Education

Language is a tool; it’s not the destination | A look at Kano’s Hausa-only school policy

By Prof. Abdalla Uba Adamu

I rarely discuss politics, policy, or religion at any level on social media. These three are totally beyond my modest capabilities. However, the Educationist in me stirred when it became news in November 2025 that a bill was being proposed in the Kano State House of Assembly, titled the Kano State Mother Tongue (Hausa Language) Education Enforcement Bill. It was introduced by Musa Kachako, a member representing Takai under the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP). 

The Bill seeks to ensure that all instruction in primary and secondary schools in Kano (presumably those under Local Education Authorities) is conducted in the Hausa language. According to online reports, when presenting the bill during plenary, Kachako stated that the initiative followed global best practices in education, citing countries such as China, Japan, and India, which he noted had made significant strides in science and technology by teaching children in their native languages from an early age. Kano State can do this because Education, being on the Concurrent Legislature, gives room for any policy variation of Education from that of the Federal Government’s Exclusive list. 

Certainly, the idea of teaching all subjects in Hausa springs from a noble intention — to enable children to learn in the language they understand best, and to reaffirm local identity against the long shadow of colonial linguistic domination. I witnessed this during my tenure as a Teaching Practice Supervisor in various schools in Kano. Students tended to understand language lessons more fluidly than those in other languages. And we are talking about over 40 years ago. Along the line, I even came up with how to use Hausa proverbs to teach science, based on over 30 curated Hausa proverbs with scientific content (e.g. gravity in “komai nisan jifa, ƙasa zai dawo”) and trained dozens of teachers in Jigawa (ironically enough, Kano was not interested at the time!) on this much later.   

Yet, the success of such a language policy depends on its contextual intelligence — its ability to strike a balance between local comprehension, national unity, and global relevance. In all cases of such debates, the examples of China, Japan, and India are the most commonly cited as best practices that have worked. With its virtual monolingual Hausa population (perhaps the only State in the Federation with this attribute), elevating Kano as “Little China” certainly sound, albeit contradictorily, post-colonially romantic. This all sounds inspiring. But, without taking the shine off it, how realistic is it?

There is a certain merit to the idea, but only to a certain extent. Research everywhere agrees: children learn faster and think better when taught in their native language. Even UNESCO and Nigeria’s own education policy support this approach for the first few years of primary schooling, where community languages are encouraged, rather than metropolitan languages. Let’s look at some cases.

Ethiopia is perhaps the only country in Africa with a continuous mother-tongue education system. The country did not suffer the horrors of colonisation on the same scale as the rest of Sahelian African countries, as it was only briefly occupied by Italians between 1936 and 1941. It uses regional languages (Amharic, Tigrinya, Oromo, Somali, etc.) as the medium of instruction in primary and secondary education. In universities and higher education, Amharic or English is used depending on the region and field. Thus, Ethiopia’s system is perhaps the closest to continuous mother-tongue instruction, although English dominates technical and postgraduate studies.

In Tanzania, Swahili is the dominant language in primary schools, but English is introduced from secondary schools up to universities, especially in fields such as science, medicine, and law. In Rwanda, the medium of instruction in schools was switched from French to English in 2008, while Kinyarwanda remains the mother tongue in early primary education. In Mozambique, Portuguese dominates in secondary and tertiary education, and local languages such as Makhuwa, Sena, and Tsonga are used in early primary school. 

This pattern is repeated in other African countries, such as Ghana (Twi/Ewe in early schooling, English later), Senegal (local languages in the early years, French later), and Kenya (Kikuyu, Luhya, Dholuo in early schooling, English later). Thus, no colonised African country has fully implemented mother tongue instruction from primary through university, rejecting colonial languages entirely.

In Kano, where everyone speaks Hausa, the policy could genuinely improve comprehension and reduce dropout rates. Pupils won’t have to struggle with English before grasping basic concepts in classrooms. That’s a win. However, there is a catch, and it lies in the regular comparison with China, Japan, and India, as if Kano is a nation, rather than a State within a nation that has 400 languages. Let us look at the language policies of these countries closely.

China has between 281 to 305 languages and dialects. However, it took decades — from the early 1900s to the 1950s — to standardise Mandarin (Putonghua), reform writing, and establish a comprehensive teacher-training and translation system, enabling everyone to be educated in one language. 

Japan is relatively homogeneous, but still has dialect diversity with 16 living languages. Although Japanese is the dominant language of instruction, there is no law declaring it the official language of the country. In fact, a school could use other languages. There are now a few schools that use English to teach science and mathematics classes. Japan created a national standard (based on the Tokyo speech) during the Meiji era (late 1800s) — alongside massive investment in textbooks, printing, and teacher training. India, on the other hand, is multilingual by law — it has 22 official languages and hundreds more in daily use. Each state uses its local language for early schooling, but keeps English for higher education and technology. 

So, what worked for these three was not language alone, but long-term state planning, standardisation, and bilingual balance. Each of these countries went through a long, continuously sustainable process of deliberate policy strategies that ensured the success of their language policies in Education, backed by political stability. In Kano, policies are routinely changed with new regime changes, regardless of their merit. Let us look at the obstacles. 

English remains the principal language of science, technology, and international communication. A policy that sidelines it completely in early and middle education could restrict students’ ability to compete globally and to access higher education resources. Unless a bilingual model is adopted, the system may produce students with strong local literacy but limited global mobility.

Nigeria’s labour market — in public service, academia, commerce, and technology — operates primarily in English. Graduates from a Hausa-only system would face difficulty transitioning into these environments without adequate English proficiency. This could widen inequality rather than close it. Unless there are expectations that students from Kano, who will be the products of this policy, will never work in any Federal government agency in the country. 

Nigeria’s educational bureaucracy is highly centralised. Curriculum design, examination systems (NECO, WAEC), and tertiary entry assessments (JAMB) all operate in English. Switching Hausa to the medium of instruction at primary and secondary levels, without corresponding policy alignment at higher levels, would isolate Hausa-medium students from tertiary education pathways. Thus, despite Education being on the concurrent list, centralised examinations are under the Federal Exclusive list. Kano cannot create its own WAEC, NECO, and JAMB examination boards; it must use Federal agencies for this purpose. These agencies are in Nigeria’s official language, which is English.  

Next would be concerns about teachers. Currently, and without being aware of the timeline for implementing the Bill, if it is passed successfully, there are not enough trained teachers in Kano with adequate linguistic competence to teach science, mathematics, or social studies effectively in Hausa. 

Moreover, curricular materials, textbooks, and terminologies for specialised subjects (such as chemistry, ICT, or physics) are largely underdeveloped in Hausa — except for some pioneering efforts by the Northern Nigerian Publishing Company and NTI Kaduna in the 1980s–1990s, and more recently by a few authors. For instance, the Centre for Research in Nigerian Languages, Translation, and Folklore at Bayero University, Kano, has produced eight Science textbooks in Hausa for students of primary, junior, and senior secondary schools in northern Nigeria. 

Written by Mika’ila Maigari Kashimbila of the Department of Physics, Bayero University, these are Kimiyya Da Fasaha Don Makarantun Firamare Books One to Three, Lissafi Don Kananan Makarantun Sakandare Books One to Three, Kyamistare Don Manyan Makarantun Sakandare, and Fizis (Physics) Don Manyan Makarantun Sakandare. He had earlier written Lissafin Makaratun Sakandare Na 1. 

I was even part of the committee set up by Bayero University Kano to “launch” these books, although things faltered, and I don’t think the launch ever took place. Wonderful as these books and efforts are, I believe they would serve as supplementary readers to the core textbooks, where they help to deconstruct the more esoteric prose of the English textbooks. 

Other concerns are sociological. For instance, making Hausa the exclusive medium in primary and secondary education in Kano risks political backlash from non-Hausa-speaking communities. In a multilingual federation, such a policy could be perceived as linguistic imperialism, deepening ethnic tensions and further alienating minorities. It may also entrench regionalisation rather than national integration — the very problem English was meant to solve.

Additionally, if Hausa becomes the sole instructional language, students from Kano may face difficulties participating in the global economy, digital platforms, and higher education, which remain English-dominated. True, the increasing use of Artificial Intelligence might alleviate some of these fears – but that is not the same as captive learning. A purely Hausa-medium system would require parallel translation of scientific and technological vocabulary to prevent intellectual isolation — a task that even developed monolingual nations struggle with.

On the positive side, a well-planned Hausa-medium system could revive indigenous literacy traditions, encourage the translation of modern science into local epistemologies, and restore pride in local knowledge systems. It could also expand Hausa publishing, radio, and digital content industries — thereby democratizing access to learning for those currently excluded by the dominance of English.

But the devil is in the details. Policy flip-flops reflecting a lack of consistency are the biggest danger. As antecedents have shown, this particular political climate might favour this move, complete with a law backing it. The next political class might very well destroy it simply because it was not its idea. This has always been the central characteristic of Kano politics. 

Kano State Council approves ₦4.9bn for education projects

By Hadiza Abdulkadir

The Kano State Executive Council has approved ₦4,931,962,184.11 for key projects aimed at revitalizing the education sector across the state. The approvals, made during the Council’s 33rd meeting chaired by Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf on Saturday, November 1, 2025, cover initiatives under both the Ministry of Education and the Ministry for Higher Education.

According to a statement signed by the Commissioner for Information and Internal Affairs, Comrade Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya, the funds will be used to settle outstanding liabilities, enhance infrastructure, and improve learning facilities at all levels.

Among the major allocations is ₦1.49 billion for settling debts owed to boarding school feeding suppliers and ₦2.54 billion for the renovation of Government Technical College, Ungogo (Phase II). The Council also approved ₦270.9 million for the completion and furnishing of the E-Library at the Kano State College of Education and Preliminary Studies (KASCEPS), and ₦400 million for the procurement of office furniture and fittings at Northwest University, Kano.

Other approved expenditures include ₦308.9 million to clear liabilities owed to the National Board for Arabic and Islamic Studies (NBAIS), ₦139 million for instructional materials production by Kano Printing Press, and ₦140.7 million for accreditation exercises at Kano State Polytechnic.

The approvals, the statement noted, reflect Governor Yusuf’s commitment to revamping the education system through enhanced infrastructure, accountability, and effective resource utilization.

“These interventions demonstrate the administration’s dedication to ensuring quality education and conducive learning environments for students across Kano State,” Waiya said.

When universities go on strike, who really suffers, and who is to blame?

By Lawan Bukar Maigana 

In Nigeria, university strikes have become an all-too-familiar story, a recurring wound that never seems to heal. Each time ASUU announces an industrial action, lectures stop, campuses grow silent, and dreams are placed on hold. Politicians continue with their schedules, lecturers retreat to side jobs, but the students —the very heart of the education system —are left stranded. They lose time, motivation, and opportunities that they can never fully recover. Yet, as the cycle repeats, one cannot help but ask: who truly bears the weight of these strikes, and who should take responsibility for the damage they cause?

For decades, the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) has justified its strikes as a means of pressuring the government to honour agreements on better funding, fair wages, and improved infrastructure. These demands are valid. Anyone who has walked through the corridors of a public university in Nigeria would agree that poor facilities, overcrowded lecture halls, and unpaid salaries reflect a deep neglect of education by successive governments.

But while the union’s grievances are understandable, the methods have become controversial. The government, on the other hand, often accuses ASUU of holding the system hostage. It argues that the union’s insistence on strikes as the only bargaining tool cripples progress and punishes innocent students who have no hand in the dispute. In the end, both parties trade blame while the students, the most powerless group in the equation, pay the ultimate price.

A four-year course can easily stretch to six or seven years because of strike interruptions. Many students find their enthusiasm fading over time. Some lose focus entirely and drop out of school. For those who persevere, the delay spills into their plans. By the time they graduate, they are already approaching 28, 29, or even 30, before the one-year NYSC service.

The real tragedy becomes apparent when they start searching for jobs. Most government and private organisations in Nigeria set an age limit of 26 to 30 for entry-level positions. By the time many graduates are done with university and service, they have crossed the threshold. Their only crime is being caught in a system that values bureaucracy over merit and punishes them for something beyond their control.

This is why it is not just an academic crisis; it is an economic one. Each prolonged strike increases youth unemployment and deepens poverty. Parents who struggled to pay tuition watch their investments stagnate, and the nation loses years of productivity from its young minds. How can a country move forward when its brightest are trapped in uncertainty?

Yet, every time negotiations collapse, the conversation focuses on who blinked first, ASUU or the government, not on who bleeds most from the outcome. It is as though the welfare of students matters less than the politics of power and payment. That is the heart of the problem.

Let us be honest. Both parties are culpable. The government’s insensitivity and failure to prioritise education are unacceptable. Budgetary allocations to education consistently fall below UNESCO’s recommended 26 per cent. Lecturers, too, must reflect on whether indefinite strikes remain the most effective way to demand change. It is one thing to fight for rights; it is another to destroy the bridge that connects those rights to the future.

If universities had better funding, research grants, and prompt salaries, ASUU would have no reason to down tools. But if the union continues to rely solely on strikes without exploring alternative forms of advocacy, such as strategic legal action, citizen engagement, or performance-based protests, then students will remain collateral damage in every industrial action.

The solution lies in sincerity from both sides. Government officials must stop making empty promises and start implementing lasting reforms. ASUU must adopt modern negotiation strategies that prioritise students’ interests first. The students themselves must also rise, through constructive activism, to demand accountability from all sides.

Education is not a privilege; it is a right. Every time it is disrupted, a generation loses part of its potential. The government and ASUU must remember that time is not renewable. Every month lost to a strike is a wound that never fully heals for a student.

Some will argue that strikes have brought partial victories such as improved salaries, better agreements, and occasional funding. But these victories often come at too great a cost. Students spend longer years on campus, graduate later, and face tighter job markets. Many lose scholarships or opportunities abroad because their transcripts are delayed or their academic calendars are unpredictable.

A society that allows this cycle to persist undervalues its youth. The damage is not immediately visible, but it later manifests in the frustration of jobless graduates, the rise of social vices, and the erosion of hope. When young people start believing that hard work no longer pays, the nation begins to decay silently.

The truth is simple: when universities are on strike, everyone loses, but students lose the most. They lose time, morale, and faith. And no compensation can restore that lost time.

Until the day Nigeria treats education as a national emergency, not a political bargaining chip, these strikes will continue, and the nation will keep producing delayed graduates and disappointed dreams.

The next time a strike is declared, we should ask not just who is right or wrong, but who is hurting most. Because in the end, it is not the lecturers or the politicians who suffer, it is the students whose futures hang in the balance.

Lawan Bukar Maigana is a media consultant, humanitarian, storyteller, and inspiring diplomat. He can be reached via email at lawanbukarmaigana@gmail.com.

When students become customers: the business of private education

By Malam Ibrahym El-Caleel

A widely circulated video showed an altercation between a staff of the Maryam Abacha American University of Nigeria (MAAUN) and a father to one of the students of the school.

It is a 33-second-long video that doesn’t allow for proper evaluation of the incident except for the audacious comment the student made at the tail-end of the video, in support of her father, saying, “Ba fa kyauta mu ke zuwa karatu makarantar ba. Kuɗi muke biya”. Meaning, “we aren’t studying in this school free. We pay money”.

The school has rightly issued a press release to say it has set up a committee to investigate what happened, and it demands to have the full video of what happened to ease its investigation since a 33-second video will barely help you take an informed position on this. Best wishes to them in their investigation, but let’s talk about the broader picture.

The girl’s raw comment about the money they pay to the school is a bitter lesson in business. The girl sees herself as a customer of MAAUN, not a student, and this is largely the philosophy of most private institutions of learning and their patronisers. It is an entrepreneurship first, then any other thing, like being a school or a university. And therefore, what we see in businesses would happen there since profit is the overall aim. Please, I am not tearing down private institutions. I am discussing business here.

“The customer is always right”

In the early 1900s, Harry Gordon Selfridge, the founder of Selfridges department store in London, popularized the saying that, “the customer is always right”. To be fair to Selfridge, he popularised this business philosophy to protect the buyer. Prior to this philosophy, what existed was the philosophy of “Caveat emptor”, which protects the seller and which means: “Let the buyer beware.”

“Caveat emptor” is simply saying that the buyer is fully responsible for checking product quality, condition, and suitability before purchase. Therefore, once the buyer pays for the product, they cannot hold the seller accountable even if they discovered the product to be defective. Even if you return the defective product to the seller, he’d simply say “Caveat emptor!”, meaning “you should have checked before paying!”.

This is where Selfridge popularised “the customer is always right” philosophy. The aim is to prioritise customer satisfaction even when the customer may be at fault. It is a philosophy aimed at keeping the customer happy or satisfied so as to have a sustainable business into the future. This builds trust and loyalty in business, and this is why it is widely practiced by businesses today.

Customers and some business leaders decided to abuse this nice philosophy. Customers saw it as an edge to abuse employees of the business they are patronising. Business leaders decided to make customers the “kings” and “queens” who are always right, placing them far below the employees who help them drive the business. This is why it is easy for the girl to make reference to how they are the thin line between that staff and joblessness. It is the reason why you, the reader, equally shouted at the bank staff you met at the customer service desk the other day. The bank as an institution with corporate headquarters somewhere in Lagos didn’t serve you well, but you are here in faraway Numan threatening, harassing and abusing an innocent 24-year-old girl you met at the bank’s help desk.

Customer is always right!

I was hungry in Barnawa some months back when I decided to walk into Market Square to get some food. A man, who should most likely be in his 50s, walked in after me. The attendant was serving the people who came ahead of him as per first come, first serve. Suddenly, this man took offence and began passing harsh comments on this lady. It was a whole lot of psychological abuse, making even s3xist comments. He wasn’t yelling at me, but I felt the pain. That young lady didn’t respond in kind, but coldly prepared his meal and handed it over. The customer is always right.

Only business leaders can reorient the customer on this. While you need customers to maintain your cash flow, you equally need your employees. And this is what the consumer goods giant, P&G, seems to be better at.

The P&G CEO between 1948-1959, Redwood Deupree, remarkably said: “If you leave us our money, our buildings and our brands, but take away our people, the Company will fail. But if you take away our money, our buildings and our brands, but leave us all our people, we can rebuild the whole thing in a decade.” This is a 187-year old company, teaching you the value of people in a business. Your people are your most important assets.

But unfortunately, most businesses today have thirst for short-term gains and barely have any interest in building a corporate culture that will sustain it into the future. When a company is overly thinking about finance, then it ‘worships’ everything that relates to the bottom line. It is ready to throw its most resourceful employees under the bus just to gain today’s profit. No plan for the business of the future.

First Class or 2.1: Jigawa’s bright minds deserve place

By Muhammad Abubakar Tahir

Jigawa State has, in recent years, earned praise for its progressive policy of offering automatic employment to university graduates who finish with First Class degrees. It is a remarkable gesture, one that highlights the state government’s commitment to education, excellence, and the future of its youth.

However, as commendable as this initiative is, it also calls for reflection. The state government must review the policy to ensure that other brilliant and hardworking graduates are not left behind, particularly those with a Cumulative Grade Point Average (CGPA) between 4.0 and 4.49.

These students, though officially classified as Second Class Upper (2.1), have equally demonstrated distinction, resilience, and intellectual depth. In some disciplines — especially the technical and science-based ones — attaining a First Class degree is extraordinarily demanding. 

Yet many of these students, with CGPAs slightly below the First-Class cut-off, are as competent and deserving of opportunities as their peers who crossed the 4.5 mark. Around the world, employers and institutions recognise this nuance. Graduates with Second Class Upper degrees are widely regarded as strong performers and are eligible for both public- and private-sector roles. 

They also qualify for prestigious international fellowships and postgraduate scholarships. Indeed, scholarship programmes such as Chevening, Commonwealth, and several others typically set their minimum CGPA requirement between 3.5 and 3.7 on a 5.0 scale — comfortably within the Second Class Upper range. 

This shows that the global academic and professional community values not only top-tier excellence but also consistent, well-rounded performance. It is on this basis that Governor Mallam Umar Namadi is urged to broaden the scope of Jigawa’s First-Class employment initiative. 

By extending consideration to graduates within the 4.0 to 4.49 range, the government would not only promote fairness but also maximise the state’s pool of talent. Such an inclusive policy could be designed to include a fair, transparent screening process that rewards skill, creativity, and innovation — qualities not confined to a single grade level.

A similar example can be seen in neighbouring Kano State, where the government recently introduced a domestic scholarship scheme that also accommodates Second Class Upper graduates. Many beneficiaries of that programme come from humble backgrounds, and their stories have shown how such policies can transform lives and families. 

Jigawa State can take inspiration from this model and adapt it to its own development priorities. Governor Namadi has already demonstrated a listening and compassionate leadership style, particularly through his swift interventions during last Ramadan when he responded to citizens’ needs with empathy and urgency. 

Extending opportunities to deserving 2.1 graduates would further strengthen public confidence in his administration and reinforce his image as a people-centred leader who believes in inclusive governance.

History will not forget him if he heeds this call. His legacy will be remembered not just for rewarding excellence, but for redefining it — by recognising that excellence wears many shades. That brilliance sometimes exists just a decimal point below a First Class.

In the end, what truly defines a visionary leader is not only how he uplifts the best but how he ensures that no capable hand is left idle when there is work to be done for the good of the state.

Muhammad Abubakar Tahir is a journalist based in Hadejia, Jigawa State. He can be reached via abubakarmtahir81@gmail.com.

Ghana adopts local languages as medium of instruction in schools

By Muhammad Sulaiman

The Government of Ghana has introduced a new education policy mandating the use of local languages as the primary medium of instruction in all schools across the country.

Announcing the policy, Minister of Education, Haruna Iddrisu, said the decision marks a major step toward resetting Ghana’s education system to better reflect the nation’s linguistic and cultural realities. He emphasised that children learn best in their mother tongue, which enhances understanding and cognitive development.

“The use of our local languages in classrooms will not only improve learning outcomes but also help preserve Ghana’s rich linguistic heritage,” Iddrisu stated.

The Ghana Education Service (GES) has been directed to oversee the nationwide implementation of the policy. The move is expected to significantly reduce the dominance of English in the country’s early education system and promote inclusivity through indigenous languages.

Insecurity, abandonment cripple Zangon Gabas Primary School

Muhammad Isah Zng

Special Primary School in Zangon Gabas, Ungogo Local Government Area of Kano State, is struggling with insecurity and abandoned, burnt classrooms, leaving pupils and teachers in a difficult learning environment.

A resident and Islamic teacher, Abdullahi Ahmed, voiced concern that the school has been neglected by the government, leaving it vulnerable to vandalism and deterioration. He stated that youths often break onto the premises after lessons to play football, which frequently results in damage to school property and theft of valuable items.

“The major problem is insecurity. Youths come into the premises, deface classrooms, and steal items. If nothing is done, this school may one day become history,” Ahmed said.

Besides security breaches, classrooms that were burned several years ago remain unrepaired and unused, further reducing available learning space. Ahmed, who also uses the classrooms for Islamic lessons, disclosed that the headmaster had hired a security guard and was paying him from personal funds to protect the remaining facilities.

Community members are urging the Kano State Government to urgently repair the classrooms that were burned and to ensure security to protect the school. Education stakeholders warn that if no action is taken, the worsening conditions could jeopardise the future of pupils in Zangon Gabas. 

Converting ATBU to a conventional university: A backward step in a forward world

By Aminu Babayo Shehu

The recent move by Senator Shehu Buba Umar, representing Bauchi South, to convert Abubakar Tafawa Balewa University (ATBU), Bauchi, from a University of Technology to a conventional university has stirred deep concern among stakeholders, alumni, and advocates of science and technology education. The bill, which has already passed second reading in the Senate, risks undoing decades of progress that ATBU has made in advancing technology-driven learning and innovation in Nigeria.

In an era when nations are competing through science, technology, and innovation, Nigeria cannot afford to take a step backwards. Around the world, technology is driving development, job creation, and national competitiveness. From Artificial Intelligence to Robotics, Biotechnology, and Cybersecurity, the future of work and industry is being reshaped by technology. It is therefore troubling that, instead of strengthening one of Nigeria’s most respected technology-based universities, the discussion is now about diluting its identity.

ATBU has earned its reputation as one of the country’s leading technological institutions. For decades, it has produced graduates who are not only competent but highly sought after in both the public and private sectors. Alumni of the university are excelling in software engineering, telecommunications, construction, fintech, and data science. Many are leading teams, building products, and contributing to the growth of major organisations across Nigeria and abroad.

In recent years, the university has made even more progressive strides. The Faculty of Computing, for instance, has expanded its curriculum beyond traditional Computer Science to include new, globally relevant courses such as Artificial Intelligence, Data Science, Software Engineering, and Cyber Security. These additions are clear evidence that ATBU is aligning itself with international trends and preparing students for the realities of the modern digital economy.

Instead of seeking to convert ATBU into a conventional university, the Federal Government and relevant stakeholders should focus on strengthening its technological capacity and research base. There are better, more visionary ways to make the institution self-sustaining and impactful. Establishing Artificial Intelligence research laboratories, cybersecurity and digital forensics hubs, robotics and automation labs, and technology incubation centres would attract both local and international partnerships. Such facilities could become national assets for innovation, startups, and industrial research.

Globally, top universities have achieved great success by maintaining and deepening their technological focus. The Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) in the United States, Tsinghua University in China, and the Korea Advanced Institute of Science and Technology (KAIST) are shining examples of institutions that have transformed their nations through technology-driven education and research. Nigeria should be learning from these models, not abandoning its own.

Turning ATBU into a conventional university would water down its focus and weaken the very foundation on which it was established. What Nigeria needs today are more institutions that specialise in applied sciences, engineering, and emerging technologies; not fewer.

This proposal, though perhaps well-intentioned, is ill-timed and misdirected. The challenges of the 21st century demand more innovation, not less. The future will belong to nations that invest in science, technology, and knowledge creation.

ATBU should remain what it was meant to be: a University of Technology dedicated to building Nigeria’s next generation of innovators, engineers, and researchers. To do otherwise would not just be a loss for Bauchi or Northern Nigeria, but for the entire country.

Aminu Babayo Shehu is a Software Engineer and alumnus of Abubakar Tafawa Balewa University, Bauchi. He writes from Kano via absheikhone@gmail.com.

NELFUND opens student loan portal for 2025/2026 session

By Anwar Usman

The Nigerian Education Loan Fund has announced the official opening of its student loan application portal for the 2025/2026 academic session, providing access to financial support for students across tertiary institutions in the country.

The agency said the application will run for three months from Thursday, 23rd October 2025, to Saturday, January 31, 2026.

This was revealed in a statement issued on Tuesday by NELFUND’s Director of Strategic Communications, Oseyemi Oluwatuyi.

NELFUND urged fresh students to apply using their Admission Number or JAMB Registration Number in place of a matriculation number.

It called on tertiary institutions to show understanding regarding registration and fee payment deadlines for applicants awaiting loan disbursement.

Institutions are encouraged to show understanding in enforcing registration and fee Flexibility payment deadlines for students awaiting loan disbursement

“Institutions that have not yet commenced their 2025/2026 academic session should formally write to NELFUND with their approved academic calendar for scheduling flexibility

The statement further revealed that, “NELFUND appeals to all institutions to consider temporary registration measures for students whose loan applications are being processed to ensure that no student loses access to education due to financial constraints.”

Three BUK academics among world’s most cited scientists in 2025 ranking

By Uzair Adam 

Three scholars from Bayero University, Kano (BUK), have been named among the top 2% of the world’s most influential scientists in the 2025 global ranking released by Stanford University in collaboration with Elsevier.

The Daily Reality reports that the list, which draws on data from the Scopus database, recognises researchers whose work is among the most cited worldwide. 

The ranking evaluates research impact using standardised metrics, including total citations, h-index, co-authorship-adjusted index (hm-index), and a composite indicator (c-score), across 22 fields and 174 subfields.

The BUK academics featured in the 2025 ranking are Professor Abdulrazaq Garba Habib of the Department of Internal Medicine, who ranks 82nd globally in Clinical Medicine, subfield Tropical Medicine, with an h-index of 11 and an hm-index of 5.

Dr. Sunusi Marwana Maniadan from the Department of Mechanical Engineering, ranked 4,131st in Enabling and Strategic Technologies, subfield Materials, with an h-index of 14 and an hm-index of 4. 

Dr. Isah Baba Abdullahi of the Department of Mathematical Sciences, ranked 142nd in Physics & Astronomy, subfield Mathematical Physics, holding an h-index of 8 and an hm-index of 4.

The Stanford-Elsevier ranking is widely regarded as one of the most credible indicators of scientific influence, spotlighting researchers whose work is highly cited and influential in their fields.

Commenting on the achievement, BUK Vice Chancellor, Professor Haruna Musa, described the recognition as a reflection of the university’s academic growth and research excellence on the global stage. 

The inclusion of these three scholars’ positions BUK among the select Nigerian universities with multiple entries in the prestigious annual ranking.