Opinion

By Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu

Every rainy season in Nigeria, when the skies darken and rivers swell, millions brace for the inevitable. In states like Kogi, Benue, and Bayelsa, families keep bags packed, ready to flee at the first sign of danger. Flood season has become a season of exile, not a question of if disaster will strike, but when.

The devastation of 2022 serves as a poignant reminder of what is at stake. That year, floods claimed more than 600 lives, displaced over 1.4 million people, and destroyed livelihoods on a massive scale. Croplands vanished under water, homes crumbled, and dreams were swept away. Three years later, communities still carry those scars, and the new flood alerts for 2025 have revived fears of a repeat.

It is against this grim backdrop that the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA) is repositioning itself. For years, the agency was primarily seen as the responder of last resort, arriving with relief materials after lives and property had already been lost. Today, under the leadership of its Director General, Mrs Zubaida Umar, NEMA is making a deliberate shift: from being merely reactive to becoming a driver of foresight and prevention.

“Emergency management must no longer be about sympathy after the tragedy,” Mrs Umar insists. “It should be about preparedness that saves lives before the waters rise.”

That vision is beginning to take root. NEMA now works more closely with the Nigerian Meteorological Agency (NiMet) and the Nigerian Hydrological Services Agency (NIHSA), ensuring that seasonal forecasts and dam release alerts are translated into action at the grassroots level. Through community training, simulations, and sensitisation, the agency is attempting to close the gap between warnings and response, a gap that has cost too many lives in the past.

Yet the challenge remains daunting. Nigeria’s geography makes it naturally vulnerable, with the Niger and Benue rivers cutting across states where millions depend on farming. Poor urban planning compounds the danger, as blocked drainage and informal settlements in flood-prone areas turn cities into ticking time bombs. Climate change, with its unpredictable rainfall patterns, only worsens the threat.

In Lokoja, often referred to as the “confluence of suffering” during flood season, traders recall markets transformed into lakes, while fishermen lament the cruel irony of drowning in abundance. In Borno, families already displaced by insurgency were uprooted again when torrential rains washed away their shelters. These stories underscore a sobering truth: floods in Nigeria are not just natural disasters, but also humanitarian emergencies that exacerbate existing vulnerabilities.

Still, there are signs of progress. NEMA has strengthened partnerships with state governments and agencies, such as the Hydroelectric Power Producing Areas Development Commission (N-HYPPADEC), to broaden the response framework. The agency has also invested in early warning systems, ensuring that flood alerts do not remain stuck in Abuja press briefings but reach local leaders, town criers, and community radio stations.

For NEMA, the real battle is not only about deploying relief materials but about changing mindsets. Preparedness must become a culture. Farmers adjusting their planting calendars to forecasts, families relocating from high-risk flood plains, and local leaders treating disaster drills as seriously as security meetings. These are the shifts that make prevention real.

But as Mrs Umar acknowledges, transformation takes time. Resources remain limited, and relief supplies can only go so far in a country where millions are at risk. Disaster management will therefore continue to be a delicate balance between urgent response and long-term prevention.

What is clear, however, is that the old model of waiting until floods wreak havoc before acting is no longer sustainable. With new alerts already issued for 2025, the real task is ensuring that early warnings translate into early action. The coming seasons must not repeat the mistakes of the past.

Floods will always come. The question is whether they remain an annual tragedy or become a manageable threat. For NEMA, the answer lies in standing not just as a responder to disaster, but as a shield against it. For the millions who live in the shadow of swollen rivers, that shift could mean the difference between despair and survival.

Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu writes on disaster management, humanitarian response, and national development.

By Oladoja M.O

There’s a video, “Why did Mrs X die?” that is very popular in the public health sphere. At first, the video seemed like the tale of one woman, faceless, nameless, known only by a letter. But the more I analyse and reflect on it, the more it has dawned on me that Mrs X was never just one person. She was and still is the embodiment of Nigeria’s healthcare story. Her death was not a singular tragedy, but a parable. A mirror held up to a nation’s bleeding system.

Mrs X died, not simply because of childbirth complications, but because everything that could have worked didn’t. Everything that should have stood for her failed her. Her death was not a moment; it was a long, silent, accepted process. In her story, there was the collapse of planning, access, and empathy. She died from a slow national rot that had found flesh in her body.

The story of Mrs X began not with the bleeding, but with the absence of preventive orientation that characterises the experience of many Nigerian pregnant women. She went through pregnancy the way most Nigerians face illness, hoping it would not demand too much. She never considered going for checkups, not because she was reckless, but because the culture of prevention was never truly instilled in her.

In a society where survival itself is a daily hustle, prevention often feels like a luxury. There was a health facility, yes, but it was far, tired, and overstretched. The system had blood, but not enough. Staff, but overworked. Beds, but unclean. And behind it all were the silences of policymakers, the rust of forgotten community health centres, and the dust on abandoned government project files. So, when she finally needed help, it was already too late to start looking. 

That story, the scramble at the end, is too familiar. We see it in Ekiti, Katsina, Owerri, and Makurdi. Patients running from one hospital to the next, files in hand, hope on lips, only to be turned back by bureaucracy, distance, or a quiet “we have no space.”

But beyond the infrastructure and logistics, Mrs X bore the weight of something heavier: culture. She was told, directly and indirectly, that her place was to endure. To cook. To clean. To birth. Her pain was duty. Her tiredness was weakness. To seek help was indulgent. So, she bore her cross in silence. Culture had taught her that a good woman asks for little, demands nothing, and dies quietly.

Gender inequality was not just in her home; it was in the policy rooms that never included her voice. It was in budgets that prioritised politics over health. It was in the subtle shrug of indifference that attends women’s complaints in clinics, especially poor women in rural areas. Her being female had already placed her lower on the ladder.

But perhaps what haunts me most is how everything seemed normal until someone opened the files. That day, long after she had gone, someone went back to the data room and began to look. Patterns emerged. Cases connected. Questions rose. “How many more like her?” they asked. “Could we have seen this coming?” It was research that awakened conscience. Data that pulled the curtain back. And isn’t that Nigeria’s truest shame that we often act only after counting the dead?

Mrs. X, for all her anonymity, is Nigeria. She is our health system in human form: underserved, overburdened, overlooked. Her blood loss is our policy hemorrhage. Her silence is our governance gap. Her death is our diagnosis.

It’s easy to talk about reforms. There have been many. Policies, papers, pilot schemes. But for every speech made in air-conditioned halls, there’s a Mrs X still sitting miles from care, still unsure if help will come. Nigeria does not lack ideas. It lacks continuity. It lacks compassion in implementation. It lacks the urgency that comes when you see the system as your own mother, your own sister, your own unborn child. We must stop planning in the abstract. We must stop building for applause and start building for impact. 

Health must become a right, not a privilege wrapped in bureaucracy. We must fund primary health care not as a checkbox but as a foundation. We must decentralize emergency care so that help is never more than a few kilometers away. We must invest not only in infrastructure but in mindsets, teaching every citizen that prevention is not a scam, and that seeking help is not weakness.

And crucially, we must disaggregate our data and listen to it. Research must not be something we dust off only when we need donor funds. It must be lived, continuous, grounded in our local realities. Because without data, we’re only guessing in the dark, while more Mrs. Xs are buried under statistics that came too late.

So, no, the story of Mrs X is really not about maternal mortality. It is about us. All of us. It is the story of a system that watches a woman bleed and scrambles for gauze. That waits until the final breath before asking the first question. That blames culture, then feeds it. That builds hospitals without building access. That speaks to the importance of health equity while communities barter herbs in silence. I saw Mrs X die. But more than that, I saw Nigeria in her eyes; tired, forgotten, hoping someone would care enough to fix what’s broken. 

Maybe, just maybe, if we learn to listen to her story, we won’t need another parable. Maybe her death won’t be in vain.

Oladoja M.O writes from Abuja and can be reached at: mayokunmark@gmail.com.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad 

Since February 6th, 2013, when the All Progressives Congress (APC) was formed, the party has been the darling of the North. In the 2015, 2019, and 2023 presidential elections, the North was instrumental in bringing and maintaining the APC in power at the centre. However, in President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s just two years in power, there is widespread aggrievement against the Tinubu government in the North. This is surprising and unsurprising as well:

Out of the 8.7 million votes that brought President Ahmed Bola Tinubu to power, the North collectively contributed 5.6 million votes, accounting for approximately 64% of his total. In contrast, the South contributed 3.2 million votes, or 36%. Given this overwhelming support, it is surprising that the President has allowed the North to slip from his political grip so easily.

To be fair to Tinubu, every President seeks to reward close associates, loyalists, and political allies, including in his own way of governing. However, Tinubu appears to have gone too far in prioritising his inner circle, often at the expense of the region that gave him his strongest mandate.

The good news is that Tinubu still has ample time to regain the North’s confidence. But to succeed, he must act based on facts, not emotions, nor the filtered narratives he hears from those around him.

Broadly, Tinubu must focus on four urgent actions, grouped under two components: one political and three socioeconomic.

The President has made good progress in building elite consensus but must expand to persuade more politicians and elites. Some seek recognition, relevance, appointments, or contracts. Tinubu can quickly address this: by calling, offering appointments, or granting contracts. There’s room for more Advisers, Special Assistants, and ambassadorial positions.

Furthermore, he should establish a Presidential Advisory Council in each state, a small team of respected voices who can meet quarterly to brief him directly on the needs and aspirations of their people. This will give Northern leaders a sense of inclusion and shared ownership in governance.

The second component, socioeconomic, comprises three elements: Agriculture, Livestock, and security and infrastructure.

This is where Tinubu must be most deliberate. Socioeconomic issues directly affect the masses, the real voters. The August 16, 2025, by-election has already shown that money politics will have limited influence by 2027.

Tinubu has tried to stabilise food prices, but the cost of farm inputs has skyrocketed. The North urgently needs a dedicated agricultural recovery program. Past initiatives, such as the Anchor Borrowers’ Programme, the Presidential Fertiliser Initiative (PFI), Youth Farm Lab, Paddy Aggregation Scheme, Agricultural Trust Fund, PEDI, and the Food Security Council, were well-conceived. Yet implementation failures meant that benefits rarely reached genuine farmers.

For instance, under the PFI, fertiliser blenders made fortunes, but farmers, who should have been the real beneficiaries, still buy fertilisers at ₦45,000–₦52,000 per bag, far above the ₦5,000 target price.

Tinubu must ensure that agriculture is reconnected to ordinary farmers, not just middlemen. The Ministry of Agriculture should recalibrate its projects and programs to target real farmers directly.

The creation of the Federal Ministry of Livestock Development was a brilliant and forward-thinking step. Yet, it has made little impact so far.

With proper funding and direction, this ministry can: transform nomadic herders into more settled, educated, and productive citizens; address the farmer-herder conflict that has claimed thousands of lives; reduce cattle rustling, banditry, and kidnapping, which are often linked to herder communities.

If effectively managed, the ministry can become one of Tinubu’s most enduring legacies in the North.

Security remains the North’s most pressing concern. The kinetic and non-kinetic strategies being coordinated by the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA) are yielding some positive results, but much more is needed.

Tinubu should expand the non-kinetic approach through security communications, utilising massive public relations and grassroots outreach, particularly in the Hausa and Fulfulde languages. Talking directly to communities and even to at-risk groups will deepen trust, reduce misinformation, and weaken extremist recruitment.

Another way to rewin the North is through concerted efforts to make sure the ongoing and stalled infrastructure projects are fast-tracked, especially the ongoing rehabilitation of the Abuja-Kaduna expressway, some deplorable roads in the Northeast, especially along the Gombe-Adamawa axis, the Mambila hydroelectric project, Sokoto-Badagry Freeway/Highway, Kaduna-Kano Standard Gauge Rail Project, and Kano-Maradi Rail Link.

The North gave Tinubu his strongest mandate in the 2023 election. Losing its trust would be politically costly in 2027. To recover lost ground, the President must move beyond token gestures and adopt a deliberate, structured engagement strategy that balances elite consensus with grassroots socioeconomic transformation.

If Tinubu can act decisively on these four fronts, more political inclusion, agricultural recovery, livestock reform, enhanced security, and fast-track ongoing infrastructure projects, he will not only rewin the  Northern confidence but also secure massive votes in 2027

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Usman Salisu Gurbin Mikiya 

Katsina, as the name resonates, is widely regarded as a home of hospitality — a land where people live in harmony and mutual respect. It is a place of comfort where the warmth of its people makes life pleasant and fulfilling.

Recently, however, the long history of relative peace has begun to fade; an uncharacteristic catastrophe once thought distant has started unfolding, becoming a major concern for residents of Katsina Metropolis and beyond, especially as it adds to the decade-long insecurity bedevilling the state.

The issue of phone snatching in Nigeria originated from wristwatch snatching in Southern Nigeria, particularly in Lagos and other highly populated state capitals. It often occurred in strategic areas with heavy traffic, and over time, it evolved into a practice of phone snatching.

In Northwestern Nigeria, phone snatching started in Kaduna State about eight years ago. I vividly recall my visit to Kaduna in 2020, when I was on assignment for my media organisation. A Keke Napep rider warned me to hide my phone from criminals after noticing me pressing it through his mirror.

What began as an alarming trend in Kaduna escalated into a catastrophic issue, with phone snatching syndicates extending their activities into Kano, creating panic and undermining public safety.

During one of my visits to Kano, two of my brothers, on different occasions, warned me not to use my phone while on a tricycle in certain areas. They cautioned that I could lose my life over a phone, as snatchers were everywhere, and even advised me to choose the Keke Napep I boarded carefully.

Indeed, what started as an alarming wave in Kaduna has gradually spread like wildfire, creeping into Kano and now reaching Katsina. Once considered a distant menace, the problem has arrived at the very doorstep of Katsinawa, turning a basic necessity —the mobile phone — into a source of constant fear. This epidemic of criminality is no longer a local crisis but a regional catastrophe demanding urgent attention.

In Katsina Metropolis, residents of Sabuwar Unguwa are no strangers to this menace, as multiple reported cases of phone snatching have occurred, particularly targeting visitors and strangers in the area.

During Governor Ibrahim Shehu Shema’s administration, wayward youths, popularly known as Kauraye, emerged in Katsina. They crippled businesses and created tension in the metropolis, especially in areas such as Sabuwar Unguwa, Inwala, Sabon Layi, and Tudun Ƴan Lahidda.

Their reckless activities frustrated Governor Shema to the point where he took decisive measures that restored sanity and ended the menace.

Similarly, during Governor Aminu Bello Masari’s administration, persistent attacks by delinquent youths, suspected to be from Inwala in the ATC area, forced the government to establish a special Civil Defence outpost. This step drastically reduced the menace.

In his first year in office, Governor Dikko Umaru Radda also faced resurging activities of wayward youths in Sabuwar Unguwa. He personally led security agents in night operations, which eventually restored peace in the area.

However, with three different phone snatching incidents recorded within just three days on major roads, it is clear that social vices are escalating in the city. If not urgently addressed, they risk crippling businesses and threatening public safety.

The first incident occurred on 20th September, when Mrs Sada Shu’aibu was attacked near Sabuwar Dan Marna graveyard, and the attackers attempted to snatch her phone and inflicted serious injuries on her body. 

The following day, 21st September, during the grand finale of the Maulud procession, Usman Marwan was brutally attacked by phone snatchers at his business centre near the MTN office in Kofar Ƙaura.

Furthermore, on 26th September, another victim narrowly escaped death after being attacked by snatchers. This incident has heightened concerns among residents of the metropolis.

With insecurity already ravaging some local governments in Katsina State, the fact that the capital city is now battling phone snatching suggests that Katsina is increasingly under the control of thugs.

This menace has resurfaced under the leadership of Governor Radda, who had earlier recruited hundreds of youths to fight insecurity in the state. Many residents are now watching closely to see how he will respond to this rising threat.

Phone snatching can still be contained within a short period if several urgent measures are taken, including:

The government should initiate a law prescribing either the death penalty or life imprisonment for anyone convicted of phone snatching, alongside a shoot-on-sight order for fleeing offenders.

The government should declare a state of emergency on phone snatching so that the fight against this menace does not derail broader security efforts in the state.

Usman Salisu Gurbin Mikiya, M.Sc. student, Department of Mass Communication, Bayero University, Kano. He can be reached via his Email: usmangurbi@gmail.com.

By Faiza Aliyu Farouk

Leaving the comfort of home to pursue education elsewhere is a defining moment in the lives of many students. Schooling away from home means stepping into an unfamiliar world, one that is both exciting, exhilarating, yet overwhelming. It’s more than just a physical transition; it’s an emotional and psychological journey that reshapes who we are.

The moment you pack your bags and wave goodbye to the familiar walls of your family home, you begin a journey filled with uncertainty, growth, discomfort, and discovery. It exposes students to diverse cultures, ideas, and ways of life.

One of the most challenging parts of schooling away from home, according to many, is the emotional toll it takes.

Homesickness is a quiet but heavy feeling that settles in your chest in the middle of the night or while eating something bland and unfamiliar.

Research by Yugo, student accommodation provider in the university of Derby found that almost two-thirds (61%) of students aged 19 to 25 were concerned about feeling homesick when it came to moving away for the first time (The Guardian, 2024).

That number felt very real when talking to friends and classmates who admitted to crying in their hostels during the first few weeks. And yet, almost all of them pushed through and eventually found ways to cope.

The first few weeks or months away from home can be particularly tough. The excitement of a fresh start often gives way to the reality of managing day-to-day activities independently.

“I was excited but anxious,” said Fatima, a 400-level Mass Communication student at BUK. She recalls the first time she stepped foot on campus, far from the comfort of her family. “I missed the comfort, care, and familiar routine of home. I had to figure things out on my own, even when I was sick.”

There are many reasons why students leave their homes to study elsewhere. Abdulaziz, a medical student who left his hometown of Minna for Kano, said he left in pursuit of a better academic program.

“The schools back home weren’t offering the course I wanted to study.” Meanwhile, Alhassan, who left Jos for Kano, said he intentionally chose to stay far from home to gain experience.

“I wanted new perspectives and to challenge myself. While some leave for academics, others see distance as a test of independence.

Navigating environmental factors is another challenge of schooling away from home. “Having spent my life in Jos, never traveling for exposure or leisure.

Transitioning to a new setting was quite a challenge,” Alhassan said. As student routines change, so do relationships.

“Sometimes I feel distant from my family due to limited time spent with them, not because of anything else,” he added.

However, others, like Tsadu said they noticed a shift in how they were treated due to being away from home: “They respect me more now.”

Khadija, when asked what studying away from home meant for her, said, “I became my own person. I stopped relying on others to make decisions for me.”

Another student shared, “It was hard, but I needed to be away to find myself.” For others, it was about discovering their voice, taking risks, and failing without shame.

These stories are common, yet each one is uniquely powerful.

Living on campus forces students to grapple with new responsibilities. From cooking, budgeting, building community, and dealing with loneliness.

“Staying away has made me financially independent and more disciplined. I realized five thousand naira doesn’t stretch far,” Zainab admitted.

While describing the daily struggles, she said; “Staying in the hostel isn’t easy, especially when you come back from lectures hungry and there’s no water to cook. You have to fetch it first, sometimes from far away.

The issue of electricity is another challenge, we only get light for three hours at night, which is when we charge our devices and study. It’s not convenient; I just manage.”

Although the emotional impact of living away from home is often associated with students, parents also experience significant changes.

They feel the shift too. The independence is bittersweet. “I feel disturbed and unhappy but the other side of me feels good and happy while I continue to pray for him” Hajiya Hau’wa, whose son studies in Kano while the family lives in Niger said.

Aisha, a mother of a university student, said, “When she calls, complaining about school or being sick and lonely, it breaks my heart that I can’t be there. I’ve had to learn to let her go with prayers and constantly checking up on her.”

Communication becomes a lifeline. Most parents check in daily, not just to monitor progress but to maintain an emotional connection. Yet, not all students appreciate the frequent calls.

Nana, who studies accounting at Nassarawa State University said; ” Constant calls from my parents tend to be stressful. I’m trying to manage their expectations while also focusing on my studies”

Leaving the comfort of home for campus life is more than a transition. It’s a transformation. It’s about stepping into a version of yourself that only distance, responsibility and independence can bring.

It’s where growth happens. You learn to stand on your own, make your own choices and live with the outcome.

There will be days of loneliness, moments of doubt, and nights when home feels like a world away. But there will also be victories. Big and small that will build your confidence.

Faiza Aliyu Farouk is a 400-level Mass Communication student at Bayero University Kano (BUK).

By Muhammad Umar Shehu

As Nigeria clocks 65 years of independence, one would expect a moment of pride and reflection on remarkable achievements. Yet, the reality on the ground tells a different story. 

The country continues to struggle with corruption, poverty, unemployment, inadequate infrastructure, insecurity, and a range of other social issues. These issues cut deep into the daily lives of ordinary Nigerians, making access to basic necessities and opportunities for growth a constant struggle.

For many citizens, there is little reason to roll out the drums. Independence anniversaries are usually a time for celebration, but how can we truly celebrate when millions remain jobless, when insecurity still holds communities hostage, when hospitals lack basic equipment, and when roads remain death traps? The weight of these problems overshadows whatever progress has been made.

This does not mean Nigeria has no potential or that the sacrifices of our founding fathers should be ignored. Leaders like Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, who gave Nigeria a voice of dignity on the global stage, or the Sardauna of Sokoto, Ahmadu Bello, who worked to strengthen education and unity in the North, envisioned a better future for this country. 

Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s free education policy in the West and Chief MKO Abiola’s ultimate sacrifice for democracy remain powerful reminders of what true leadership and patriotism demand. These men stood for a Nigeria that could rise above selfishness and mediocrity.

But after 65 years, Nigerians deserve more than repeated promises and underdevelopment. We deserve a country where leadership prioritises people, where accountability is more than just a slogan, and where citizens can genuinely take pride in the flag they carry.

So, if there is something worth celebrating at 65, perhaps it is the resilience of Nigerians themselves —the spirit that refuses to give up despite everything. Beyond that, the truth is clear: the road ahead requires serious action, not mere rhetoric.

May Nigeria succeed and prosper. Amin.

Muhammad Umar Shehu, who wrote from Gombe, can be reached via umarmuhammadshehu2@gmail.com.

By Bashir Abubakar Umar 

Malaria remains one of the world’s most persistent public health challenges, particularly in tropical and subtropical regions. To gather more information about the disease, I contacted Dr Musa Muhammad Bello, who works with Aminu Kano Teaching Hospital (AKTH) in the Department of Community Medicine. It is a life-threatening disease caused by parasites of the Plasmodium genus, transmitted to humans through the bites of infected female Anopheles mosquitoes.

Despite advances in medicine and public health campaigns, malaria continues to claim hundreds of thousands of lives each year, with children under five and pregnant women among the most vulnerable groups.

Infection with Plasmodium falciparum, P. vivax, P. ovale, or P. malariae primarily causes the disease. The infection begins when an infected mosquito bites a person, releasing parasites into the bloodstream. These parasites travel to the liver, where they mature and multiply before re-entering the bloodstream to infect red blood cells.

Malaria is not spread directly from person to person; instead, it requires the mosquito as a vector. However, it can also be transmitted through blood transfusions, organ transplants, or from an infected mother to her child during pregnancy.

Symptoms of malaria typically appear 7 to 10 days after infection. Early signs include fever, chills, headaches, muscle aches, sweating, body weakness, vomiting, diarrhoea, and a change in taste. In severe cases, the disease can lead to anaemia, respiratory distress, organ failure, and even death if left untreated. Diagnosis is usually confirmed through laboratory methods, such as microscopic examination of blood smears or rapid diagnostic tests, which detect malaria antigens in the blood.

Malam Abdurrahman, a resident of Dorayi Babba, said that the mosquitoes used to bite him not only at night, but he also advises the general public to use nets for prevention.

Prevention is the most effective way to reduce malaria cases and deaths. Sleeping under insecticide-treated mosquito nets can significantly reduce the risk of being bitten at night, while indoor residual spraying kills mosquitoes that rest inside homes.

Eliminating stagnant water, clearing drainage systems, using window and door nets, applying body lotion, and fumigation are all measures that help reduce mosquito breeding grounds. In some high-risk regions, preventive antimalarial medication is recommended for vulnerable groups, including pregnant women, children under 5, and foreigners.

Hajiya Rabi’a, a resident of Tudun Yola, said that the mosquitoes prevent her from sleeping at night due to their bites, even when she is in a net.

Treatment for malaria depends on the type of Plasmodium parasite and the severity of the infection. Artemisinin-based combination therapies are currently the most effective treatments for P. falciparum malaria, which is the most dangerous form. Early and proper treatment is essential to prevent severe illness and to help break the cycle of transmission.

The global impact of malaria remains significant. According to the World Health Organisation, Africa accounts for more than 90% of malaria cases and deaths worldwide. Beyond its toll on health, the disease hampers economic development by reducing productivity, increasing healthcare costs, and deepening poverty in affected communities.

Although malaria is both preventable and treatable, it persists due to environmental factors, limited healthcare access, and poverty in many areas. A continuous global effort is essential, combining prevention methods, effective treatment, public education, and ongoing vaccine research. With dedication and coordinated actions, the world can progress towards eradicating malaria and creating healthier, safer communities.

Bashir Abubakar Umar wrote via baabum2002@gmail.com.

By Khalid Imam

Today, it is undeniable that only a handful of Nigerian workers’ unions genuinely care about or operate in the overall interest of their collective members without brazenly exploiting (or, if you like, say, robbing) their loyal members, who pay through their skin all union dues monthly, year in and year out. The leadership of these seemingly monopolistic and rigid unions often lives flamboyantly, like kings, in the public glare at the expense of their poorly paid or oppressed members. Mostly, we only hear the phrase “injury to one, injury to all” as a slogan, drummed up by greedy leadership when it fits their vested interests, not those of dutiful Nigerian workers. 

For instance, I have been paying NUT/ASSU dues nonstop for over 20 years now without any appreciable benefits – no workshops, nothing. Despite formally withdrawing my membership, along with other colleagues, our deductions continue to this day by the said self-serving unions, which have been overseeing the collapse of the education system for decades. This lack of freedom to associate or not, plus serious issues of accountability, raises many questions about unions’ purpose and continued relevance in the fast-changing world and strategic economic competitions and innovations we are witnessing, as Nigerians, in other sane nations now strategising to lead in industrialisation, investment, technology, and science, especially in artificial intelligence and artificial super intelligence.

One may ask: Are unions advocating for their members’ rights and welfare, or are they simply enriching only the vultures parading as their leaders? The answers to these questions are evident. Now more than ever before, Nigeria requires a radical systemic overhaul of the whole labour union system and operation, to ensure even unions and the country are rescued from the hawks called labour union leaders, if indeed the unions are to serve their foundation purposes – protecting members’ welfare, etc and helping to develop our betrayed and badly raped country, not enriching insatiable individuals living extravagantly unchecked.

Without genuine reform, unions like those fighting the Dangote Refinery now may continue to hold the entire country hostage. Patriotic Nigerian unionists must wake up from their docility to fight to save our unions. Subjecting all labour unions to public scrutiny should be our collective duty as citizens. Now, if any union with strategic responsibility fails to innovate, it should not blame anyone when it risks losing credibility and relevance in the scheme of things.

We must resist any attempt by any union to insist that Nigeria must live in the past, or Nigerians will continue to suffer in long queues buying fuel at a high cost. The world is fast-changing and innovating; the earlier our so-called labour unions wake up to these realities, the better. Change can’t wait for anyone, and Nigeria must reform to develop.

My sincere advice to serious investors like Dangote is that they should refrain from engaging in verbal battles or heated exchanges with PENGASSAN, etc., and instead focus on effectively mitigating their excesses by boldly advocating for a comprehensive overhaul of trade union laws in the country. There is no harm in pushing for new legislative bills or fighting hard in courtrooms to silence corrupt union leaders shouting about workers’ rights to join unions, all in the pretence of saving Nigerian workers from enslavement. Who is enslaving employees in the real sense: the oligarchy that hijacked the unions or employers striving to create more jobs for our teeming jobless youths while contributing billions to our national treasury? Aren’t most domestic union leaders, in some cases, in the forefront of enslaving Nigerian workers by living lavish lives with their union’s funds?

Yes, let there be unions, but not exploitative and monopolistic ones. I repeat, let there be unions, but not ones that block the country from progressive developments and innovative transformations, like the one we have witnessed with the arrival of the Dangote Refinery. Flexible labour union laws are the water and fertilisers Nigeria needs now. The Dangote refinery represents a significant step forward not only for Nigeria’s economic growth and development but also for Africa as a whole. Unions should support such initiatives rather than hindering them with outdated and rigid labour market laws.

At a time in the US President Trump, was and still woos American tech giant investors like the owner of Facebook to the White House to discuss the future of America, as a Nigerian with Nigeria first in my heart, I urge my President, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, to act as a strategic leader he has been since his days as governor of Lagos state. The President, more than any other person, now has an onerous duty not to allow unionists to prostrate national heroes like Dangote.

PBAT must, in the overall interest of present and future generations of Nigerians, wade in to champion flexible labour union market reforms. This is the best time, presenting him with a rare opportunity to put Nigeria first and attract numerous patriotic investments, not just from visionaries like Dangote, but from both domestic and international investors. Clinging to outdated and rigid labour laws is detrimental to our economy both now and in the future.

The flexibility of labour laws in countries like Germany and China has contributed to their economic stability and China’s soaring dominance amidst global competition. Nigeria should draw valuable lessons from these nations rather than adhering to outdated British-style labour laws that have hindered the UK’s economy from soaring like an eagle.

Finally, I invite all patriotic Nigerians to reject exploitative and monopolistic unions. Dangote is a national asset! His refinery is also a national asset. Dangote, too, must put Nigeria first, always. We have a duty to protect both Dangote and his refinery from vultures who have held our country captive for decades. May God bless Nigeria, Dangote, and his Refinery. Amin.

Imam is a Kano-based published writer of over two dozen books, a teacher, and an Art Administrator. He can be reached via email at khalidimam2002@gmail.com.

By Bashir Jelani, PhD

It has been trending over the past two days that Boko Haram killed more than 500,000 Christians and burned 18,0000 churches in Nigeria since 2009. Local and international news media are spreading false information that Muslims are carrying out ethnic cleansing against Christians. 

Till now, no news media from Arewa has debunked this news. No Arewa intellectual, writer, or public figure responded to this. It is a big shame on us. Thanks to Femi Fani-Kayode for sincerely putting the record straight.

This phoney propaganda did not start today. Some insincere Nigerian Christians have been working hard to blackmail Muslims on the international stage. I don’t know what they want to get by fabricating that fake news. The dead silence from Arewa is what makes this misleading information gain momentum. 

I have debated this issue with Christian friends for many years. I have maintained that the majority of the victims of Boko Haram and bandits are the Muslims themselves. The Boko Haram terrorists do not spare Muslims. They don’t care about your religion. 

Boko Haram wouldn’t be operating in Northern Nigeria if its target were to cleanse Christians. I sympathise with some Christians who were affected, but the truth is that the Muslims are Boko Haram’s target. That is why they do their evil atrocities in the Muslim dominated regions, mainly killing Muslims.

Arewa needs to wake up. Debunking this dangerous propaganda is very important.

By Abdulrahman M. Abu-Yaman 

The title race is between two horses and a little horse that needs milk and needs to learn how to jump. –  Jose Mourinho

When the controversial Jose Mourinho made this statement above, it was about football and the race to the Premier League title in 2014, but we never knew a time would come when it would be more suitable to fit into the Nigerian political context as it relates to the switch and frequent change of allegiance from one political party to another.

THE FIRST HORSE

The first horse, being the All Progressives Congress (APC), is the current defending champion in political power and the acclaimed favourite to retain the presidential title going into 2027, based on the power and influence that come with being an incumbent leader in Nigeria. Only once has it occurred since the fourth republic that an incumbent was defeated, and even that took what some have tagged as a miracle when President Jonathan made the famous call to the late former President Muhammadu Buhari (of blessed memory) and conceded. 

This horse has taken on different forms over the years and has been given various names by the political power brokers who have bet on it to win. Part of its defunct origin was the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), formed in 1998, a year before the fourth republic general elections. However, its popularity was quite limited to the northern part of Nigeria, not as pronounced in other regions of the country. Former President Muhammadu Buhari had contested twice and lost under the ANPP in 2003 and 2007, respectively.

Another major segment of its primordial origins emerged from the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), which was formed in 2006. It was formerly known as the Action Congress, which in turn was formed from the merger of its factions with minor political parties, including the Alliance for Democracy (AD), the Justice Party (JP), and the Advanced Congress of Democrats (ACD), among others.

Then came the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), founded in 2009. It gained significant influence due to the impact of late Muhammadu Buhari and his millions of supporters in the northern part of Nigeria, who contested under the party’s platform in the 2011 elections. 

In 2013, the progressives and congresses in some major political parties with these words present in their acronym merged into one; the Action Congress of Nigeria, Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), a faction of the All Progressive Grand Alliance and finally, the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) to form the All Progressives Congress (APC) – the most formidable opposition group as a party in Nigeria since the return to democracy in 1999 to unseat any incumbent President in power.

THE SECOND HORSE(S)

The second horse(s) in the race are obviously divided and sharing that position based on recent trajectories and events that had left one of the horses deemed as second favourite to crumble and hanging on a thin thread; speaking of the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP), as long as it still has time to regroup and put its house in order, it cannot be ruled out of the race based on its political structure long established that cuts across all states in Nigeria.

The PDP was formed in 1998, in the twilight leading up to the 1999 general elections, by a group of political bigwigs who adopted Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, a former military head of state and a prisoner released from the dungeon after the end of the Abacha era. Obasanjo, coming from the south-west region of the country, was seen by many as the best candidate to step into what would have been Chief MKO Abiola’s rightful position as winner of the annulled June 12 elections if he had lived up to 1999 but for his sad and shocking demise in 1998.

The PDP won the 1999 election by a majority of votes and held a majority of seats in the National Assembly. In 2003, the party continued to dominate the political space in Nigeria, growing in influence and power, albeit under some questionable electioneering processes in 2003, 2007 and 2011, respectively, having spent sixteen years in power as the ruling party. During that period, it became the largest party not only in Nigeria but also on the African continent.

However, unfortunately for the PDP, their dream of achieving the milestone of twenty years in power was cut short in 2015 when the APC, a new, formidable force energised and regrouped, ran them out of control. 

Since then, the PDP has contested twice as an opposition party and lost to the APC in 2019 and 2023, but edged them out in 2015. The PDP has also had to lose some of its members who have decamped to the APC and has since struggled to remain as firm and relevant as it once was. The only reason it occupies the second spot as a favourite is its longevity, structural base, and the influence of some stakeholders behind the corridors of power, who are still salvaging what is left to stand firm.

Moving away from the PDP, the other second favourite only came to fruition and gained traction a few months ago, orchestrated by one man, Mal. Nasir El-Rufai, who initiated the movement that led to the formation of a coalition that later evolved into the political party rebranded as the African Democratic Congress (ADC). The party had been in existence before its formation in 2005 as the Alliance for Democratic Change. 

The formation of the ADC elicited mixed reactions in the Nigerian political space. While some saw it as the long-awaited vibrant opposition to challenge the incumbent party in power, others viewed it as a selfish endeavour created by those who had been bruised and pushed out of the epicentre of power, seeking to make a comeback by any means necessary. This notion was proven to be more relevant when the ADC reached out to past or aggrieved members of the APC and PDP to form part of its board and core membership from the official flag-off. 

Nevertheless, it is still considered the second favourite in the race because if history is anything to go by, just as in the words of Jesse Jackson: 

“In politics, an organised minority is a political majority”

Just as in the case of the APC, which was formed two years short of the 2015 elections and later emerged as the winner, the regrouped ADC party and its influx of new members can’t be underestimated.  

Another reason the ADC could be frontrunners could be their ability to capitalise on the harsh economic realities in the country that have affected the masses and present the party as an alternative to better their welfare, just as the same members of the ADC did way back in 2015 when they were members of the APC, which they now want to substitute out of power. 

THE LITTLE HORSE IN THE RACE

The little horse that needs milk to learn how to jump is the Labour Party (LP). It was also driven and triggered to relevance in the 2023 general elections due to the influence of one man, specifically Peter Obi, who was spoken of as the party’s flag bearer. The LP not only defeated the APC in their own stronghold in Lagos but also defeated the ruling party in the Federal Capital Territory, Nigeria’s capital and centre of governance. It was unprecedented and sent a clear message that the LP did not just come to make up the numbers like some minority parties. 

But be that as it may, their numbers in Lagos and Abuja, coupled with the ones from the east and the Niger Delta region, were not enough to put them in second position in the race. This is why it needs to spread its wings to cover all political nooks and crannies in other regions, especially northern Nigeria, where it is yet to get a solid grip.

The recent involvement of Peter Obi with the ADC could lead to a compromise and weaken the party’s strength, as it revolves around him. One of the LP’s former spokesmen also lamented him for not doing enough as a leader and his inability to resolve the party’s internal crisis. He also raised concerns about his failure to build a strong party base to secure the mandate. 

Still, the only reason the LP is coming in third in the horse race is because of the unexpected stunt it pulled and its potential to do more if, and only if, it can capitalise on its momentum to leap ahead like other horses in the race.

THE EXODUS AND CONVENIENT SWITCH BETWEEN PARTIES 

Nigerian politics and politicians tend to switch sides to any political party that offers them a higher chance of winning. It occurred in 1999, when the PDP was formed and founded by members of various political parties. 

In 2003, as the PDP grew in strength and power, it received more members, and others had to decamp from their prior political platforms to join it. It was beginning to look like the only way to win an election was to join the party that was already winning. 

2007 and 2011 were no different as the PDP retained power in government. However, the only parties that managed to maintain some of their strongest and most popular members were the ANPP in 2003/2007, and the CPC in the 2011 general elections, when they fielded Muhammadu Buhari as their presidential candidate in the respective years.

In the buildup to the 2015 election, a massive exodus of politicians decamped from the ‘umbrella’ that had sheltered them in political office to the newly formed APC, which was gaining immense popularity, especially in the northern and western parts of Nigeria. The presidential flag bearer was a familiar figure who was contesting for the fourth and possibly his last attempt, having been persuaded to do so. The APC, like the PDP in the past, also welcomed all members from other parties, irrespective of their past reputation or allegations while in office. In the end, the party grew from being the strongest opposition to becoming the favourite to win the election, which they eventually did.

LOST OF POLITICAL IDEOLOGIES/IDENTITIES

When we start seeing political players decamping at will, it is time to question whether any of the political parties place a high premium on their criteria for membership in relation to their ideologies before accepting any candidate into their fold. Do politicians care any less if the party they join aligns with their manifestos and visionary blueprint for good governance and leadership?

It is beginning to look like a game of chess, with calculated moves aimed at checkmating the ultimate power in the political positions they crave. The only pawns in this game are the masses who have yet to figure out that changing their clothes to another has nothing to do with the real person behind those clothes. A stained reputation, especially in previous leadership positions, coupled with a proven track record of underperformance and incompetence, cannot be covered by new political platforms.

However, the interesting aspect of all this is the emergence of a solid opposition to keep the ruling parties on their toes. Previously, with the decline and crisis in the PDP, Nigeria was moving towards a single-party state due to the frequent switch of its members to joining the APC. It is well timed that the LED coalition, which has resolved to adopt the ADC as its political platform, includes big names like former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, who is also a former PDP presidential aspirant. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s presidential candidate, has also been seen and involved in some of their meetings. And for the first time since the APC’s ascension to power, they seem concerned about the growing popularity of the ADC and the threat it may pose to their hold on power. Deja vu?

Conclusively, all the parties involved in the horse race have exhibited similar symptoms of identity and ideological crisis in their consistent switch of allegiance to suit their needs. The thin line between them is getting blurrier in their actions and adoptions. Everyone is welcome to any party at any time. No litmus test, exceptional integrity, or individual evaluation criteria needed. Once you are in, all sins are forgiven, and then you are baptised as a new member. 

The ADC is not only like the APC alphabetically, but also in the content of its members and its contextual existence. The primary concern here is whether some members of the ADC could potentially break away from the party in the future, particularly in the event of any unresolved disagreement or fallout within the party. Are we to brace ourselves for another hypothetical ‘ABC’ party if it comes to that? Time is the ultimate revealer.