Opinion

By Adam Mustapha, PhD

Floods are natural disasters that occur globally, destroying lives and property, especially in developing countries like ours. As a natural disaster, it is caused by climate changes and human activities which distort the balance of environment, hosts and pathogens. Factors such as high sea level rise, urbanization, destruction of river banks, and deforestation increase the risk of flood disasters.

Flood results in the disturbance of the epidemiological triangle; environment, host and infectious agent, and as such, it could result in the emergence of new agents or re-emergence of infectious agents that previously existed. Therefore, the potential outbreak of infectious diseases is a matter of great concern, and urgent intervention is needed to break the chains of transmission.

Flood is known to increase the global burden of various infectious diseases, mortality, social and economic disruptions and displacement of people, which can result in both physical and psychological trauma. Of great concern is how flood causes the outbreaks of infectious diseases, as germs can easily be transported and contaminate drinking water sources, which will provide a conducive environment for the completion of the vector life cycle.

Like other developing countries, flooding has become an annual event in Nigeria, and many towns and cities are vulnerable and susceptible to it. This year, the Nigerian meteorological agency (NiMet) warned some states that they were at high risk of flooding in its yearly prediction of rainfall. Therefore, it was unsurprising that flooding hit many such states, states like Jigawa and Yobe have significantly been hit. In contrast, others such as Borno, Adamawa, Gombe, Kebbi, Kano, Kaduna, Lagos, Kogi, Niger, Delta, Rivers, Zamfara, Taraba, Ogun, Osun, Ondo, some parts of Ekiti, Edo and FCT are affected from moderately to low levels.

Flooding can cause waterborne diseases such as cholera, non-specific diarrhoea, typhoid and viral diarrhoea caused by Rotavirus. These diseases are known to peak after flooding as the pathogens such as bacteria, viruses, and parasites can be transported. In addition, the crowded nature of displacement camps can potentially result in and aggravate the outbreak of respiratory diseases.

The crowded nature of displacement camps can potentially result in the outbreak of respiratory diseases of different etiological agents. Wastewater is a breeding ground and carrier of infectious diseases. For instance, wastewater has the potential of spreading viruses, as they are known to be good-chance takers of a flood, which take days after flooding to meet their incubation cycle. Viral diarrheal diseases, such as hepatitis A and E, vector-borne viral diseases such as Yellow fever, and many others are also some diseases that could potentially spread after the flood.

The genome of some viruses, such as SARS-CoV-2, are known to be detected in community wastewater and this call for concern as it can be disseminated during a flood. Another agent to worry about due to flood is Naegleria fowleri, a brain-eating amoeba causing primary amoebic meningoencephalitis (PAM). As water level and temperature rise, such a situation could fuel the growth of the agent. Environmental contribution to the development of infectious diseases is a significant public health concern that should not be ignored. Antibiotic-resistant bacteria and antibiotic-resistant genes are quickly disseminated in environmental wastewater, which could be further transported into the water system, which calls for concern.

Furthermore, the vector-borne disease can occur as a result of a flood because the development cycles of vectors are provided. For instance, mosquito-borne diseases such as malaria and West-Nile fever tend to increase after floods. Rodent-borne diseases also expand during flooding because the flood increases contact between rodents and humans, resulting in outbreaks of such diseases. Common rodent-borne infectious agents due to flooding include Leptospirosis, Hantavirus pulmonary syndrome, Hemorrhagic fever with renal syndrome etc.

Health interventions

 First, public health measures are essential in preventing infectious diseases due to floods. Therefore, preventive measures should be taken before, during and after the flooding.

Second, the provision of crucial intervention. The critical intervention is an active early warning system that can alert governments to prepare for possible outbreaks and send signals for evacuation of people at risk.

Third, the activation of rapid emergency response is also a necessity. This includes the provision of basic materials and health care services.

Fourth, after the flood, the activation of an effective surveillance method is mandatory for the early detection of an outbreak.

The key intervention is active early warning systems which can alert governments to prepare for possible outbreaks and send signals for evacuation of people at risk. At this stage, all stakeholders and the public must act on time. However, compliance is low due to a lack of an alert system or people refusing to abide by the warning system. Furthermore, risk assessment is needed to ensure that no basic amenities are disrupted due to floods.

Moreover, there is a need for vector control after the flood to break the chains of transmission. There is a need for collaboration among all public health stakeholders. Public enlightenment and outreaches are equally essential intervention measures.

Finally, provisions of clean water, sanitation and hygiene after the flooding to prevent infectious disease outbreaks are also very significant.

Adam Mustapha, PhD, is a clinical and medical microbiologist. He wrote from the Department of Microbiology, University of Maiduguri, via adadmustapha@unimaid.edu.ng.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

Governor Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) governorship candidate, and Aishatu Dahiru Ahmed– Binani, the All Progressive Congress (APC) governorship candidate, have one similarity associated with their tickets- both are being challenged in the court of law.

Ambassador Mohammed Jameel Waziri is challenging his illegal exclusion from the May 22nd, 2022, Adamawa PDP Gubernatorial Primary Election, while Mallam Nuhu Ribadu is challenging Binani’s victory in the APC’s May 26th, 2022, Gubernatorial Primary Election, because of the alleged over-voting.

Senator Binani won the APC Gubernatorial Primary Election with 430 votes, Nuhu Ribadu came second with 288 votes, former governor Bindow got 103 votes, Abdul Razak Namdas scored 94 votes while Wafari and Mustapha got 21 and 39 votes respectively.

The Fintiri-Binani game promises to be interesting, just as it appears to be a zero-sum one. It will be the first time a woman will be a big force to reckon with in the governorship race in Adamawa state. And, from all indications, Binani’s candidacy has altered many political calculations, including sending shivers down the Fintiri-Team’s spine- Finitiri has been forced to pick a woman as his deputy so as to face Binani’s threatening challenge.

Binani is coming to the race with many advantages over Fintiri, while Fintiri is coming into the race with few advantages over Binani, plus a lot of political baggage, that Binani will use to her own advantage.

While Fintiri heavily relies on 2 fulcrums- incumbency and war chest, Binani will rely on 5 fulcrums- sustained local empowerment, the ‘center’, smart political calculations, and enormous and clever application of war chest, including the very strategic youth and women grassroots support.

The women folk will for sure stand for her- for instance, during the APC gubernatorial primary election- Aishatu Dahiru Ahmed Binani came to the race with assured votes in her ‘handbag’- women constitute nearly 40% of the delegates. When Binani entered the voting arena, the entire women among the delegates welcomed her with a melodous nasal sounds (Guɗa). That was a big signal to her opponents that she was ready for the game.

Another Fintiri’s weak point that Binani will capitalize on is his poor relationship with many PDP stakeholders- Binani will easily negotiate with them to get their ‘covert’ support. During the 2019 presidential and national assembly elections, Binani was able to get votes from PDP supporters in the central zone – she smartly negotiated her way- she even secured more votes than Buhari!

Binani always plays the ‘Mintzberg Political Games’- Building her influence and political structure through attaching herself to those who can help her in the future- the masses. The strategy is that- the lower-down people’s support will pressurize the higher-up people to give her the needed support when the time comes.

In a nutshell – Fintiri will heavily rely on the very important incumbency and massive war chest, while Binani will deploy her unprecedented strong grassroots support from women and youths, enough war chest, and capitalize on Fintiri’s errors and mistakes.

Notwithstanding the court cases associated with both candidates’ tickets- if elections were to be conducted today, Binani will beat Fintiri.

Zayyad I. Muhammad, is a Public Affairs analyst and he writes from Jimeta

By Usman Usman Garba

Taking good care of the skin among females has been an age-old desire and culture for years. Consequently, they develop various skin care practices to look beautiful and attractive. Girls of all generations, past and present, have been involved in this art, in which one area of focus recently may be skin bleaching, which seems to have become trendy among Kano ladies.

Skin bleaching is considered purposefully and deliberately an act of changing one’s skin colour by applying substances or solutions on the skin, with the sole intent of making the skin colour look lighter and brighter.

Research has shown that the idea of “Fara ko mayya ce“, which literary means “even if a lady is a witch”, by Kano male citizens has drastically driven females into the habit of bleaching their skin to look more attractive, fashionable, elegant and adorable.

According to some, women bleach their skin to remove skin imperfections such as rashes, dark spots and pimples and make or maintain softer skin. Some can meet the westernized standard of beauty, make themselves look “more attractive” in the eyes of their potential partners, and impress or meet their friends’ approval.

It is hard within Kano today to see a group of females without seeing one or some of them bleaching her or their skin. Unfortunately, it has become a tradition that even light-skin females bleach themselves in the sense that their bride price will be high or their class will increase in courtship or marriage.

Wives, too, are not left behind in this act. They engage in it to maintain their husbands out of fear that those ladies that bleach might snatch them away and in another way round, to help them maintain their marriages.

Men, too, are not excluded. They engage in it to become attractive to their female counterparts and celebrities or to copy local and western musicians and actors.

Before, when a male person bleached his skin, he did so because he was effeminate, but today, he does so to become a celebrity or popular and respected.

Others use pills to steam themselves while others use steaming drugs which remove their skin to be light as society considers white as beauty. They ignore that bleaching, as research has shown, has no benefits but harm.

Economically, instead of spending their hard-earned income on something beneficial, they end up squandering it on harmful bleaching products. 

The situation has become so bad that many women now have disturbing discolouration, contrasting colours and dark spots. The knuckles, knee caps and elbows are not spared as they carry different colours.

As disclosed by Dr Shamsudden Haladu, a dermatologist at Yadakunya General Hospital known as Bela Hospital, skin bleaching creates significant health problems for the users. Sadly, in Kano, its use had become widespread due to easy access to various brands of bleaching creams at multiple markets and shops.

A body that has been bleached becomes very light, fragile and tears quickly. Bleaching also leaves spots on the skin after being scratched or hard hit by an object. Such spots make the skin look rough and unattractive.

The doctor reveals that people differ in colour based on the five layers that human beings have: stratum corneum, stratum lucidum, stratum granulosum, stratum spinosum and stratum basale.

The basale layer, which is the last, has some cells called melanocytes, which make melanin and give our skin a dark colour.

All human beings have the same melanocytes. The only difference is the amount of melanin that melanocytes produce.

Skin bleaching has been established to have severe side effects. It has also been identified as the source of serious health-related issues among users, especially those who subject their bodies to creams formulated without proper safety precautions regarding chemical contents used in their production. 

The use of skin bleaching has also been reported to be responsible for skin cancers, skin discolouration, and depression among users leading to negative outcomes. Other risks include skin damage and severe depigmentation.

According to Dr Haladu, one should contact a dermatologist or visit a hospital before using any bleaching cream or soap. If possible, one should eat fruits as they contribute more to treating and whiting skin than any cream product.

Usman Usman Garba wrote from Kano via usmangarba100@gmail.com.

By Rabiu Muhammad Gama

Prof. Yuval N. Harari might be a fake scholar, as some critics are desperately “begging” us to accept and believe. Some critics also imply that he might be the most grossly over-hyped and rigorously marketed scholar in the West. Harari might be basking in unearned attention. He might even be an irritating know-it-all or an intellectual nuisance.

The scientific community might have debunked most of his claims. His works might be riddled with some historical and scientific errors here and there. He might not deserve the wide global acclaim he is receiving today. His works might be replete with idle speculations and groundless generalizations that many scholars find annoying.

However, you cannot dismiss the fact that Harari always asks the big questions – the earthshaking questions that every intellectual worth his salt should be obsessed with. And there’s some “indismissable” magic that seems to clothe his books: when you read his books, you can’t help but feel a bit smarter and/or more informed than anyone who hasn’t read them.

To say Harari is highbrow is a sheer understatement. He is a perfect definition of a polymath. He is blessed with an unusual brain, a razor-sharp brain. His grasp of the esoteric world of science and the humanities is as baffling as it is admirable. Very few scholars can merge science and the humanities as Harari does.

If anything, the torrent of bashings and roastings that Harari is receiving lately from some of the finest critics in the world is a testimony that he has come up with something fascinating that makes his readers curious and his critics restless. Of course, some people might like to dismiss him as a mere talented storyteller. Nonetheless, and at the risk of sounding hyperbolic, he is one of the greatest intellectuals around!

Rabiu Gama wrote from Kano, Nigeria via rabiumuhammadgama0@gmail.com.

By Lawal Dahiru Mamman 

Nigeria is so blessed with agricultural land that all that needs to be done is to tickle the soil with a hoe, and it smiles with a harvest. Therefore, the name Nigeria ought to be synonymous with agriculture by practice, not just by name, because our identity depicts agriculture; the green colour of the National flag shows land for agriculture, and the shield on the national coat of arms represents the fertile soil for same. Unfortunately, a good number of citizens suffer from malnutrition as a result of acute hunger. 

In the assumption that there is insufficient rainfall, the name Nigeria was suggested in the late 19th century by a British journalist, Flora Shaw, who married the British colonial administrator Lord Frederick Lugard. The nomenclature was derived from the River Niger, which enters the country from the northwest and flows down to the Niger Delta, emptying into the Atlantic Ocean through its many tributaries. With this feature (if harnessed properly) alone, we could produce crops and rear animals all year round.

Before the discovery of crude oil in 1956, agriculture used to be the country’s mainstay. When the nation realised it had to reclaim its past glory, feeding the teaming population and directing funds otherwise used for importing various food items to other infrastructural and human capital development, boom! Insecurity strikes from different angles, with each geopolitical zone with its peculiarities. Going back may not be possible if insecurity is not squarely addressed because farmers are afraid of being killed or kidnapped away from the civilisation where they have their farms.

The vociferation to achieve self-sufficiency in Agriculture and food security in the country may not be feasible anytime soon because of insecurity. Poverty is the inability to access basic human needs like food, shelter, clothing, portable drinking water and medical care. Those in this category become angry at all other persons in the society because they believe the society has failed them by depriving them of their fundamental human rights. With food on the top of the chart for these basic necessities, the agriculturist believes that most of the world’s problems will be solved if food is made available and affordable. 

These groups of people can easily be brainwashed by miscreants hell-bent on bringing the nation down to its knees, committing horrendous crimes against other humans and threatening the state’s sovereignty when offered as little as a meal.

In January 2020, the country became the largest rice-producing country in Africa, with 8 million tonnes per annum as against the total of 14.6 million tonnes produced in the continent, with progress being recorded in the production of other food crops simultaneously. At this point, citizens and even government officials started having a glimpse of hope in the independence we crave in agriculture. The hope faded into thin air when the agricultural practice became inversely proportional to insecurity. By implication, increased insecurity leads to a decrease in farming activities 

This is because for a farmer to practice, they would have to look over their shoulder, making those still willing to produce have divided attention – which is not good for any practice willing to succeed while others abandon the profession in totality because ‘Life is Precious’. 

For agricultural practice to continue and develop beyond the old-fashioned, the unwanted elements causing the unrest must be eliminated from the equation with efforts from the administrators, our gallant security forces and even citizens – by extending hands of fellowship to the less privileged.

Mamman, a corp member, writes from Abuja and can be reached via dahirulawal90@gmail.com.

By Tordue Simon Targema

Secondly, there is the notion of power shift to the South which is shared even among Southern politicians that are not positively disposed to Wike. Indeed, all political stakeholders in the party are unanimous in their conviction that power should shift to the South, as President Muhammadu Buhari is completing a second term, an uninterrupted eight-years Northern presidency come 2023.

This conviction has earned what many in the South would have ordinarily termed ‘Wike’s unnecessary self-centred nagging and ranting’ some form of legitimacy, giving him strong strength to bargain on the negotiation table. Worthy of note is the fact that even though Atiku dreads this negotiation table like a house infested with leprosy, he has no option than to face it, and fillers from the discussions so far indicate that the standard bearer is not finding it funny yielding to the demands of his ego-centric demigod of a rival.

What are the Issues on the Negotiation Table By-the-Way? Fillers from the negotiation table indicate that Wike clearly wants to show Atiku that he is not a force to relegate in the opposition party that he strive hard to sustain from 2015 to date when most party big-wigs including Atiku deserted it for the APC and other political formations. From what is in the public domain so far, few things stand out from Wike’s litany demands.

First and foremost, Atiku must do just one term and return the presidency to the South by the next election season, i.e. 2027. Secondly, Ayu must resign as the National Chairman of the PDP and a new chairperson for the party should emerge from the South West to balance the power structure in the party. Thirdly, Wike will install key ministers in Atiku’s cabinet, etc.

Of course, these are not by any means, too difficult conditions to meet if the standard bearer is determined to unite his house and put forth a formidable campaign team to challenge the ruling APC and other emerging opposition parties. After all, politics is all about concessions.

Already, His Excellency Atiku Abubakar has made his intention to run for just a single term known to the general public, even as such promises hardly hold water in politics if previous experiences in the country’s political landscape are worthy to go by. This is the more reason why Wike requires a concrete commitment to that effect, not just a promissory note that would likely bounce in the bank of equity when the time to cash it is due.

The third condition too is not too difficult to meet, considering that Wike is considered a big name in the party in his zone and likely to pull substantial votes for Atiku in the South. Lest we forget that the ‘Obi-dient’ movement and Tinubu’s effect are critical factors that would collapse whatever structure Atiku has in the South but for the support of strong party pillars in the region like Wike.

Indeed, Atiku needs a formidable team in the South, and no amount of concessions in terms of political appointments will be too big to woo the right people on board, his campaign train. Perhaps, the biggest hurdle right at the moment is for Ayu to accept to resign. As at the last minute, the third-republican political juggernaut is still holding unto his mandate, solidly. In fact, with an air of confidence like one who is firmly in charge, he describes those calling for his resignation from the party’s top seat as ‘small children’ who should not be taken seriously.

Indeed, this boast followed a vote of confidence passed on him by members of the party’s National Working Committee in Abuja, recently which Wike simply dismissed as the same path that Ayu’s predecessor, Prince Uche Secondus followed in his inglorious exit from the party’s top seat. Indeed, all indications point to Ayu’s eventual resignation in no distant time. It is in line with this expectation which seems the only sure path for a likely truce that the Board of Trustees Chairman of the party, Senator Walid Jibrin resigned his position in Abuja recently as a move towards uniting the party.

At the moment, calls for Ayu’s exit have reached advanced stage as all is set for formal commencement of campaigns later in the month. In a South-West stakeholders meeting of the party at Ibadan, Governor Seyi Makinde, one of the key members of the Wike’s camp reiterated their position that Ayu must go.

Makinde described the need to reshuffle leadership positions in the party as the party’s demonstration of commitment towards restructuring which has been its mantra since 2019; although Atiku dismissed this premise and maintained that even if Ayu resigns, a northerner is constitutionally most likely to take over as the party’s henchman given the provision of the party’s constitution.

A power shift in the party, Atiku explained, is only possible in the event of a constitutional review of the party’s constitution which is not likely in the current circumstances. In the meantime, Ayu jets off to Europe on vacation.

Meanwhile, several questions bug the curious mind as follows: is this trip a tactical move to pave the way for peaceful transition in absentia? Is Ayu working on his transition notes to hand over to a new party chairman upon return from vacation in line with the demands of Wike’s camp?

Is His Excellency Atiku Abubakar willing to sacrifice Ayu and broker a truce with Wike, or he is ready to call off Wike’s bluff and dare the consequences? By-the-way, does he has adequate time right at the moment to fully contemplate his options before formal commencement of campaigns later in the month?

The composition of the campaign team with Wike’s camp relegated to the background is a pointer to this line of thought. But if previous experience is anything to go by, then His Excellency Atiku Abubakar is threading on a treacherous ground.

Recall the revolution in the PDP that led to the emergence of the new-PDP which eventually joined forces with the APC in 2014, thereby forming a formidable opposition party that sent the PDP to the debris in 2015 general elections. Apparently, this history is about to repeat itself with the Wike’s puzzle. Coincidently, Just like2015, the current travail of the party starts from Rivers State.

One is, thus, curious to pose: is history repeating itself in the PDP camp? Can the Wike factor cost Atiku the price that former President Goodluck Jonathan paid in 2015 for ignoring Governor Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi? Wike’s puzzle is certainly a hard one for Atiku to crack, and until he is able to crack it successfully, it remains a clog in the wheel of what seems his final shot at Nigeria’s top job.

How best he cracks this puzzle and steers the party to victory remains to be seen, as other political movements are restlessly cashing into the crack in the party to consolidate their holds on the South-South zone which, hitherto, was PDP’s stronghold.

Tordue Simon Targema writes from the Department of Journalism and Media Studies, Taraba State University, Jalingo. Email: torduesimon@gmail.com

By Aliyu A. Ammani

Those following happenings in social media could not have missed the debates and controversies generated by the rise in tribal identity consciousness among the Hausa in Nigeria. Identity among the Hausa has been suppressed by the mischievous use of the tag “Bamaguje”, masked by “Hausa-Fulani” and “Arewa” labels, and tacitly put into question over the years. Many people see in this increasing consciousness a threat to the coexistence between the Hausa and the Fulani, two tribes living together for centuries in Hausaland.

A series of conspiracy theories are churned to explain the genesis of this resurgence on social media, most of which sound somewhat ridiculous. The conspiracy theorists appeared not to see the wood for the trees. There are two primary reasons behind the resurgence of interest in Hausa identity in Nigeria today.

First, the Bororo Fulani banditry in mainstream Hausaland on populations that are essentially Hausa, and its attendant destruction of lives and properties, maiming, looting, raping of women, kidnapping for ransom etc. Thousands of towns and villages across Hausaland have been sacked. Communities of free law-abiding citizens are forced back to the dark age of slavery; abled-bodied men are attacked and abducted, sometimes right inside mosques on Fridays. The perpetrators of these heinous crimes are always willing to tell the world they are Fulani, fighting for Fulani against the Hausa. The reader can hear from the Horse’s Mouth in the following audio-visual documentaries available on YouTube: (i) BBC Africa Eye Documentary “The Bandit Warlords of Zamfara”, (ii) Trust TV’s “Nigeria’s Banditry ‘The Inside Story” and. (iii) video coverage of Dr Ahmad Gumi’s meeting with Zamfara Bandits at Shinkafi.

Second, and most importantly, the attitude of city-dwelling Fulani, including some notable traditional and religious leaders in Hausaland, in the face of Bororo banditry. Instead of publicly dissociating themselves from the atrocities or publicly declaring that terrorists like Bello Turji, Dogo Gide and Ado Aleru do not represent the Fulani, they seem more comfortable fabricating excuses for the bandits in tongue-in-cheek statements.

The leaders say, “their cattle were rustled”, “traditional cattle routes were blocked by new farmlands and settlements”, “the Fulani are not in it alone, there are other tribes including the Hausa aiding and supporting them”, and “the governments neglect the Fulani, …” etc. Not a single traditional ruler in mainstream Hausaland came out to publicly take an impartial stand, as did the emir of Muri. Even Miyetti Allah, the Fulani association that is always quick to cry blue murder whenever the interest of the Bororo appeared threatened, appeared to lose its voice. Thus, projecting an impression that while Bororo Fulani are busy terrorising and destroying Hausa populations and settlements, city Fulani are busy manufacturing and propagating excuses and justifications for the atrocities.

Can one sincerely justify banditry or rebellion by Fulani in Hausaland, a land that is practically a Fulani territory? The most important traditional rulers in Hausaland are Fulani. The key political figures and public officials in Hausaland are Fulani. The most notable Islamic clerics and religious leaders are Fulani. Even in Hausa settlements outside Hausaland, the heads of the communities, known as “Sarakunan Hausawa” (singl. Sarkin Hausawa) majority are Fulani. Therefore, the Fulani should be the last to rebel in Hausaland!

The Hausa, hitherto feeling that he has ‘his back covered’ by the Fulani, feels betrayed. With the scales falling off his eyes, he began to see the writing on the wall: “You are on your own”. This ignites the process that sparked the chain of reactions that we now see on social media as the resurgence of interest in Hausa identity, what others see as the dissociation of Hausawa from the Fulani.

There is indeed the tendency that a reawakening of identity consciousness among the Hausa is capable of igniting an equal spark in Fulani identity among the almost “hausanised” Fulani in Hausaland. This could lead to an upsurge in identity politics among both groups, leading to extremism where elements from both tribes could begin to see and interpret processes and events on a “we versus them’ basis. Traces of such extremism are already visible. However, the possibility of such a tendency should not be reason enough to deny the Hausa of their rights to tribal identity, association and aspirations for the simple reason that other Nigerian tribes have been enjoying such rights without posing any threat to their coexistence with other tribes in Nigeria.

The upsurge in Hausa identity revival has started and cannot be stifled or halted. The genie is already out of the bottle. The question that begs an answer is, “which way forward”? The way forward is not in the identification and clamping down on the persons or group managing pro-Hausa identity revival social media handles as is being suggested by some Islamic clerics across Northern Nigeria. This is more likely to compound rather than solve the problem.

The solution is for the ‘organised Fulani front’ to confront and respectfully address the fears of the Hausa people (of a conspiracy to annihilate them). They should also give them their assurance and publicly dissociate the Fulani from the activities of terrorists like Bello Turji & Co, and commence the process of rebuilding mutual trust and respect between the Hausa and Fulani.

Aliyu A. Ammani wrote via aaammani@yahoo.co.uk fromU/Shanu, Kaduna, Nigeria.

By Uzair Adam Imam

At least 20 surrendered Boko Haram fighters have died as a result of cholera outbreak that stormed Borno State.

A source told journalists in Borno that health workers with the support of Non-Governmental Organisations and the World Health Organisation are trying to control the fatalities.

He said, “At least 20 Boko Haram surrenders have died as a result of cholera outbreak in Hajj and four others died in Bama camp. 

“Also, three reportedly died in the Muna Garage IDP camp. Nearly 1,000 cases have been reported so far, and hundreds are currently receiving treatments in various health centres,” he added.

However, in what appeared to have contradicted the earlier statement, a top ministry of health staff, said the figures were incorrect.

The staff who pleaded for anonymity told journalists that only 11 repentant Boko Haram insurgents and three others in the Muna Garage IDP camp were killed by cholera, not 20 people.

He stated that, “the ministry and its partners are on top of the situation.”

The Daily Reality gathered there are about 12,000 Boko Haram fighters that have laid down their arms and surrendered to the troops of the Nigerian Army in Borno State.

By Muhammad Abubakar

Having watched this movie and seeing its lessons, I decided to review it. Doing so will, by God‘s will, will wake up those graduates—who are unknowingly killing, or more correctly, misleading themselves into believing that it’s shameful for graduates to get themselves engaged in a low-income business, let alone being a labourer.

The movie was released in 2018. It‘s directed by a veteran Kannywood director, Yaseen Auwal. The film is about the situation and the kind of life our nowadays students, particularly graduates, live.

Kamalu (Sadiq Sani Sadiq), the son of the lowest-income businessman (Rabi’u Rikadawa), happened to be a close friend to Bashir (Aminu Sharif Momoh), a brother to the husband of Jamila Nagudu. Their respectable, reasonable, deep-thinking friend, Lawal (Baballe Hayatu), always tries his best to advise not only Kamalu and Lawal but anyone too ambitious not to rely on the government job entirely. At least they should find something to do to improve their lives.

However—unfortunately for them, they always don’t see his advice as something important. One fateful day, Kamalu and Bashir came to the cafe where they almost every day buy stuff without payment. They lie to the tea seller (Ahmad Aliyu Tage) that when they become billionaires in the future, they will pay back everything he now gives them and give him more.

Unfortunately, the tea seller, Ahmad Aliyu Tage, rejected their request, complaining that he was tired of their ‘when-we-become-billionaires’. Luckily for them, Lawal came to buy something at the same cafe too. Although they undermined his sense recently, he surprised them by assigning the tea seller, Ahmad Aliyu Tage, to cook one packet of noodles alongside a whole roasted chicken for each of them. Sadly, this has not served them as a lesson.

One thing that inspired me is: Lawan never worried himself about a government job. He, in the end, made it, leaving them still suffering from poverty as usual.

The film is fascinating, indeed. We see how Lawal and Bashir suffer due to their laziness in going and refusing to hustle. As a result, they end up pushing a truck and teaching at primary school. In addition, the movie passes the message that: Whoever is not content with what God gives him will end up missing a lot in life.

The camera work and sound are up to the mark. And the subtitler has perfectly played his role. Even though he mixed with Hausa in some scenes, this is not an issue. Since the message is precisely delivered – this film was purposely made to call on the attention of graduates like Kamalu and Bashir.

It’s a must-watch film.

By Tordue Simon Targema

The Rivers State Governor, Ezenwo Nyesom Wike’s puzzle is proving extremely difficult to crack by the presidential flag bearer of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), His Excellency Alhaji Atiku Abubakar.

Like the proverbial lizard on the edge of the water jar, Wike has proven to be Atiku’s biggest dilemma in his current presidential bid. The options before him are weighty: to ignore Wike and put up with the consequences given the latter’s influence in the leading opposition party and seaming control over the party’s structure especially in the South-South geopolitical zone; or give in to his weighty concessions as an act of either compromise or cowardice and subjugation to the whims and ego of an emerging emperor in the party’s fold.

These are certainly weighty options, serious enough to cost an ambitious aspirant- desirous of occupying Nigeria’s topmost seat as a crowning moment of his age-long political career- his precious sleep.

As events in the aftermath of the party’s presidential primaries continue to unfold, Wike has emerged the most sought-after political bride in Nigeria. Just last month, he was entangled in a series of meetings in London with the three topmost aspirants- Bola Ahmad Tinubu of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Peter Obi of the Labour Party (LP) and his arch political rival, Atiku Abubakar of the PDP who is at the centre of the whole palaver.

The meetings were graced by household names in Nigeria’s political arena such as former President Olusegun Obasanjo, incumbent governors and several other political stakeholders. Prior to these marathon meetings in London, his Port-Harcourt residence had suddenly turned to a venue of political pilgrimage by Nigerian presidential hopefuls and their emissaries.

Apparently, Wike’s grudge seem like one massaging his personal ego after suffering a resounding defeat in a keenly contested jostle for the main opposition party’s flag. This explains why he has not hidden his rift with the party’s National Chairman, Senator Iorchia Ayu.

A day after the primary election, when Wike was busy nursing the agonizing wounds of the defeat, Ayu was caught on camera- flanked by His Excellency Atiku Abubakar- showering praises on Governor Aminu Waziri Tambuwal of Sokoto State as the “hero of the convention”. Of course, Tambuwal’s abrupt withdrawal at the last minute in support of Atiku was, no doubt, influential to the latter’s victory; a move that Wike interpreted as a well-orchestrated conspiracy, laced with ethno-regional bigotry to edge him out of the race and scuttle his ambition of occupying the country’s top seat.

From that moment, he made his instant decision- and publicly so- that Ayu must go as the preeminent condition for peace to reign in the party. However, subsequent developments have further deepened the crisis in the party and made it messier for the party in general, and Atiku Abubakar in particular, to handle.

For instance, having lost the flag, one would have expected that as the first runner up, Atiku would compensate Wike with the vice presidential slot to run a joint ticket, or at least, give him the benefit to nominate a protégée to run as a move towards reconciliation.

Incidentally, having won the ticket from the North, the vice presidential slot automatically was expected to come from the South, and as the leading figure of the party in the region, all eyes were on Wike for the vice presidential slot. Atiku’s snubbing of Wike for the Delta State Governor, Ifeanyi Okowa is clearly understood by many political analysts.

Everyone would prefer a calm, cooperative and more introverted vice to a lousy, boisterous, loquacious, egoistic and power-drunk demigod who is so full of himself and intoxicated with self-invested powers and a sense of relevance that defies all principles of logic. Yes, this is my personal opinion about the person of Governor Wike, but I am sure many would share the same opinion about him, and it is likely the foremost reason why His Excellency, Atiku Abubakar snubbed him without a second thought to the damning consequences to his campaign.

Yes, Wike would have been a difficult candidate to sell especially in the Northern region where his controversial position on states control of the Value Added Tax (VAT) that Rivers State has the lion share, restructuring and other controversial national issues lurking the Nigerian federation leave him with more enemies than friends.

Yet, others dislike him for being excessively assertive and domineering, dictatorial in his approach to handling complicated political situations and crude in his dealings with delicate political matters without minding hurting sensitivities and stepping on toes. All these understandably culminated into Atiku’s eventual preference of Okowa, who is more subtle- if one is careful of using diplomatic- in his political approach as a co-flag bearer.

But having made his choice- barring all consequences, the effects are right here with him, and have, at the moment, overwhelmed the leading opposition party. How best His Excellency Atiku Abubakar and his party navigate the challenges confronting it and form a formidable all-inclusive campaign team remains to be seen, as efforts to woo Wike and his allies back to the fold have always hit brick walls.

Already, the presidential campaign team is set with Governor Emmanuel Udom of Akwa Ibom State- Wike’s neighbour- as the Chairman and Governor Tambuwal of Sokoto State as the Director General. Key members of the Wike’s camp such as governors Seyi Makinde of Oyo State, Samuel Ortom of Benue State, Okezie Ikpeazu of Abia State and Wike himself are sandwiched in the list as members, with the exception of Makinde who is named the Vice Chairman (South).

The big question to ask at this point is: will these governors throw their weight behind the campaign as they should, given the prevailing state of affairs? Perhaps, some historical illusions would be in order to put things into perspective. One is tempted to infer that the complications that confront the PDP at the moment are capable of repeating the ugly 2015 nightmare.

Yes, Wike is a force to reckon with. It is to his credit that he sustained the PDP in states where it was nose-diving to oblivion. His macho in odd-hour elections such as Edo, Osun and Anambra among a host of other states confer on him, the prestige in the party that is second to none among his fellow governors. It is no wonder that they rally around him in his moment of great travails.

To be continued

Tordue Simon Targema writes from the Department of Journalism and Media Studies, Taraba State University, Jalingo. Email: torduesimon@gmail.com