Opinion

By Abba Murtala

In Northern Nigeria today—from Kano to Katsina, Kaduna to Abuja, Gombe to Adamawa and beyond—prostitution is being redefined, repackaged, and repurposed in ways our society is yet to grasp or confront fully. Once seen as an explicit, stigmatised trade practised by women living in brothels or in the fringes of urban society, prostitution has now assumed a form that is more discreet, deceptive, and dangerously normalised.

The new face of prostitution no longer resides in dingy motels or poorly lit street corners. She may very well be your neighbour’s daughter or your daughter, your cousin, your niece, or even your girlfriend (wives, too, have been reported). She lives at home, speaks decently, dresses modestly in public, attends school or has a small job, and blends perfectly into her conservative community. Yet, she is actively engaged in transactional sex.

This new wave of commercial sex work is cloaked in deception. Unlike the “traditional” prostitutes who often migrated far from their family homes to avoid shame and suspicion, these girls remain within the comfort of their homes. The family remains unsuspecting; society remains blind. They are not seen as sex workers, and they don’t identify as such. But the reality is, they sell their bodies to men—usually for money, phones, rent, trips, and more.

Who Are the Clients?

They are not their peers. Young men, even those with questionable morals, typically frown at paying for sex, especially with women their own age, especially since there is the looming risk of exposure. The real clients, therefore, are middle-aged and elderly men—the “uncles.” These men, often above 50, use their financial power to exploit vulnerable young girls. Many are married, influential, and sometimes respected members of the community. They book hotels, arrange flights, and fund the lavish lifestyles of these girls, all in exchange for sexual gratification.

They are the shameless engines driving this trade, creating demand and sustaining the illusion. They are the reason a girl from a struggling family can suddenly afford the latest iPhone, expensive clothes, designer handbags, and weekend trips to Lagos, Abuja or Dubai.

How Does It Happen?

It starts with a desire—often triggered by poverty, peer pressure, or social media fantasies. The girl feels a pressing need for money, attention, and a lifestyle far beyond her family’s means. She may resist menial jobs or honest work, not because she is lazy, but because those options won’t fetch her the quick cash she believes she deserves.

Then comes the network. A friend introduces her to someone. A “pimp”—male or female—slides into her DM. The network is simple but effective—a few conversations, a meeting, a test run. Then the money starts flowing. Once she gains footing, she establishes a base of loyal clients—uncles who can be called upon for any service, at any time, for the right price.

Her life becomes a web of deception. School hours, “friend visits,” or supposed job responsibilities become covers for interstate flights, secret hotel bookings, and clandestine transactions. The richest among them reportedly offer services like anal sex, which are in high demand by some of these predators.

Who Are These Girls?

They are typically from low-income or struggling homes. They reject being categorised as “poor” in public, and they will go to great lengths to appear middle-class or affluent. Many of their families are unaware. In some extreme cases, parents even give silent consent, as long as the money keeps flowing home.

Their greatest assets? Physical beauty, curvy figures, and the naivety that predators exploit. These girls have no business with brothels or street corners. They have gone digital. They operate through WhatsApp groups, TikTok algorithms, and private Facebook pages. With just a few clicks, they are matched with high-paying clients—sometimes in entirely different states.

Why Poverty Is Not an Excuse

Many will point fingers at poverty. But we must be careful not to romanticise or rationalise prostitution as a legitimate response to hardship. Poverty is real, yes—but so is integrity. There are girls in the same communities who, despite hunger and hardship, have chosen honest paths. They work as waitresses, hairdressers, salesgirls, and tutors. They manage small businesses, survive on tight budgets, and still hold their heads high.

Prostitution, especially in this form, is not a product of poverty alone—it is often a product of greed, laziness, entitlement, and a corrupt value system. The growing belief that one must “look rich” or “live big” regardless of how the money is made is at the core of this moral collapse.

Religious warnings are being ignored. Even when confronted, some girls say, “Allah will forgive.” But repentance requires remorse and a firm commitment to change—not a continuous indulgence in sin while hiding behind religious phrases.

The Role of Social Media

Social media is a major culprit. The platforms intended to connect and educate have become virtual marketplaces for the flesh trade. TikTok glorifies vanity, consumerism, and “soft life” narratives. WhatsApp becomes the digital brothel where clients and sex workers finalise deals. Facebook hosts secret groups where sex work is promoted in coded language.

The constant bombardment of luxury lifestyles, body flaunting, and materialism fosters insecurity and desperation among impressionable girls. The result? An endless race to fake perfection—even if it means trading dignity for money.

The Damaging Effects

 • On Families: Many families remain oblivious, and by the time they discover the truth, the damage is irreversible. Reputations are destroyed. Trust is lost.

 • On Society: The normalisation of secret prostitution threatens the very foundation of our cultural and moral values. When immorality becomes invisible, it becomes unstoppable.

 • On Marriages: This trend contributes to rising distrust in relationships and marriages. Husbands are becoming suspicious, wives are growing insecure, and divorce rates are climbing.

 • On Public Health: Increased sexual activity with multiple partners, often without protection, raises the risk of STDs, including HIV/AIDS. Yet, this danger is seldom discussed.

 • On Religion: The erosion of fear of Allah and the disregard for Islamic teachings show how deep this problem runs.

Critical Questions We Must Ask

 • How did we get here?

 • Who failed our girls—parents, clerics, or the government?

 • Why is society silent?

 • What kind of men are sleeping with girls young enough to be their granddaughters?

 • Will we allow another generation to grow up in a society that calls evil “smartness” and shamelessness “hustle”?

Final Warning

This is not a rant. It is a wake-up call. What we are witnessing is not just immorality—it is moral suicide. If we continue to ignore this, we risk raising a generation that believes fornication is business, pimps are mentors, and prostitution is hustle.

Let the uncles be warned: your lust is destroying the daughters of the land. Let the girls know: no amount of iPhones or Dubai trips will cleanse the burden of shame you’re carrying. And let the parents rise: your silence is no longer innocent—it is complicity.

May Allah guide us all, amin.

Abba Murtala, FCH DK, wrote from Gombe via abbamurtala8@gmail.com.

By Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu

The fight against hunger in Nigeria has entered a critical phase. With rising food prices, climate-induced disasters, and conflicts crippling agricultural production, food security is no longer a distant policy concern but an everyday reality for millions of households. What was once viewed as a seasonal challenge has now become a national emergency, demanding a shift from reactive relief to proactive preparedness.

At the forefront of this shift is the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA), which is redefining its role beyond post-disaster interventions. Through the newly unveiled Food and Nutrition Security Crisis Preparedness Plan (FNSCPP), NEMA is laying the groundwork for a coordinated, data-driven framework designed to detect and respond to food security threats before they spiral into full-blown crises.

For NEMA’s Director-General, Mrs. Zubaida Umar, the stakes could not be higher. “Nigeria is at a critical juncture in its food security landscape,” she observed during a recent consultative session. “We must transition from reactive to anticipatory response models. This collaboration presents a pathway toward a more structured, timely, and impactful system of intervention.”

The new preparedness plan signals a significant departure from the traditional cycle of emergency relief. It recognises that food insecurity is not an isolated problem but a complex challenge worsened by flooding, drought, armed conflicts, and economic shocks. Seasonal floods, for example, continue to devastate farmlands in states like Anambra, Benue, and Niger, erasing months of hard work and leaving rural communities vulnerable to hunger.

The FNSCPP seeks to address this challenge by integrating early warning systems with national emergency operations, setting up clear crisis escalation protocols, and ensuring that federal, state, and community-level agencies respond in unison. This aligns with NEMA’s broader strategy, which has included launching the 2025 National Preparedness and Response Campaign (NPRC) and conducting large-scale flood simulation exercises in high-risk zones such as the South East.

Experts agree that timely action is the difference between a manageable disruption and a nationwide crisis. Dr. Ritgak Tilley-Gyado, Senior Health Specialist at the World Bank and one of the key technical leads behind the FNSCPP, highlighted this during a consultative visit to NEMA’s headquarters. “This is more than just an emergency response plan,” she explained. “It is a long-term preparedness blueprint. Once indicators are triggered, every institution must understand its role and act without delay.”

The stakes are particularly high for vulnerable populations, where food crises often translate into chronic malnutrition, displacement, and loss of livelihoods. Nigeria’s recent qualification for crisis response financing underlines the urgency of establishing a clear and unified response framework. Without it, resources risk being delayed, duplicated, or mismanaged — leaving those most affected to bear the brunt of avoidable suffering.

To counter this, NEMA is also championing community-level sensitisation, ensuring that disaster preparedness is not merely a top-down directive but a collective effort. By engaging local leaders, grassroots organisations, and youth groups, the agency aims to bridge the gap between policy design and on-the-ground realities.

Yet, significant challenges remain. Adequate funding, political will, and inter-agency coordination will determine whether this bold plan succeeds or falters. Beyond the federal effort, state and local governments must embrace their roles in creating food-resilient communities. Environmentalist Mayokun Iyaomolere captured this sentiment aptly when he remarked, “Preparedness is not just about government plans. Communities must also take ownership of the process, particularly in areas where local action can prevent disasters from escalating.”

As Nigeria faces a future marked by unpredictable weather patterns and growing food demands, the real question is not whether crises will occur but how effectively the country can respond. With the FNSCPP, anchored by NEMA’s leadership and supported by multi-sector partnerships, Nigeria has an opportunity to shift from a culture of reaction to one of anticipation and prevention.

The blueprint has been laid out. What comes next is the test of execution, coordination, and the political courage to ensure that no Nigerian is left to go hungry simply because the warning signs were ignored.

Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu writes on disaster management, humanitarian response, and national development.

By Abubakar Suleiman

“I am sorry, the brain of your child has been insulted.” Those were the words of a friend who is also a medical doctor after reviewing the EEG result of my late daughter, Rahma, three years ago. He continued, “Abubakar, you have a case in your hands, Allah Ya baka ikon cin jarabawa.”

The phrase “brain being insulted” was unfamiliar to me then. I had to start browsing to be sure that the words weren’t what I feared. Alas, it turned out to be what I thought.

Being a twin, Rahma came into the world weak after her twin sister, Rayhana. And she was put in an incubator to resuscitate her. Before the EEG investigation, Rahma had jaundice that was detected when she was just seven days old.

Upon arrival at the pediatric clinic, after her vitals were taken and a series of tests conducted, she was hospitalised. Phototherapy and an exchange blood transfusion were carried out. And that marked the beginning of a pilgrimage, ranging from one consultant paediatrician to another neurologist, then a physiotherapist throughout her 3 years, 2 months and 1 week of existence.

“Hypertonia.” The word a doctor muttered after we were discharged from the hospital drove me to the internet. Slowly, I became an overnight ‘neurologist’ so much so that whenever we find ourselves in the hospital, the doctors were so surprised by how well I understood some medical concepts. Knowing that hypertonia is a form of cerebral palsy sent chills down my spine. What could have led to this? Loss of oxygen during birth? The jaundice that led to the exchange blood transfusion? Abi na all join? إلى الله المشتكى 

Cerebral palsy rendered Rahma almost helpless. She could not sit, talk, walk or fall asleep with ease all her life. She doesn’t eat any kind of food. Feeding her required tact. Nutritionists’ aid was sought. Her neck control was only partial. We could only try to improve her quality of life with therapeutic interventions and the support of a caregiver. 

While her twin sister, Rayhana, was energetic and quickly enrolled in school, Rahma was mostly on controlled drugs to help her sleep. From phenobarbital, clonazepam, phenytoin, diazepam, to all sorts of medications depending on her weight and other medical variables, as noticed by the doctor. Zamzam water and ruqya weren’t exempted.

Her smile and laughter were expensive. But whenever it appeared, it melted hearts. She shared many features of my late Dad. She is hairy and, in many ways, more uniquely beautiful than her siblings. Her ill health exposed me to the limitations of modern medicine, the high level of professionalism of some doctors and nurses, and, of course, the unruly and unprofessional attitude of others. It also made me renegotiate many priorities in life.

Sicknesses like cerebral palsy drain one psychologically and financially. It pushes one to the boundaries of imaan. In the mix of all these were suggestions, positive and negative. I heard whispers that my ‘Izala’ is becoming too much since I am not willing to try some traditional concoctions or so-called Islamic medicine (whatever that means). Again, I am also not given to superstitions. But alhamdulillah for a strong wife who never wavered in giving her best for Rahma and her siblings. Her imaan was unshaken. It was exhausting, but her resolve was steel-like.

To helplessly watch your child in pain or a medical crisis hits differently. It requires imaan, admonition and strong mental stamina. Whenever Rahma convulsed or cried out due to exhilarating pains, aside from Hasbunallahu wa ni’imal wakeel, all I could tell her was: 

‎اصبري يا رحمة فإن موعدك الجنة إن شاء الله. 

“Be patient, Rahma, your final abode is paradise, InshaAllah.” Even though she doesn’t hear me, I find solace in uttering those words.

My family and friends did everything they could to make things easy for me. Not to mention that the emotional, moral,and even financial support from them would amount to being economical with the situation. I was showered with love and admonition during Rahma’s trial and after her death. 

Death. When your time is not up, you will not die. Rahma was hospitalised countless times, so I no longer informed relatives, friends or family. It became a routine. Her medical conditions were sometimes complicated and severe, so I often prepared myself for the announcement of her death when receiving some phone calls. But she bounced back. However, when it was time to depart the world, she bade us farewell peacefully in her sleep. It was indeed a bumpy ride and a heavy trail. Alhamdulillaah.

I am optimistic that Rahma has found peace inshaAllah. I pray Allah grants her Jannatul Firdaus. May Allah comfort all parents with children having special needs.

By Kamal  Alkasim

When Kawu Sumaila decamped from NNPP to APC, it showed that the issue isn’t about party loyalty but about choosing the best leader. Blind loyalty can hinder good governance in Nigerian politics. What matters most is effective representation, not party allegiance. Let’s prioritise good leadership over partisan loyalty and choose the best candidate for the benefit of Kano South.

When choosing between Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, a prominent figure in Kano politics known for influencing political dynamics, and Kawu Sumaila, the decision leans towards Kawu due to his genuine service to the people of Kano South. Regardless of the political party Kawu affiliates with—whether APC, PDP, or ADC—his actions demonstrate a commitment to his constituents. 

People recognise Kawu’s efforts and intentions, making party affiliations secondary to his impact. Let’s prioritise choosing the best candidate based on their service and dedication, rather than party loyalty.”

Kwankwaso’s impact will be remembered. Let’s choose leaders based on merit, not loyalty to individuals. In politics, those who deliver tangible benefits to the people should be preferred over those who seek dominance. 

After 16 years of Kabiru Gaya’s tenure, which saw the Kano senatorial district abandoned for personal interests, it’s time for a change. Kawu Sumaila has emerged as a rescuer for our region, and let’s give him the support he deserves.

Let’s choose a leader who creates jobs, empowers youth, provides scholarships, and advocates for our interests in the Nigerian Senate. Prioritise your senatorial district’s needs and be vigilant. A leader who brings in multi-million dollar projects, generates employment opportunities for youth, and develops feeder roads in our communities deserves our support. 

Both Kwankwaso and Kawu Sumaila have legacies that will be remembered, but let’s focus on the one who delivers tangible benefits to our region.

Kamal Alkasim wrote via kamalalkasim17@gmail.com.

By Khadija Hamisu Daninna 

Across Nigeria, kitchens are changing. Gas cylinders stand neatly in urban homes, while charcoal bags fill market stalls. Yet, despite these alternatives, firewood still burns in countless households. Its smoky flames carry taste, memory, and tradition that neither gas nor charcoal can fully replace. For some families, it is also the more affordable choice.

Zainab, a 31-year-old resident of Daura, has never known another way of cooking. “I have never cooked with gas before. All my life, I have been using firewood. I don’t even know how food tastes on gas, but I prefer my firewood. Maybe it is because I grew up with it. I use charcoal sometimes, but firewood is easier for me. Firewood is what I know.”

For Mariam, a 39-year-old housewife, firewood is tied to her husband’s nostalgia. “My husband always says the fried eggs his mother made tasted better on firewood. So I fry eggs on firewood, just to remind him of his childhood.”

Hajara, a 26-year-old food vendor, said firewood gives food a flavour no other fuel can provide. “When I cook jollof rice for parties, I always use firewood. It brings out a special flavour. Gas and charcoal cannot give you that same smoky taste. My customers expect it.”

But even warnings from doctors cannot keep some people away. Amina, a 37-year-old married woman, recalled: “There was a time I was sick, and the doctor told me to avoid smoky areas because of my eyes. But how can I stop? Firewood is what I grew up with. It is not just about cooking. It is about sitting together as a family, sharing stories, and working around the fire. That memory cannot be replaced.”

Cost is another factor. Mallam Usman, a 42-year-old man, explained: “I use both charcoal and firewood. The least charcoal I can buy is ₦200, while firewood is more expensive, up to ₦500. But I prefer firewood. My wife is already used to it. Sometimes I buy charcoal to ease the work, but mostly we use firewood because that is what we have always been using.”

Abdulmumin, a firewood seller in Rumfar Shehu who is over 40, said many people still depend on his trade. “People still come to buy firewood every day. Even though the price is high, food vendors, households, and event caterers still buy it. Firewood is something people cannot abandon. We have been using it since the time of our grandparents, and it still holds memories.”

But experts warn that firewood comes at a cost. According to a 2024 report from the National Bureau of Statistics published in Punch newspaper, 67.8 per cent of Nigerian households still cook with firewood. In Bauchi State, the figure is as high as 91 per cent. Doctors interviewed by Punch Healthwise have cautioned that prolonged exposure to smoke can lead to lung disease, eye problems, and respiratory infections. They noted that women and children, who spend long hours near smoky kitchens, are especially at risk. One pulmonologist, Dr. Abiona Odeyemi of Osun State University Teaching Hospital, explained that smoke from firewood damages the lungs over time, leading to serious health conditions.

Experts have also raised concerns about the environmental impact. Firewood use contributes to deforestation, worsens climate change, and adds to indoor air pollution.

Still, the flames continue to glow. For some, firewood carries memory and tradition. For others, it remains the more affordable choice. And for many, it is simply the way they were raised. Gas may be quicker and charcoal less smoky, but in countless Nigerian homes, firewood still burns, not just as fuel, but as a link between the past and the present.

Khadija Hamisu Daninna wrote via khadijahamisu2003@gmail.com.

By Ibrahim Lawal Ahmed

On September 9th, 2023, friends, colleagues and students of Malam Mu’azu Muhammad Yusif, more popularly called M.M. Yusif, gathered to honour and celebrate his long academic service at the Centre for Information Technology and Development (CITAD), Kano, by remembering the old days and reflecting on the transformation the academia has been going through in Nigeria. Malam M.M. Yusif recently retired from the Department of Political Science, Bayero University, Kano, and the occasion was a kind of send-off party.

It was indeed a robust discussion that involved personalities such as Mal. Ibrahim Mu’azzam, Dr. Y.Z. Ya’u, Dr. Nasir Fagge, Prof. Ibrahim Bello-Kano (IBK), among others. As expected, the debate spiralled from eulogising the celebrant to discussion on the character of students and teachers in the universities in Nigeria, the current system of running the university, the struggles of and in the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU), and the neoliberal world order and its effects in Nigeria, particularly on the universities. 

In short, the discussion is a dialectical cross-examination of factors within the university and how their interrelationship is influencing the university education in Nigeria; the relationship between the university and the society (town and gown relationship); and the relationship between the university and the state. The relationship between the university and the state is at the centre of the ASUU issue.

University has been the life of Malam, and as one of the longest-serving chairmen of ASUU, BUK Chapter, ASUU is a union very close to Malam. Therefore, I can imagine his feelings as he witnesses and reflects on the last two battles between ASUU and the government (2020 and 2022) that almost destroyed the public universities in Nigeria. The fundamental issue of ASUU-FGN conflict, in my view, is not the non-payment of allowances but the reductionist approach to governance by the government, which entails decreasing concern for the institutions that provide welfare to the people and total neglect of the idea of ‘public good.’ The result is the systematic collapse of the social contract (and compact) and rising political cleavages, a pre-bendel form of primitive accumulation and rentierism (or sycophancy) which results in the concentration of wealth in the hands of a few. 

Consequently, as the rich get richer and the poor get poorer in Nigeria, commodity fetishism becomes the defining feature of the social relations in Nigeria. In other words, money is now the moral compass in Nigeria. The needs and wants of the average Nigerian are reduced to his stomach – you have to eat for you to think, for when you speak to a hungry man, he answers you with his stomach – as such, ASUU is faced with an enormous challenge of mobilising the society to back its course on its battles with the state. 

Moreover, people are tired of the classical tactics of strikes always taken by ASUU, which, in the last two years, have hurt the university education system more than they have salvaged it. Thus, one key takeaway from the gathering is that ASUU needs to reinvent itself. While remaining steadfast to its goals that are of public interest, it has to change tactics.

Similarly, government at all levels has to pay more attention to the educational sector. To improve education, efforts should focus more on qualitative development rather than the current quantitative development, which prioritises establishing tertiary institutions in remote areas primarily due to trivial political reasons. This is not right. Situating schools and tertiary institutions has to take comprehensive cognisance of the environment. The questions such as how the town will support the gown at its embryonic stage and how the gown will support the city at maturity have to be asked. Answering these kinds of questions requires a comprehensive analysis of the infrastructure (both hard and soft), human and physical factors in the environment where the school or tertiary institution is to be situated. The late Sir Ahmadu Bello set a notable example in establishing Ahmadu Bello University in Zaria. He could have stayed in Sokoto or Maiduguri. However, considering several factors, Zaria is strategically better suited to host the university. Such was a good leader who has vision that transcends personal and primordial interest.

Indeed, the issue of education in Nigeria cannot be left to the government alone. It is a social issue; therefore, it requires an All-of-Society-Approach – from parents, to community leaders, traditional rulers, commercial and industrial enterprises, all have to be involved, especially regarding financing the education. The policy of student loans will not work because the socioeconomic condition of Nigeria is not prosperous enough to favour such a policy. In fact, in some advanced countries, the policy is problematic and an obstacle to social mobility, thereby facing harsh criticisms. The students need grants, not loans. And the wealthy Nigerians have to be philanthropic towards our educational institutions, especially the tertiary institutions. There is no more rewarding investment than investment in education,though it takes time to ripen. There is no better way to empower the youth in Nigeria than through education. The proper education enhances the ability of citizens to think. And unless one can think and understand the complexity of the present world, one can not address one’s personal problems, let alone those of society.

The courses taught by Malam M.M. Yusif aim to help students understand this complex world by interrogating the institutions that hold it up. To teach such courses requires a special personality. Therefore, as his recent student, the gathering was an opportunity for me to know more about my teacher. I listened attentively as his friends and colleagues kept mentioning his academic contribution to social issues that include gender studies, labour studies, and military studies, among many. But one standing quality and lasting legacy of Malam is mentorship. Malam put a lot of his energy into guiding his students. 

He utilised his resources to acquire high-quality materials and provide practical work for his students. He is a teacher who loves questioning and never penalises you for your inability to answer a question. For him, the most important thing is for the students to attempt to answer the question brilliantly. He always has time for his students. 

One day, I visited his office to discuss some concepts I didn’t understand. After explaining the concepts to him, I complained, “Sir, I am confused.” He responded, “Do not worry, Ibrahim. This means you are learning.” It was on that day that I learnt that learning is full of confusion. If you are finding learning easy, then you are probably not learning anything new.

It will take time to fill the gap that Malam M.M. Yusif is leaving in the academia, particularly in the Department of Political Science at Bayero University. I am glad and proud that he has had an accomplished academic career. We, his students, cherish the memory and are thankful for the way he has taught and mentored us. May it please Allah that Malam has a peaceful and happy retired life.

By Nuraddeen Nasir

In recent weeks, Kano State’s political atmosphere has been unsettled by a series of corruption allegations targeting senior government officials. From the resignation of the former Commissioner of Transportation, Honourable Ibrahim Namadi Dala, over a bail scandal to the latest accusations linking another top official to the diversion of public funds, the narrative has been one of scandal after scandal, amplified across select media platforms.

While accountability remains a cornerstone of good governance, it is important to ask a deeper question: Are these allegations isolated incidents, or do they point to a calculated effort to discredit the present administration?

A closer look reveals a pattern. Each controversy is picked up, amplified, and sensationalized in ways that extend beyond normal journalistic inquiry. The timing and intensity suggest more than coincidence; it hints at a broader political strategy designed to erode public trust in the governor’s leadership.

By targeting appointees one after another, the opposition may be seeking to create a perception that the administration is engulfed in corruption, regardless of the facts.

The real danger lies not only in the allegations themselves, but in how the administration reacts to them. Governor ABBA KABIR YUSUF has earned a reputation for his swift responses to public concerns. While such responsiveness is commendable, it can also be exploited. Reactionary decisions, especially dismissals or quick condemnations, may serve short-term public applause but risk long-term instability. They can embolden political opponents, who thrive on portraying the government as fragile and divided.

What is needed now is a balance: firm commitment to accountability, but guided by due process rather than media pressure. Investigations into any such incidents must be thorough, transparent, and credible, not dictated by headlines or political intrigue. At the same time, the administration must recognize that governance is not only about policies, but also about narratives. A robust communication strategy is essential, one that highlights achievements, places allegations in context, and exposes the political motives behind orchestrated attacks.

Kano State stands at a critical juncture. The battle is not merely about individual scandals; it is about the credibility of an administration that came to power on the promise of people-centered governance. If unchecked, the systematic discrediting of its officials could weaken the governor’s mandate and distract from his developmental agenda.

The lesson is clear: while corruption must never be condoned, neither should conspiracy be ignored. Seeing the bigger picture is essential. This is more than a string of scandals; it may well be a subtle political war aimed at shaping perceptions ahead of 2027.

Nuraddeen Nasir is a Doctoral candidate from Bayero University, Kano
MD, Data in-use Nigeria LTD

By Bagwai LGA Concerned Forum

Dear Hon. Comrade Aminu Sulaiman Goro,

We write to you with great respect and admiration for your outstanding service to the good people of Fagge Federal Constituency over the past 12 years. Your tenure as a member of the House of Representatives has been nothing short of transformative, marked by unparalleled achievements in job creation, infrastructure development, education, and empowerment for women and youth. Your accessibility, humility, and dedication to grassroots politics have set a benchmark for leadership in Kano State and beyond.

While we celebrate your remarkable legacy in Fagge, we, the Concerned Forum of Bagwai Local Government, humbly call upon you to return to your roots—Rimin Dako, your ancestral town and one of the 10 wards that constitute Bagwai Local Government—to extend your transformative leadership to your place of origin. Bagwai has long suffered from poor governance, inadequate representation, and the mismanagement of its abundant human and natural resources by selfish and incapacitated leaders. Our people yearn for a leader of your calibre—one who is proven to be compassionate, and capable of turning challenges into opportunities.

Your return to Bagwai would not only bridge the gap of quality representation but also allow you to replicate and expand upon the successes you achieved in Fagge. Imagine the impact of your empowerment programs, educational initiatives, and infrastructure projects in a community that has been neglected for far too long. Bagwai is ripe for development, and your wealth of experience, influence, and unwavering commitment to service can ignite the change we desperately need.

Honourable Sir, we urge you to share your leadership with Bagwai, where your journey began in Rimin Dako. By answering this call, you will not only uplift your homeland but also cement your legacy as a true statesman who served his people at every level.

The time is now. Bagwai awaits you with open arms and high hopes. Come home, Hon. Goro, and let us build a brighter future together.

Signed:

Habibu Dan’ana
For: Bagwai LGA Concerned Forum
Kano State

By Ibrahim Suleiman Ibrahim 

It is part of my dreams to one day establish a female-only sports & gymnastics centre that would be managed and run by females, where taking pictures and videos during training sessions would be strictly prohibited.

This is to disprove the ill-conceived notion promoted by mischief makers that northern Nigerian women, particularly the Muslim ones, are deprived of the freedom to engage in sports and fitness activities. 

I’m honestly sick and tired of all the backlash Islam and Muslims are receiving, portraying us as people who do not give women freedom, as though the so-called freedom some other women are enjoying has earned them the needed value and respect from society. 

Unfortunately, these critics don’t consider the position of Islam about free-mixing between opposite sexes, and also the kind of outfit that is morally due for a woman to be seen in by men who are not her ‘Mahrams'(Muslims will understand this).  

It is worthy of note that what makes us religious people is the fact that we are neither freethinkers nor atheists. We have codes of conduct and laws enshrined in our religious scriptures, which we are obligated to abide by.

I don’t like how even some Muslims consider it absurd and barbaric that Muslim ladies are discouraged from participating in some of these secular-oriented sporting activities where women are mandated to appear in skimpy dresses, and intermingle with men indiscriminately. 

At the slightest provocation, they make references to Arabian countries where secularism has almost eaten up the religious aura there.

I understand that situations might sometimes warrant us to compromise and adopt some secular practices (Darooraat), but giving full acceptance to those practices, despite their contradiction with our religious laws, while considering our religious laws as barbaric and extreme, is quite unbecoming of a Muslim. 

Meanwhile, I implore religious organisations to begin investing in some of these necessary but non-Shariah-compliant things, such that we can have a halal version, and save ourselves this noise about us not depriving women of their rights. 

It’s about time we began to think outside the box and come up with solutions to some of these problems. 

Sports and gymnastics are necessary, and establishing a shari’ah-compliant atmosphere isn’t a bad thing. 

Ibrahim Suleiman Ibrahim wrote via suleimibrahim00@gmail.com.

By Salisu Uba KofarWambai 

The latest buzz in Nigeria’s political arena is nothing short of explosive: former President Dr. Goodluck Jonathan is reportedly set to return and contest under the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). The revelation has sent shockwaves across the nation and beyond. But beneath the headlines, a critical question lingers — what is the real motive behind this sudden political twist?

Before the emergence of the African Democratic Congress (ADC) as a viable coalition platform for the opposition, Nigerians had grown increasingly frustrated with what they saw as a weakened opposition front. The PDP, once a vibrant counterforce, had been reduced to what critics call a “toothless bulldog,” accused of being manipulated by President Bola Tinubu through Nyesom Wike, a PDP member who openly works in favour of the ruling party and now holds a position in Tinubu’s government.

Wike’s influence, according to party insiders, has been anything but peaceful. His repeated interventions and internal disputes have reportedly destabilised the PDP, a strategy many believe cost the party dearly in the 2023 general elections. With the backing of the current administration, Wike has consistently won key legal battles, tightening his grip on the PDP’s power structure.

Recognising the deepening crisis, several PDP heavyweights, including the party’s last presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar, abandoned the PDP ship, aligning under the ADC banner to form a credible opposition. This development was warmly received by many Nigerians disillusioned by the ruling APC’s economic policies, from the sharp devaluation of the naira to the painful removal of fuel subsidies, policies they say have deepened poverty nationwide.

Alarmed by the growing acceptance of the ADC among struggling Nigerians, the APC-led government appears to be dusting off an old playbook. Just as they allegedly did with the Kwankwasiyya movement in 2023, they now seem ready to field a high-profile figure to split the opposition vote. This time, the role is reportedly being handed to none other than Jonathan — a move seen by many as orchestrated to weaken the ADC’s momentum.

For political observers, the pattern is clear: divide the opposition, consolidate power, and keep the electorate distracted, all while avoiding a united front that could unseat the government in 2027. What stings for some Nigerians is the idea of Jonathan, once the principal, now accepting political direction from his former protégé.

Whether Jonathan’s alleged return is a personal decision or part of a calculated strategy by the ruling party remains to be seen. But one thing is sure: the stage is set for a high-stakes political drama, and Nigerians will be watching closely to see how and where this political gunshot will be fired.