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By Saifullahi Attahir

In his article, titled “Yar’adua: Great Expectation, Disappointing Outcome,” Mallam Nasir El-Rufa’i wrote that the late Umaru Musa Yar’adua graduated from ABU in 1975 and did his youth service (NYSC) at Holy Child College in Lagos as a chemistry teacher.

After the service year, Yar’adua took a government job at the College of Arts, Science and Technology (CAST), Zaria, as a chemistry lecturer. He later obtained his MSc in 1978, while continuing his teaching career at the same CAST until 1983, when he joined his brother’s business after the latter resigned from the National Service as second-in-command to General Olusegun Obasanjo during the handover to civilian rule in 1979.

The above narrative can attest to the clear moral right Yar’adua has over Mallam Nasir, despite the latter’s constant attacks. I’m sure that in the years between 1976 and 1983, the late Umaru could have accessed all the privileges a graduate could have as a brother to a senior military officer and son of the establishment. His service year in the grammar school and his continued lecturing job at CAST Zaria can testify to a great deal about the individual Yar’adua, his brother Shehu, and the regime.

As a young and well-connected chemistry graduate, Umaru Yar’adua could have access to serve in the newly established NNPC, top agricultural firms, top Lagos banks, or even become a legislative aide in the green or red chamber.

Securing a job through connections is a common and sometimes effective method. Networking, which involves leveraging personal and professional relationships, can significantly increase your chances of finding a job. Indeed, many talented and industrious individuals can be harnessed through this process, although it may be perceived as nepotistic. Hadiza Bala Usman got her start at BPE by El Rufa’i through a similar path.

Of course, time has changed; it’s now normal that specific places, such as CBN, FIRS, NPA, BPE, top private firms, and Federal MDAs, are not accessible to ordinary corps members. We can still recall a time when a brother of Nigeria’s second-in-command opted to attend a grammar school and later took a teaching job at a college in Zaria. But still, that doesn’t prevent him from becoming Nigeria’s president.

While the 5th May remembrance has been immortalised in the hearts of Nigerians despite Yar’adua’s short stint as president, Mallam El-Rufa’i was still battling and settling past scores and fights.

Saifullahi Attahir wrote from Federal University Dutse via saifullahiattahir93@gmail.com 

By Sabiu Abdullahi

In an effort to bolster the fight against money laundering and improve border control measures, the Nigeria Customs Service (NCS), in partnership with relevant security and regulatory agencies, has conducted a sensitisation programme for international airline operators at the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport in Abuja.

The exercise, which took place on 5 July 2025, focused on educating airline staff about Nigeria’s currency declaration policies and their role in supporting compliance efforts.

Participants were reminded of the need to inform passengers—both arriving and departing—about existing regulations concerning cash movement across borders.

Authorities reiterated that individuals carrying more than $10,000 or its equivalent must declare the funds to customs officials.

They warned that failing to do so could lead to the confiscation of the money, followed by investigation and possible prosecution under the nation’s anti-money laundering laws.

The session also outlined the requirement for airlines to submit electronic manifests (e-Manifests) ahead of landing. These manifests must include comprehensive passenger details such as full names, flight numbers, and countries of origin and destination.

Officials said this data enables customs personnel and intelligence units to conduct targeted risk assessments and enhance overall border monitoring.

Leading the session was Salihu Mas’ud, Assistant Comptroller of Customs and head of the Anti-Money Laundering and Countering the Financing of Terrorism Unit.

He noted the progress already made by the Service in improving compliance mechanisms and expressed satisfaction with the level of cooperation from airline operators.

“What we have achieved so far is to be able to sensitise them. We’ve gone round to check all the points. We have dedicated search rooms for secondary searches. There are dedicated posts for currency declarations, and they are in place. Announcements are also being made on the Public Address System. We have also gotten the commitment of the airline operators to ensure that these announcements are also being made on board their flights,” he said.

He further added, “We expect higher compliance, and it will strengthen our enforcement mechanism. It also ensures that defaulters and violators of currency declarations are detected promptly and forwarded for necessary investigation and prosecution.”

The Nigeria Customs Service described the initiative as a crucial step toward preventing illicit financial flows, including terrorism financing and the smuggling of undeclared funds.

It also noteed that continuous collaboration among airlines, airport managers, and enforcement agencies will be vital to sustaining the gains recorded so far.

By Muhammad Abubakar

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has reaffirmed Nigeria’s commitment to the ideals of the BRICS bloc, emphasising the need for financial restructuring and a reimagined global order that reflects the aspirations of emerging economies.

Speaking at the ongoing BRICS summit in Rio, Tinubu stated that the group must evolve beyond its economic identity to become a “beacon for emerging solutions” based on solidarity, self-reliance, sustainability, and shared prosperity.

Talking about Nigeria’s youth-driven demographic, the President emphasised the importance of shaping global policies that address the specific concerns of young people, who comprise 70% of Nigeria’s population.

“Nigeria is not a passive participant in global affairs,” Tinubu declared. “We are taking bold, homegrown steps to accelerate renewable energy, mainstream climate action, strengthen urban resilience, and expand healthcare access.”

He concluded with a strong message of determination: “The world is changing. Nigeria will not be left behind. We will help lead the way.”

 By Nasiru Ibrahim 

The channels of distribution from exploration to consumers in Nigeria’s oil industry—before Dangote’s refinery—began with crude oil extracted by NNPC Ltd. and international companies such as Shell, Mobil, and Chevron. The crude was sold to NNPC or exported. Due to the poor performance of local refineries, such as those in Warri and Port Harcourt, Nigeria relied on importing refined fuel through NNPC and major marketers, including TotalEnergies, Oando, and Conoil.

Once imported, the fuel was stored in depots like Apapa, Atlas Cove, Ibru Jetty, and Calabar. From there, independent transport companies such as Petrolog, TSL Logistics, AA Rano, and MRS transported it by tanker to filling stations. These stations—both major and independent—sold the fuel directly to consumers. 

Alhaji Aliko Dangote is on the verge of taking full control of Nigeria’s downstream oil sector, covering everything from marketing and retail to transportation and distribution of petroleum products. In economic terms, this is known as vertical integration. Many Nigerians are now raising concerns that Dangote could dominate the entire fuel market. This comes after Dangote Petroleum Refinery released a press statement outlining its upcoming plans for fuel supply and distribution.

In the statement dated June 16, 2025, the company announced that it will start selling petrol (PMS) and diesel in the Nigerian market from August 15, 2025. To support this, it plans to roll out 4,000 Compressed Natural Gas (CNG)-powered trucks across the country to deliver fuel directly to buyers at no additional logistics cost.

Dangote also revealed that it will offer credit facilities to credible buyers who purchase at least 500,000 litres of PMS or diesel. 

These buyers include registered oil marketers, manufacturers, telecom companies, airlines, and other large fuel consumers. The company states that this move will enhance fuel availability, reduce reliance on imports, and bolster Nigeria’s energy security by overseeing both refining and distribution.

With Dangote’s new initiative, he buys crude oil from NNPC and refines it here in Nigeria. Then, using his trucks, he moves the fuel to his storage depots and delivers it straight to filling stations. This means no need for middlemen or prominent marketers—everything is handled by Dangote’s team from start to finish.

However, while this could lower fuel prices and ease supply challenges, it has also sparked fears about reduced competition. Some worry that giving too much power to one player could lead to a market monopoly, calling for proper regulation to ensure fairness in the downstream sector.

Economists, policymakers, businessmen, entrepreneurs, and economics students like myself are actively considering the potential impact of this new initiative on oil marketers, the Nigerian economy, employment, exchange rates, consumers, filling stations, climate change, and other critical factors. Many are questioning whether this move will yield positive results. However, we cannot understand the implications unless we first examine the structure and components of Nigeria’s downstream sector, including Dangote himself, his competitors, those affected by his actions, and all other players in the supply chain up to the final consumer.

In economics and policy development, a long-standing debate exists about how policies should be evaluated. Some scholars argue that policies should be judged by their outcomes, while others believe they should be assessed based on their intentions. For example, Milton Friedman emphasised that policies must be judged by their results, not their intentions. 

In contrast, economists like Paul Samuelson acknowledged the importance of considering both intent and context, especially when outcomes are not yet visible. This debate is relevant here. It may be premature to conclude whether Dangote’s new initiative is positive or negative solely based on expected results, as those outcomes have not yet materialised. 

Nevertheless, some would argue that judging the initiative by its intention — such as improving fuel availability, reducing logistics costs, and enhancing energy security — is still meaningful, especially in economic policy, where many decisions are based on projected or long-term effects. Evaluating intentions enables us to gauge the direction of policy, even in the absence of immediate evidence.

Nigeria’s downstream sector is responsible for refining, retailing, distribution, transportation, and marketing of petroleum products. It comprises several companies and regulatory bodies, including NNPCL, Dangote Refinery, Oando, MRS, AA Rano, ExxonMobil, Danmarna, Aliko Oil, and many others. While Dangote operates across both the midstream and downstream sectors, his actions may also indirectly affect the upstream sector, particularly through their influence on demand, supply, and the pricing of petroleum products.

Instead of focusing solely on the structure of the downstream sector, I believe we should carefully consider both the potential benefits and drawbacks of this new initiative by Dangote Refinery, without completely dismissing Friedman’s view on judging policies strictly by results.

Potential Positive Implications of the New Initiative

Firstly, Dangote’s new initiative will reduce Nigeria’s dependence on imported oil from the Gulf and Europe. This is beneficial for Nigeria’s foreign exchange (FX) reserves, as less demand for imported fuel means the country will need fewer U.S. dollars for imports. As a result, this could lead to an appreciation of the Naira due to a fall in demand for foreign currency. Additionally, it will improve the trade balance and increase GDP contribution from the domestic oil refining sector.

Secondly, the initiative will create both direct and indirect jobs in Nigeria. Direct employment opportunities will arise for truck drivers, mechanics, technicians, depot workers, and logistics personnel. If Dangote deploys between 2,000 and 4,000 trucks, and each truck requires one to two drivers, along with at least one support mechanic, one depot staff member, and logistics coordinators, this could result in approximately 20,000 direct jobs. Indirect employment opportunities will arise for consultants, accountants, lawyers, filling station managers, as well as workers in catering, cleaning, petrochemicals, fertiliser, plastics, and related industries.

Thirdly, the initiative will enhance fuel accessibility and improve supply chain efficiency, thereby reducing waste and environmental pollution. By taking direct control over storage and distribution, the initiative can eliminate middlemen inefficiencies, potentially reducing fuel scarcity and hoarding, which often drive up inflation. With direct sales to filling stations, illegal practices like tanker swaps and product diversion by middlemen can be curbed. Furthermore, the use of Compressed Natural Gas (CNG)-powered trucks will lower transportation costs, reduce emissions, and increase domestic gas utilisation, thereby boosting gas revenue.

Fourthly, the initiative is expected to lower fuel prices, which is a major driver of inflation in Nigeria. By eliminating international shipping fees, foreign refinery profit margins, and import levies—all of which form a significant portion of the overall fuel cost—the retail price per unit of fuel could drop. Lower fuel prices can ease the cost of living, reduce inflationary pressures, and improve economic stability.

Fifthly, the initiative will strengthen Nigeria’s energy security in the face of global supply chain disruptions. For instance, ongoing conflicts such as the Israel-Iran and Russia-Ukraine wars, or geopolitical tensions in the Middle East, can threaten the global fuel supply. Additionally, OPEC+ efforts to raise oil prices increase external vulnerabilities. By reducing dependence on imported fuel, Nigeria becomes more resilient to global shocks, ensuring steady availability of fuel at domestic filling stations even during international crises.

Sixthly, from a broader perspective, this initiative positions Nigeria as a regional supplier of refined petroleum products in Africa, reducing the continent’s reliance on Europe and the Gulf. This shift enhances Nigeria’s foreign policy leverage and strategic influence, particularly within regional and international institutions such as ECOWAS, AfCFTA, AfDB, and Afreximbank. A robust domestic refining industry enhances investor confidence and may attract more foreign direct investment (FDI) in the long term. Investors are more likely to commit to economies with stable energy supply, regional trade advantages, and reduced exposure to global price shocks.

Potential Negative Implications

Firstly, there is a serious economic fear that this could lead to a monopoly, and many Nigerians have already raised concerns about that. The Petroleum Tanker Drivers and Owners Association of Nigeria (PATROAN) and the Independent Petroleum Marketers Association of Nigeria (IPMAN) have both expressed worry that Dangote might dominate the entire downstream oil sector. In economics, when a single company controls the whole supply chain, from refining to selling, it stifles competition. And when there’s no competition, prices can be fixed unfairly, small businesses get pushed out, and consumers suffer in the long run.

Secondly, there’s the risk of predatory pricing. This occurs when a powerful company sells at very low prices—sometimes even below cost—to drive smaller competitors out of the market. Dangote might do this since he doesn’t import fuel and can afford to sell at a lower price. However, after chasing them out, he can raise prices at any time, leaving people with no choice and putting consumers at risk of exploitation. This leads to what is called “deadweight loss” in economics, where both individuals and the economy lose out.

Thirdly, many jobs could be lost, especially among small fuel marketers, distributors, and transporters who previously imported and sold fuel themselves. Dangote is now doing everything directly—refining, distributing, and even retailing—which means companies like AA Rano, Danmarna, Aliko Oil, and many others might be pushed out or forced to operate under unfair terms. This is already affecting their businesses, especially in the North, and could lead to job losses in areas that rely heavily on these companies.

Fourthly, government policy interference and the role of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) could create more problems. NNPCL also operates in the downstream sector and has partnerships and influence that could either support or conflict with Dangote’s activities. Past issues, such as unclear pricing, fuel subsidy mismanagement, and delays in policy implementation, demonstrate that when government agencies operate without transparency, it can create more confusion than solutions. This could make it easier for big companies like Dangote to influence decisions in their favour while others suffer.

Fifthly, new investors might avoid the sector. If one company already controls everything, what’s left for others to invest in? People may view the fuel business in Nigeria as a “one-man game,” making it challenging to attract new ideas, competition, and investment. This can slow down innovation and limit the country’s long-term progress in energy.

Sixthly, there’s a risk of regional imbalance. Dangote might focus more on high-demand urban areas where there’s more profit, and this could lead to fuel shortages in rural or northern regions. Small marketers who once served these communities may not survive, and that means remote areas could suffer more from fuel scarcity. This may exacerbate existing regional inequalities.

Possible solutions 

Firstly, don’t ban fuel imports immediately. Let other marketers continue importing fuel, at least for the time being. If only one company controls the supply, prices may rise or stay unstable. The government can grant import waivers to others, ensuring that competition remains alive and fuel remains affordable.

Secondly, we should repair our old refineries and support the development of new ones. Dangote shouldn’t be the only one refining fuel. If we repair the Warri, Port Harcourt, and Kaduna refineries and encourage small private ones, we’ll have a more local supply. That also helps in the future if we want to export after meeting our own needs. 

Thirdly, ensure that other players can access storage and transportation facilities. If only Dangote had the port, pipelines, and trucks, smaller marketers wouldn’t survive. The government can step in to make sure these facilities are shared fairly, with clear rules and affordable fees.

Fourthly, don’t forget far places like Northern states and rural towns. Most fuel may remain in the South, where Dangote is located. Therefore, the government should support distribution to remote areas by encouraging group buying or establishing shared fuel depots. Everyone deserves access, not just those near the refinery.

Fifthly, expand the availability of fuel alternatives like CNG to more locations. If we’re shifting to compressed natural gas (CNG), it should not be exclusive to the rich or city dwellers. Rural and remote areas require the same support,including CNG buses, filling stations, and awareness initiatives.

Finally, monitor prices and ensure fairness. We need a simple system that tracks and shows fuel prices across regions. That way, if one company tries to raise prices unfairly, the public and the government will be aware.

Ibrahim is an economist and writer based in Jigawa State, Nigeria. He holds a degree in Economics from Bayero University, Kano. With a background in journalism at Forsige, he currently works as a research assistant and contributes expert commentary on economics, finance, and business.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

The Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) has issued a stern warning of impending nationwide mass action, citing the crippling cost-of-living crisis, worsening insecurity, and systematic attacks on workers’ rights across the country.

Rising from its Central Working Committee (CWC) meeting held over the weekend in Abeokuta, Ogun State, the labour body declared that Nigerian workers can no longer remain passive as the nation’s economy falters and democratic foundations erode.

The NLC stated that the hardship endured by workers and the poor has reached “intolerable levels.”

It noted that immediate and decisive action is imperative to prevent a complete national breakdown, positioning the threatened protests as a necessary response to government inaction on these critical issues.

“Immediate action must be taken to avert a national breakdown,” the Congress asserted following the meeting at the June 12 Cultural Centre.

By Hadiza Abdulkadir

Kano State Governor, Alhaji Abba Kabir Yusuf, has appointed the Emir of Lafia, Justice (Rtd) Sidi Muhammad Bage, as the new Chancellor of Northwest University, Kano.

The announcement was made in a statement issued by the governor’s spokesperson, Sunusi Bature Dawakin Tofa, on Friday.

The appointment has been widely praised as a strategic move to bridge traditional leadership and modern academia. Emir Bage, a former Supreme Court Justice, brings decades of legal and administrative experience to the role.

Born in 1956 in Lafia, Nasarawa State, Bage earned his law degree from Ahmadu Bello University and was called to the Nigerian Bar in 1981. He served across Nigeria’s judiciary, culminating in his appointment to the Supreme Court in 2017 before ascending the throne as Emir of Lafia in 2019.

Governor Yusuf noted that the selection of such a distinguished figure aligns with the university’s values of excellence and integrity. “His track record of justice and community leadership will inspire our academic community and support the university’s growth,” he said.

The appointment letter was officially presented to the Emir by the University Council Chairman, Prof. Hafiz Abubakar, alongside Vice Chancellor Prof. Mukhtar Atiku Kurawa.

The Federal University Dutse (FUD) recently conducted its 8th and 9th Convocation Ceremony, marking a significant milestone for its graduating students.

The ceremony was attended by esteemed dignitaries, including the Executive Secretary of the National Universities Commission, Prof. Abdullahi Yusuf Ribadu, who represented the President of Nigeria, HE Bola Ahmad Tinubu.

A total of 209 students were awarded First Class honors, highlighting the university’s commitment to academic excellence.

The Vice Chancellor (VC) of the university, Prof. Abdulkarim Muhammad Sabo, expressed his gratitude to the Jigawa State Government for their support, stating that they have been the university’s “top friend.”

He appreciated their donation of hundreds of hectares of land for construction purposes. The VC also reflected on his achievements during his tenure, as he prepares to leave office in the coming months.

Two students stood out during the convocation ceremony, winning the overall best student award for their respective academic sessions. Oladele Yusuf Olatunji from the Mathematics department won the award for the 2022/2023 session with a Cumulative Grade Average (CGA) of 4.92.

Yekini Hameed Ishola from the Faculty of Management Science won the award for the 2023/2024 session with a CGA of 4.95.

Yekini expressed his gratitude, saying, “I am deeply honored and humbled to be recognized as the Best Graduating Student. This moment is not just a personal achievement, it is a reflection of the sacrifices of parents, the dedication of teachers, the support of peers and the grace of God.”

The Governor’s Award was presented to the best graduating students of Economics and Accounting for the two academic sessions, with each recipient receiving a token of 250,000 naira.

Hadiza Aminu, a graduate of Biology for the 2022/2023 session, expressed her elation at finally achieving her dream of becoming a Biology graduate.

She thanked her parents, relatives, teachers, and friends for their support, saying, “Thanks to parents, relatives, teachers, and friends for their enormous support and dedication.”

The convocation ceremony, which saw a total of 4227 graduands, was preceded by a Convocation Lecture delivered by the pioneer Vice Chancellor of the University, Professor Jibrilla Dahiru Amin.

The lecture, titled “Harnessing Research and Innovation for Sustainable Development in Nigeria: The Role of Higher Education Institutions,” was chaired by Prof. Fatima Batul Mukhtar, a former VC of the university. The ceremony marked a significant milestone for the graduating students, who are in now poised to make their mark in their respective fields.

By Zayyad I. Muhammad

The growing political controversy surrounding the Tinubu/Shettima presidential ticket for the 2027 general elections came to the fore at the Northeast Zonal Meeting of the All Progressives Congress (APC), held in Gombe on Saturday, June 14, 2025. Party leaders, stakeholders, and delegates gathered to endorse Tinubu for a second term, amid rising internal debates over the party’s viability, unity, and future direction ahead of the next electoral cycle.

If President Tinubu decides to drop Vice President Kashim Shettima in favour of another Muslim from the North, it could reignite the deeply divisive Muslim-Muslim ticket debate that stirred significant controversy during the 2023 presidential election.

Retaining Vice President Kashim Shettima may help the Tinubu camp avoid reigniting the contentious Muslim-Muslim ticket debate, but it also raises questions about the ticket’s continued strategic value. While the pairing was originally calculated to consolidate support among Muslim voters in the North during the 2023 election, changing political dynamics suggest that the ticket may no longer hold the same appeal. With growing dissatisfaction in parts of the North and shifting voter sentiments nationwide, some within the APC believe that the Tinubu/Shettima combination may now offer diminishing electoral returns.

Even if President Tinubu opts for a new Muslim running mate, the Muslim-Muslim ticket may no longer deliver the same political dividends in the North. A growing number of Northern-Muslim voters reportedly feel underrepresented or sidelined in the current administration, despite the religious alignment of the top two offices. 

Discontent over perceived sidelining in federal appointments, economic policies, and security outcomes has weakened the assumption that religious pairing alone can secure Northern loyalty. As such, simply replacing Shettima with another Northern Muslim may not be enough to re-energise the base or guarantee widespread support in 2027.

Should President Tinubu replace Shettima with another Muslim from the North, it would likely provoke renewed backlash from Christian communities nationwide, especially in the North. Many would raise the familiar and legitimate question: Are there no capable Northern Christians fit to serve as Vice President? In a country where religious identity plays a central role in politics and representation.

If President Tinubu chooses a Northern Christian as his running mate, he risks alienating a core part of the APC’s support base. These Northern Muslim voters have historically been the backbone of the party’s electoral strength in the north. Many within this bloc view the Muslim-Muslim ticket as both symbolic and strategic. Without votes from the north, Tinubu’s second term will have key-leg

Selecting a running mate from the Northwest could trigger resistance or even quiet rebellion from the Northeast, which may interpret the move as a political slight or marginalisation. Having produced the current Vice President, the Northeast might expect to retain the position as a matter of continuity and recognition of its contribution to the party’s 2023 victory. Overlooking the region could stir resentment among its political leaders and grassroots supporters, potentially weakening the APC’s hold in key Northeastern states. It may also open the door for opposition parties to exploit regional grievances and rally disaffected voters under the banner of regional justice and equity. The  NorthCentral will also ask some questions- Tinubu won four states in north central- Kogi, Benue, Kwara and Niger

Choosing another Muslim running mate from the Northeast, but outside the Borno-Yobe axis, could provoke backlash from that axis. The Borno-Yobe axis, long considered the APC’s stronghold in the Northeast, may view such a move as a betrayal of loyalty, especially given that Borno was the only state in the region that delivered a win for Tinubu in the 2023 presidential election. Overlooking this issue in favour of another Northeastern state could result in protest votes or political apathy from key stakeholders and voters who feel their support is being taken for granted. In a tightly contested 2027 race, such fractures could prove costly.

Ultimately, the debate surrounding the Tinubu/Shettima ticket for 2027 is shaping up to be an early and avoidable self-inflicted wound for the APC. Rather than uniting the party around governance and strategy, it has reopened an unnecessary debate and controversy. This is fueling unnecessary tension within the party ranks and distracting from core governance issues that could strengthen the APC’s re-election prospects. 

Yet, amid all the speculation and lobbying, it is important to remember that the selection of a running mate remains the sole constitutional prerogative of the presidential candidate. While input from party leaders and stakeholders matters, the final decision rests with President Tinubu, who must now weigh loyalty, optics, regional dynamics, and electoral viability in making a choice that could define both his legacy and the APC’s future.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja via zaymohd@yahoo.com.

By Muhammad Abubakar

The National Security Adviser, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, has paid a courtesy visit to Professor S.A.S. Galadanci in Kano, describing the meeting as both inspirational and encouraging.

Ribadu, who was in the city to offer condolences to the Dantata family, took the opportunity to visit Prof. Galadanci, the second Nigerian ever appointed as Adviser on National Security—then known by that title.

In a post shared on his social media handle, Ribadu referred to Prof. Galadanci as a “pacesetter” in the field of national security and a father figure with longstanding ties to his family.

“I was humbled by his confidence in our modest efforts and his profuse prayers for me and our country,” Ribadu wrote.

The visit, he said, provided valuable lessons and motivation as he continues in his current role.

By Abdullahi Mukhtar Algasgaini

The Yoruba Conservative group has issued a directive demanding its members remove all non-Yoruba political campaign posters sighted across Lagos, denouncing their presence as a “disrespect to Yoruba natives.”

In a strongly-worded statement released today, the group declared that non-indigenes should be barred from contesting political office in Lagos State altogether.

The group argues that the principle of reciprocity justifies this stance, claiming other Nigerian states like Anambra, Kano, and Kaduna already restrict major political offices to their own indigenes.

“It is a disrespect to Yoruba natives for foreign posters to flood its street,” the statement asserted.

“If anyone want[s] to contest, let them go to their various state to do that… But you can’t do that on our soil because you won’t also allow us to do the same on your soil.”

The group explicitly rejected the concept of “One Nigeria” in the context of political participation within states, stating: “If ONE NIGERIA doesn’t work in your own state, then it shouldn’t work in my own state too. You can’t reserve your resources for yourself and come to share in my own. That’s impossible!”

According to the statement, the Yoruba Conservative has already taken steps to enforce this vision.

They claim to have “consulted some top Lagos Politicians to stop giving a political ticket to non Yoruba” and have “sent letters of resignation to some foreigners holding political positions in Lagos to resign and vacate the seat as he or she is occupying a post meant for Yoruba people.”

The group dismissed comparisons to diverse democracies like the UK or US, insisting Lagos should only be compared to other Nigerian states where, they allege, a Yoruba person would not be allowed to contest and win.

“Therefore why should I say YES to you in my own state?” the statement questioned.

While describing themselves as “peace loving people,” the group issued a stark warning: “If you come to us in [a] violent manner, be rest assure[d] you will face the unforgivable consequences.”

This declaration highlights rising tensions over indigene-settler politics and access to political power within Nigeria’s diverse states, bringing a controversial and exclusionary stance to the forefront in Lagos.