji Munir Sanusi, marking a rare case of intergenerational and intra-familial continuity, even by the standards of Kano’s dynastic politics. Their relationship was not merely fraternal; it was paternal.

Abbas raised Munir from infancy, shaping his worldview and instilling in him the refined fadanci he has mastered and discreetly used to his advantage. Adding further symbolic weight is the fact that Munir is married to Hajiya Mariya Tijjani Hashim, daughter of the very man whose name has become synonymous with the Galadima title in recent memory. Thus, the new Galadima stands at the confluence of two great legacies—bound by blood to Abbas, and by marriage to Tijjani.

Born on January 12, 1962, Munir Sanusi Bayero was the last son of Emir Sir Muhammad Sanusi I to be born in the Kano palace. Raised by his late brother, Galadima Abbas Sanusi, he later married his second cousin, Hajiya Mariya, a union that has continued to epitomise royal love and companionship. Alhaji Munir Sanusi received his primary education at Gidan Makama Primary School and his secondary education at Government Secondary School Dambatta from 1976 to 1981. He later obtained a degree in Mechanical Engineering from the Indian Institute of Technology in New Delhi.

Galadima Munir Sanusi’s career commenced in the Kano State Ministry of Social Welfare, Youth, and Sports, where he served as a Transport Officer from 1989 to 1991. He later joined Daula Enterprises Co. Ltd, Kano, from 1991 to 1993. He currently sits on the board of several companies, including Tri-C3 and Unique Leather Finishing Co. Ltd, the second-largest exporter of leather in West Africa. 

In 2014, the Emir of Kano, Khalifa Muhammad Sanusi II, appointed him as Dan Majen Kano and pioneer Chief of Staff to the Emir in the Kano Emirate. He was elevated to the position of Danburam Kano in 2016 and Wamban Kano and district head of Bichi in 2024. Today, he assumes the prestigious title of Galadiman Kano.

Galadima Munir’s loyalty to Emir Muhammadu Sanusi II has earned him considerable admiration within and beyond Kano. When the Emir was deposed in March 2020 and exiled to Loko in Nasarawa State, Munir not only followed him into banishment but remained by his side through Lagos and back to Kano. Now that the Emir has rewarded that loyalty with the emirate’s highest princely office, Munir faces a challenge no less noble than the title he inherits.

For one, loyalty is only one pillar of what I call “the burdens of the Galadima”. The office demands generosity, accessibility, discretion, and the ability to shoulder the hopes of a people whose faith in the sarauta system is repeatedly tested. Here lies Galadima’s greatest trial. Like his predecessors, he must cultivate a public image as a patron of the weak, a reconciler of royal, noble, and common feuds, and a figure of last resort to both the high and the low. He must embody rumfa sha shirgi in practice: bearing the burdens of others, not just out of obligation, but with discernment, sincerity, and grace. His word must be his bond, for zancen Galadima kamar zancen Sarki ne: the word of the Galadima is expected to be final, unwavering, and free of bitterness.

The task becomes all the more urgent against the backdrop of Kano’s current emirship crisis. While Emir Muhammadu Sanusi II’s return has been celebrated in many quarters, it remains the subject of intense legal and political contestation. In this precarious climate, the Galadima must go beyond ceremonial visibility. He must be the Emirate’s anchor, bridging palace factions and translating the noble project of restoring the sarauta back to its sense to the wider public. Galadima Munir’s early efforts at reconciling estranged branches of the royal family and diffusing internal tensions suggest a promising political instinct. But history demands more than instinct; it demands an ethic of honour and sustained human investment.

To become a Galadiman Kano today is not merely to wear a turban. It is to accept a lifetime project of prioritising the interest of the Sarauta and the talakawa over one’s. It is knowing that one’s home inevitably becomes a revolving court and one’s influence becomes public trust. Any failure to wield it generously, the memory of that failure will linger far longer than any quiet success.

Alhaji Munir Sanusi ascends the title of Galadima with the wind of history at his back and the shadows of giants before him. He is son and brother to a Galadima, and son-in-law to the most revered of them. If he can merge these legacies with his quiet resolve and proven loyalty, he may yet restore the Galadima as the most vital conduit between the emirate and its people.

The title awaits its meaning, Kano welcomes its new Galadima.

Allah ya kama, Raba musu rana da hazo

Allah ya taya riko, Daudu kwatangwalon giye.

Allah ya taimaki, tomo jiniyar gari

Huzaifa Dokaji writes from New York and can be reached via huzaifadokaji@gmail.com.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad 

Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri’s remarkable success in politics and governance is built on three solid pillars. First and foremost, he holds an unshakable belief that power is granted solely by the Almighty Allah, who bestows leadership upon whomever He wills. This belief is not just theoretical for Fintiri, it defines his attitude toward leadership, power, and responsibility.

Secondly, Fintiri is a man of conviction. He cannot be swayed or coerced into decisions. However, he remains open-minded and receptive to superior arguments. This rare blend of firmness and intellectual humility sets him apart in a political environment where many leaders either succumb to pressure or refuse to listen to alternative views.

Thirdly, Fintiri possesses an in-depth understanding of governance and political power, how it works, when to deploy it, and where it can be most effective. His grasp of these dynamics has allowed him to wield power not for personal gain, but in service of meaningful, people-focused development.

From his early days as a member of the State House of Assembly, through his rise to Speaker, Acting Governor, and now two-term Executive Governor of Adamawa State, Fintiri has consistently demonstrated strategic acumen. What has kept him ahead of his adversaries is not just political skill, but his deep-rooted belief that power belongs to Allah alone. This faith has given him clarity, courage, and calmness in the face of political storms, enabling him to remain fearless, resolute, and capable of making difficult yet visionary decisions. These are decisions that echo not only in the present but will define his legacy for generations to come.

His independence of thought, combined with a willingness to embrace sound reasoning, has driven unprecedented transformation in Adamawa State. In a state once typified by political patronage and a “yes-sir” culture, Fintiri has introduced a new style of leadership; one that prizes merit, innovation, and long-term development over short-term political expediency.

Under his leadership, Adamawa has witnessed a massive infrastructural renaissance. Roads, flyovers, and underpasses have sprung up, redefining mobility and connectivity. The 1,000 housing for the masses. He has established three mega science schools, one in each senatorial district, positioning the state as a hub for scientific and technological advancement. He also ensured the construction of 21 model nursery, primary, and junior secondary schools across all local government areas, ensuring that every child, regardless of background, has access to quality education.

Fintiri’s health interventions are equally groundbreaking. From the provision of free kidney treatment to the establishment of one of the most advanced medical laboratories in Nigeria at the Specialist Hospital in Yola, his vision is clear: a healthy population is the foundation of a prosperous state.

His administration has also been proactive in addressing youth unemployment and gender inclusion. Through programs like PAWECA (Poverty Alleviation and Wealth Creation Agency), thousands of women and young people have been empowered with skills, funding, and job opportunities, restoring dignity and creating pathways for self-reliance.

Leadership, as Fintiri understands it, is both a divine responsibility and a human enterprise. Often, when the Almighty Allah grants leadership, He also grants a unique wisdom, the ability to see what ordinary eyes cannot. Fintiri not only possesses this foresight, but he also understands the fine balance between authority and service. He knows when to exercise power and when to listen; when to act boldly and when to build consensus.

A perfect illustration of this wisdom was his recent declaration that his successor must be a grassroots politician. This was not a vague or politically convenient statement, it was a profound and strategic vision. What Fintiri meant was clear: his successor must share his belief in putting the people first, must be committed to inclusive and comprehensive development across all socioeconomic sectors, and must be a leader with the intellect, experience, and moral compass to lead Adamawa into the future. Such a successor, in Fintiri’s view, must be refined, educated, visionary, and capable of seeing tomorrow through the prism of today.

In summary, Governor Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri exemplifies a rare style of leadership rooted in faith, defined by principles, and driven by results. You may agree or disagree with his politics, but one cannot ignore the defining qualities that make him not just a political figure, but a true grassroots leader .

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Dr. Muhammad Sulaiman Abdullahi

There are some few, effortless and simple things, which I have already assured myself that, if they are not confronted and solved squarely and completely in Nigeria, we should all continue to consider Nigeria as a joke. In other words, if the Nigerian rulers and the ruled are unable to solve these simple managerial crises, we should all forget about anything development and continue to wallow in our self deception mode. On these issues, I have assurance but I remain to be corrected. They are only four (4) simple things, among others;

1) Fixed date for the payment of salary: this doesn’t mean that, salaries should be paid on 24th, 25th… it should be paid on whichever day chose!n by the government. However, one thing must be considered, that’s FIXING a specific date for that purpose. Salary is something that must be paid, then, why this deceptive and unorganized approach? Right now that I am talking to you, many workers haven’t received their pay for April, and May is already on.

For Nigeria to even start thinking of development, workers must be truly and carefully considered. Their rights must be paid on time, because, as they say, it is not a privilege. If the government likes, let it pay it on 30th of each month, or even make every month to contain 31 days and pay it on the 31st. Let’s have a fixed date please. If not, let’s take the police for instance. A police may not know when to get his salary for risking his entire life to protect people; however, he is sure, he can be bribed by the poor through corrupt ways. How can you deny him something that he is certain about with an uncertain? This penetrates deeper into every sector.

2) Respecting time: one of the cantankerous evil that people abuse all the time. It comes to the extent that responsible people would call for a meeting and say 4pm, but deep down in their mind they know the meeting would start by 5pm. If you ask them why, they would say people would not come on time. I use to be confused on this. So in Nigeria we respect late comers more than how we respect punctual people! We give them extra time and we don’t mind those who come on time. They, their punctuality and the respect they give to time should all go to hell. Unless we change this attitude, we will never do it right.

If you want to fight with (responsible) Nigerians insist on punctuality. Many of us, including leaders fail in this respect.

When we are in Nigeria, we hardly do official things on their respective timing. But when we go elsewhere we keep to time. Therefore, it is obvious that the problem is from us and we can easily adjust if we know there is repercussions.

3) Scheduling the epileptic power supply: distribution must be scheduled and properly planned. We are not even talking about standard supply, we are talking standardizing the supply of the short one we get. The little we have must not be given at random. People are entitled to know when they should expect the little light. Let it be 10:20am-11:20am on Wednesdays? Saturdays and Sundays nights? Two hours every day? When? All these must be planned and relayed to the payers if we are not jokers! This electric power people switch on and off at their will and we pay for the rubbish.

4) The National Carrier: this is bigger than us due to corruption. We should have a National career at least for our internal development. There are so many countries around the world especially in Africa which Nigeria and Nigerians underrate and undervalue, however, they have their Sudan, Ethiopian, Mali, Malawi, airlines, but the so-called giant of looting rely on ants for its air transport survival. This is a mischief of the highest order.

5) The over dependence and over reliance on dollar. Mark what I say, overdependence! Nigeria can use dollar. This is one of the obvious weaknesses which many people have agreed to live with, especially the Nigerians. However, the overdependence is alarming! Almost every individual in Nigeria, big or small, knows about dollar. Nigeria should learn to uplift its currency and leave dollar alone. Even ordinary people now know how to hoard dollar at the expense of the economic development of the nation. The bigger you are the more detached you are from using Nigerian currency. Kobo, 1 Naira coin have all gone into extinction physically but they are still there in our calculations. Now Tinubu’s government has made 5, 10 and 20 naira notes valueless and meaningless. They look so ugly to be touched by a clean hand.

There are so many other simple things which you can help to count. In other countries they are not even remembered because they are subconsciously arranged for over hundred years. But in Nigeria, we are still battling with something which can be corrected in two months. In Nigeria we face price hikes, lack of infrastructures, no medicines, no qualitative education, no good roads and no nothing….. You can continue counting our lacks, they are so many. However, the above mentioned five things are very simple, they can be corrected with a simple verbal order, without putting much money and effort. May Nigeria be great soon!

Muhammad Kano
May day 2017

NB: This was written in 2017, with little correction now but nothing much has changed.

As I scrolled through the timeline of Senator Natasha H. Akpoti, her most recent post, titled “Satirical Apology Letter,” sparked confusion and elicited public reactions from her followers and various opinion leaders across Nigeria. Many are left questioning whether it constitutes a genuine apology or if it is merely another provocation in the ongoing feud between her and the President of the Nigerian Senate, Godswill Akpabio.

The senator representing Kogi Central wrote the letter in a manner that satirically questioned her adversary’s integrity and condemned the corrupt aspects of the Nigerian political system, describing it as a matter of mere compliance rather than merit.

Previously, if you can recall, the unrest between the two began in February this year, due to a minor disagreement over a change of seat, which was rejected by the female senator. This disagreement later escalated into allegations of sexual harassment against the Senate President, which Senator Akpabio and his family denied. The discord ultimately resulted in her suspension from the Senate for six months.

As I continued reading the letter, it felt like waking up from a brief slumber regarding the case. While the public believed it was over, Natasha returned with determination and strongly re-emphasized her stance on the issue. She not only criticized her suspension by the Senate under leadership of Akpabio but also offered a sarcastic condemnation of the current system that led to her situation.

Senator Natasha’s Apology Letter rebukes to the status quo. The second paragraph critiques the current happenings in the Senate chamber. Although the sentences are framed as an apology, they are laced with biting sarcasm. Some individuals perceive the letter as an attempt to remain relevant, as she was nearly forgotten after the case was silenced. This sentiment was expressed by several citizens in the comments on her Facebook post.

In my opinion, the letter exemplifies passive-aggressive diplomacy. Senator Akpoti Uduaghan claims to apologize for her “failure to recognize that legislative success… is apparently not earned through merit, but through the ancient art of compliance.” The implication is clear: the political arena, particularly in Nigeria, is not a space where competence and the will of the people necessarily dictate success. Instead, it is a realm governed by deference to the powerful and the perpetuation of unwritten rules that demand personal loyalty over professional integrity.

Some people believe that the female senator wants to settle the case, but she is concerned about how the public will react. A direct apology could raise questions from the public, especially from those who have supported her from the beginning. They may ask whether she was sincere in her allegations or if she intended to tarnish Akpabio’s reputation. Nevertheless, what is truly remarkable about this piece is how it is presented as a ‘satirical apology letter.’ Instead of directly admitting fault, it takes a different approach.

The senator ridicules the notion that her refusal to engage in patronage or political favoritism warrants an apology. She frames her decision to decline the “requests” of influential figures in the Senate not as a betrayal, but as a badge of honor—a testament to her commitment to her mandate and her constituents, rather than a subservient compliance with behind-the-scenes negotiations.

The letter’s central message is encapsulated in its bitter, mocking phrase: “Please find it in your magnanimous heart… to forgive this stubborn woman who mistakenly believed that her seat in the Senate was earned through elections, not erections.” The wordplay here is both clever and sarcastic, implying that political power in Nigeria is often not merely a matter of democratic legitimacy, but rather the outcome of personal ambition, ego, and, at times, quite literally, the ability to manipulate others through unseen means.

As stated in the letter, the bold assertion regarding the nature of power and politics is undeniably risky. However, it is this very willingness to challenge complacent norms that renders Senator Akpoti Uduaghan’s letter so impactful. In a world where political leaders often issue insincere apologies when faced with allegations of corruption or incompetence, her letter serves as a powerful reminder of the fierce independence and self-respect that are frequently compromised in the quest for political survival.

Moreover, the satire is not directed at a single individual; rather, it serves as a broader condemnation of the system that perpetuates this toxic political culture. Akpoti Uduaghan critiques not only Akpabio’s conduct but also the institutional framework that enables the manipulation of power, allowing it to be transferred based on personal alliances rather than merit. The reference to “quid pro quo” arrangements and the necessity for private, off-the-record negotiations highlights a system in which transparency and accountability are frequently overshadowed by more secretive and, at times, questionable practices.

The final line, “Unafraid, Unbought, and Unbroken,” serves as both a declaration of defiance and a reminder that some individuals in the political arena remain unyielding against the forces that seek to undermine genuine progress. It is a call for a return to integrity and for leaders who are willing to challenge the status quo, regardless of the cost.

I believe that Senator Natasha should not surrender; however, considering how the system operates in Nigeria, it is crucial to find ways to ensure that the conflict does not negatively impact her constituents. Given that she and Senator Godswill Akpabio were good friends in the past, it would be beneficial to seek reconciliation, even though the damage has already been inflicted on Akpabio’s part.

Naziru Muhammad writes from the Department of Mass Communication at Abubakar Tatari Ali Polytechnic in Bauchi.
ajiyanwaka@gmail.com

By Haroon Aremu

Like a sly jester winking at the moon, I was scrolling through social media when I encountered celebrity interviews recounting how they rake in millions within months. This spectacle ignited a contagious fervour among the youth, convincing them that the entertainment industry is the sole avenue to instant riches. 

No one talks about the failures, the countless auditions, or the silent struggles behind the scenes; they only talk about the glamour, the wealth, and the “soft life.”  

Bollywood thrives on strategic government investment, making it a global economic force that boosts employment, tourism, and digital expansion. Unlike Nigeria’s self-funded entertainment sector, India injects billions into its film industry, ensuring sustained growth and international reach.  

Beyond captivating audiences, it turns filming locations into major tourist attractions, employs millions across various roles, and operates as a well-structured economic engine that drives cultural and financial influence.

Bollywood wields significant soft power, shaping international perceptions, fostering trade partnerships, and influencing policy discussions on a global scale. Now, the burning question is If India has done it, why can’t Nigeria?

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and the Nigerian leadership stand on a promising foundation. Nollywood is already the second-largest film industry globally, built almost entirely on private effort. With champions like Kunle Afolayan, Femi Adebayo, Funke Akindele, Toyin Abraham and others reshaping narratives and cashing in on global platforms like Netflix, Prime Video and Box Office. 

It is clear that Nollywood is not just an entertainment industry—it is an untapped goldmine. The cinematic feats of Kemi Adetiba, Mo Abudu, Bolanle Austen-Peters, etc., prove that, with proper government investment, Nollywood could evolve from a privately managed giant into a fully empowered national asset.  

According to research, Nollywood generates over $590 million annually and produces around 2,500 films a year. It has managed to thrive despite a lack of properly structured federal support. 

Imagine if this industry received the same kind of backing Bollywood enjoys. Free from corruption, federal investment could elevate production quality, generate millions of jobs, and turn Nollywood into Nigeria’s foremost non-oil revenue, especially when youth yearn for employment due to unemployment being generic.

Content creation, beyond Nollywood, has emerged as a formidable economic engine in Nigeria, proving that digital storytelling is not just a fleeting trend but a viable sector capable of generating wealth, employment, and global recognition. 

The success of creators like Mr. Macaroni, Taooma, Kiekie, Sabinus, Lasisi Elenu, Cute Abiola, etc., illustrates how social media has democratised entertainment, allowing individuals to carve niches without relying on traditional gatekeepers like film studios or record labels. 

Through comedy skits, social commentary, and brand endorsements, these creators have transformed their craft into multi-million naira enterprises, employing scriptwriters, videographers, editors, and marketers while driving traffic to brands and tourism sites. 

Their work showcases Nigeria’s culture and humour on the global stage, attracting foreign partnerships and sponsorships that would have otherwise been reserved for mainstream Nollywood productions. 

When properly harnessed, digital content creation can become a major economic driver, like Bollywood’s integration of influencers and digital expansion into film, tourism, and commerce. With the right policies—such as tax breaks, structured funding, and intellectual property protection—Nigeria’s content industry could grow into a leading non-oil revenue stream, competing with global giants like India and the United States. 

Despite its promise, the content creation industry in Nigeria still grapples with fundamental challenges that could hinder its full potential. Unlike Bollywood, which benefits from government-backed investment and structured growth strategies, Nigerian content creators operate in a largely informal economy, where access to funding, infrastructure, and legal protections remains inadequate.

Some creators lack financial literacy, face inconsistent brand deals, and operate without a regulatory framework that protects their intellectual property. 

Additionally, the absence of dedicated digital innovation hubs limits their ability to scale, collaborate, or transition from short-form content to full-length productions capable of breaking into mainstream cinema as some have done. 

While some content creators have managed to bridge the gap between skit-making and brand influence, an untapped market for leveraging content creation into mainstream entertainment and tourism remains. 

The government and private investors need to recognise digital storytelling as more than just “youthful amusement” but as a serious industry that, when properly structured, could create thousands of jobs, foster digital entrepreneurship, and export Nigerian creativity worldwide. 

Suppose Nigeria is to harness the creative economy truly. In that case, it must institutionalise financial incentives, support digital film villages, and encourage content creators to transition into high-value productions that can contribute to global streaming platforms, film festivals, and international collaborations.

Only then can the country move beyond isolated success stories to a full-fledged, structured entertainment ecosystem that mirrors Bollywood’s impact on India’s economy.

States like Lagos, Kwara and others have already positioned themselves as film hubs, investing in production studios, enabling policies, and film villages to attract investors. If these state-led initiatives can yield results, what would happen if Nigeria had a full-scale federal-backed Nollywood revolution? 

With well-structured grants, tax breaks, and infrastructure development, Nollywood could rival Hollywood and Bollywood, expanding tech-based employment and transforming Nigeria into Africa’s entertainment capital.  

Yet, a crucial caution must be heeded. Nollywood, like every thriving industry, has its fair share of pitfalls. The rise of viral sensations over genuine talent, the exploitation of controversies for social media relevance, and the blurred line between creativity and chaos all pose risks to the industry’s long-term sustainability. 

Nigeria must ensure that Nollywood does not fall victim to the same cycle of corruption that crippled agriculture and the oil sector.  

The truth remains: talent differs from cruise, and entertainment is bigger than scandal-driven fame. Nollywood has the potential to be a global force, a national pride, and an economic goldmine. 

The question is: Will Nigeria seize this opportunity or let Negligence and corruption again destroy another billion-dollar industry?

Haroon Aremu Abiodun, an author and PRNigeria fellow, wrote via exponentumera@gmail.com.

By Aisha M Auyo

Marriage is a huge opportunity to earn good deeds. By adjusting your intention, everything you do for your spouse can be an act of worship. It is that simple.

Seek to please Allah and be intentional. Every single thing you do with and for your spouse can be a form of worship when Ihsan is your motivation, and your heart is engaged in the remembrance of Allah in some way.

And by default, when good things become a habit, your good deeds are habitually earned too, insha’Allah.

From time to time, make a specific intention and say, “Oh Allah, I am doing this for my spouse only for Your sake and to earn Your pleasure.” You’ll feel the difference. A mundane task gets supercharged!

Umar ibn Al-Khattab reported: The Messenger of Allah, peace and blessings be upon him, said:

“Verily, deeds are only with intentions. Verily, every person will have only what they intended. Whoever emigrated to Allah and His Messenger, then his emigration is for Allah and His Messenger. Whoever emigrated to get something in the world or to marry a woman, then his emigration is for whatever he emigrated for.” (Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī 54, Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim 1907).

This hadith and post are especially important for my fellow women… wives… If all the good and extra things you do for your man are just so he wouldn’t marry another woman, know that your reward stops there. And he may marry other wives if that’s in his Qadr.

It might work if you’re being obedient, respectful, kind, and many other good things, just so you’d be his favourite among his wives, but know that the reward may stop there.

Let’s always remember that this world is only temporary… Our permanent abode is the aakhira. I am not in any way saying you should stop whatever you’re doing. In fact, I suggest we always try to improve, increase, and upgrade… 

Just be conscious of your intentions and be deliberate in whatever you do. Doing so, we will have double reward… here and in the hereafter, in sha Allah.

Aisha Musa Auyo is a doctoral researcher in Educational Psychology. A wife, a mother, a homemaker, a caterer, a parenting, and relationship coach. She can be reached via aishamuauyo@live.co.uk.

By Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu

In the early hours of Friday, April 12, 2025, Zike village in Bassa Local Government Area of Plateau State was reduced to a theatre of blood. At least 40 people, including women and children, were brutally killed by armed assailants who invaded the community under the cover of darkness.

Homes were set ablaze, farmlands destroyed, and hundreds displaced — once again. This is not an isolated tragedy. In less than four months, Plateau State has lost over 400 lives to mindless violence across Mangu, Bokkos, Riyom, Barkin Ladi, and Bassa LGAs.

According to data from local community leaders and humanitarian groups, more than 150 villages have been attacked since January 2024, with thousands displaced and properties worth billions destroyed.

Yet, the response from government authorities has been chillingly muted. Standard condolence statements have followed each carnage, but little in the way of justice or proactive security. For many in Plateau, it feels like being condemned to die in silence.

The question is painfully simple: for how long will this continue? The victims of these attacks are not armed militias or combatants. They are primarily farmers, traders, women, and children — people asleep in their homes, utterly unprepared for war but caught in its crosshairs.

The attackers, on the other hand, are described as well-coordinated, heavily armed, and operating with an eerie sense of impunity. The carnage in Plateau should not be seen as just a “communal crisis.” It is terrorism — plain and simple.

Any act that involves the targeted killing of innocent civilians on such a consistent and organised scale deserves to be treated as a national security emergency. The lack of urgency from both the federal and Plateau State governments is not just disappointing — it is dangerous.

The time has come for both levels of government to stop playing to the gallery and act. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Governor Caleb Mutfwang must rise above politics and confront this crisis with the seriousness it demands.

Enough of the empty press statements. The people of Plateau need protection, justice, and healing, not promises. There must be an immediate and thorough investigation into the Zike killings and all previous attacks across Plateau State.

The security agencies must identify and arrest the perpetrators. Communities cannot continue to bury their dead while those responsible roam free. Beyond this, a special joint military-police operation should be launched in Plateau — not as a temporary show of force, but as a sustained mission to flush out criminal elements and restore peace across all hotspots.

Such an operation should be intelligence-led, with active engagement from community leaders, local vigilantes, and civil society actors. Security operatives must also be adequately funded, equipped, and monitored to ensure professionalism and accountability in the course of duty.

Furthermore, there should be a comprehensive resettlement plan for displaced persons. The IDP camps in Plateau are filled with women and children who have been forgotten by a country that swore to protect them.

The government must support rebuilding destroyed homes, schools, and clinics in the affected communities. Most importantly, the culture of impunity must end. When killers are not punished, others are emboldened.

When justice is denied, peace remains a fantasy. Nigeria cannot claim to be fighting insecurity on one hand and tolerating unaddressed massacres on the other. This country must no longer treat the deaths of rural Nigerians as a footnote in national discourse.

The tears in Plateau are real. The graves are real. The trauma is real. And so must be our response. Plateau State is bleeding. Its people are tired. And the time to act is now — not with words, but with swift, firm, and visible action.

Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu writes from the Centre for Crisis Communication (CCC) in Abuja.

By Usman Mujtaba

When Brigadier General O.O. Nafiu, the Director-General of the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC), announced that corps members would receive their monthly allowance of ₦77,000 starting from March 2025, they thought it was business as usual. This is because they had been receiving similar announcements since last year. 

Moreover, the minister also gave multiple assurances recently when he was interviewed on Arise Television, Channels, and even on the MicOn Podcast hosted by Seun Okinbaloye, a host of Channels Television’s program Politics Tonight.Perhaps corps members are tired of the DG’s words; they only want action. As one Hausa adage goes, “An gaji da sa ba’a ga kaho ba.”

Unknown to them, this time is different, whether because it comes from the new DG or that the bureaucratic procedure was ripe, I couldn’t tell. But on Wednesday, March 26, 2025, corps members were thrilled to start receiving the ₦77,000 as their allowance, which they call “Allawee.” The jubilation was palpable across all regions of the country. Social media was full of jokes about the development, with one post reading, “NYSC DG for President 2027.” See how the allawee makes people go crazy

After the alert, what’s next? Minimum wage increment and inflation are familiar bedfellows; in fact, many economic pundits are against it, arguing that it won’t increase the value of products sold or services rendered. I was shocked when one of my friends told me that a corps member is tasked with responsibilities at home when they start serving. After a fixed amount, they will send monthly, so many requests will follow from such a home, probably from siblings.

The corps member who serves and the ghost corps member (who does the thumbprint) when the month ends are Tweedledee and Tweedledum in terms of expenses. Here’s why: while the serving corps member will have to budget for foodstuffs and transport, the ghost corps member plans for transport mainly from their hometown in a different state and the amount they’ll probably give to the PPA and/or the secretariat, given the agency’s corruption, nepotism, and favoritism. As such, the expenses become balanced. It’s better for a corps member to calmly settle at their place of primary assignment (PPA) and serve their fatherland.

Is it decisive to reform NYSC at this juncture? As the saying goes, “Eat when the food is ready. Speak when the time is right”? I recently came across an article, “Time to Reform NYSC,” in Daily Trust on April 23, 2025, in which Babakura Aninigi suggests some ways forward for the initiative. Though holistic, his take is realistic. 

Aningi wrote, and I quote, “The federal government should consider restructuring the scheme… to reflect current realities.” This is apt because many believe that all is well with the adoption of a minimum wage. It’s not. Corps members will undoubtedly adjust, but only in the short term because inflation and additional expectations are inevitable. The call for reform of policy and strategy is the appeal for the long term.

The bustle and energy of graduates are palpable in towns whenever the NYSC opens its portal for registration. The energy will be doubled now that every graduate moves with additional zeal to enjoy the new approved allowance.

I discussed with one of my friends the possible addition of allowance from his PPA (a private school in Kano). I told him that it would be easier for a camel to pass through the eye of a needle than for him to get that addition with his ₦77,000.

He informed me they originally gave ₦5,000. Imagine! It’s indeed another challenge many corps members will face. Some will even withdraw what they usually give. As one of my friends jokingly observed, a corps member’s allowance is more than the salary of some private school headmaster.

₦77,000 is a commendable development, but it shouldn’t douse the energy and kill the idea of reforming the NYSC scheme.

Usman Mujtaba wrote via usmanmujtabashehu@gmail.com.

By Abdullahi Adamu

Whenever the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC) announces an electricity tariff increase, Nigerians brace for even worse power supply. Due to incessant national grid collapses and inadequate transmission by the Transmission Company of Nigeria (TCN), poor generation continues to plague the sector, yet tariffs keep rising.

Now, the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) is following the same path, approving telecom companies’ hikes in call and data service prices. Meanwhile, Nigerians suffer from poor network quality and unreliable internet services.

It seems these regulatory agencies have forgotten that their primary mandate is to protect consumers and ensure efficient service delivery, not just to rubber-stamp tariff increases for the companies they regulate. When will they start holding these service providers accountable instead of burdening citizens with higher costs for declining service quality?

The recent price hike by telecom companies in Nigeria has affected subscribers’ wallets and seems to have impacted the quality of network services.

It’s frustrating when you pay more for a service, but the quality doesn’t meet expectations. Poor network provision and services can affect productivity, communication, and daily life.

Despite the widespread complaints from Nigerians, it’s disappointing that the services provided by telecom companies have not significantly improved.

The regulators’ lack of response, such as the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC), is also concerning. It’s their responsibility to ensure that telecom companies provide quality services and protect consumers’ interests.

It’s time for Nigerians to continue to speak out and demand better services. 

Remember, collective action can lead to positive change.

Abdullahi Adamu wrote via nasabooyoyo@gmail.com.

By Isyaka Laminu Badamasi

In the move to ouster Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration and the All Progressive Congress (APC) from the mantle of leadership in 2027, the need for unity among our political leaders can not be overemphasised.

The recent visit by Atiku Abubakar and other top politicians to former president Muhammadu Buhari for the post-Sallah, cast serious doubts in the minds of Nigerians who are yet to recover from the shocks of the former president’s betrayal of 2015 – 2023. The Wazirin Adamawa clearly stated that the visit has nothing to do with the proposed merger.

Be that as it may, Atiku as the prominent opposition leader should also be very careful with the crop of politicians is aligning with to achieve this objective, as some of those seen in his entourage during the visit are people with questionable backgrounds, whose their reigns in power left an indelible mark of anger and uncertainty in the minds of their people, they are heartless with no sense of sympathy to the people, they are not different with Tinubu.

As the Hausa saying goes, one need not select water in an attempt to squelch a fire, but in some situations, there is a need for that, as some waters may be more harmful than the fire. The selection of who to join hands with towards emancipating this country from the hands of incessant geezers is of the utmost importance. Sending President Tinubu out of the villa in 2027 is non-negotiable and shouldn’t be handled with kid gloves.

As it stands today, Nigerians yearn for someone who is ready to implement policies and programs that will make their lives very easy and promising, someone who will bring an end to the wanton killings all over the country caused by one insecurity or another, someone who is ready to ensure that Nigeria remains one and united. 

For this, the need for the political leaders to unite and make necessary adjustments to face the heartless APC administration head om is very paramount,  any move that can not guarantee the aspirations of common man in the streets can not move to an inch, and, it will be for the advantage of Bola Tinubu and his APC to remain in power beyond 2027.

To those power drunk, who are making a mockery of the movement, should be reminded that the pre-2015 merger that brought APC to power is still workable. APC and Tinubu should get prepared.

Isyaka Laminu Badamasi,  a public affairs commentator and advocate for sustainable development,  writes from Bauchi.